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LIBRARY 
ST.  MICHAELS  COLLEGE 


HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES 

VOL.   XIII 


PASTOR'S  HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES 


THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES.     Translated  from 


the  German  of  Ludwig,  Freiherr  von  Pastor.  Edited,  as  to 
Vols  I. -VI.,  by  the  late  Frederick  Ignatius  Antrobus,  and, 
as  to  Vols.  VII. -XIV.,  by  Ralph  Francis  Kerr,  of  the  London 
Oratory.  In   14  Volumes. 

Vols.  I.  and  II.  a.d.  1305-1458. 

Vols.  III.   and  IV.        a.d.  1458-1483. 

Vols.  V.  and  VI.  a.d.  1484-1513. 

Vols.  VII.  and  VIII.  a.d.  1513-1521. 

Vols.  IX.  and   X.  a.d.  1522-1534. 

Vols.  XI.  and  XII.      a.d.  1534-1549. 

Vols.  XIII.  and  XIV.    a.d.  1550-1559. 


t  h  e 


HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES, 

FROM  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


DRAWN   FROM  THE  SECRET  ARCHIVES   OF  THE   VATICAN   AND   OTHER 
ORIGINAL    SOURCES 


FROM    THE    GERMAN    OF 

LUDWIG,  FREIHERR  VON  PASTOR 


EDITED    BY 

RALPH  FRANCIS  KERR 

OF     THE     LONDON     ORATORY 


VOLUME    XIII 
JULIUS    III.    (1550-1555) 


LONDON 
KEGAN  PAUL,  TRENCH,  TRUBNER  &  CO.,  LTD. 

BROADWAY    HOUSE  '.    68-74    CARTER    LANE,    E.C. 
JQ24 


HE  INSTITUTE  OF  MEDIAEVAL  STUOitS 
10  ELWCLEY  PLACE 
TORONTO  6,  CANADA, 

Jr  2 


PRINTED    IN    GREAT    BRITAIN    BY    THE    DEVONSHIRE    PRESS,    TORQUAY 


CONTENTS    OF   VOLUME   XIII 


PAGE 

Collections  of  Archives  and  Manuscripts  referred  to  in 

Volumes  XIII.  and  XIV vii 

Complete  Titles  of  Books  frequently  quoted  in  Volumes 

XIII.  and  XIV ix 

Table  of  Contents     ......  xxvii 

List  of  Unpublished  Documents  in  Appendix  .  .  xl 

Julius  III.,  1550-1-555. 


The  election  of  Julius  III.  .... 

Previous  life,  character  and  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
Julius  III 

Preparations  for  the  reassembling  of  the  Council  in 
Trent.  The  dispute  concerning  the  Duchy  of 
Parma     ....... 

Second  Period  of  the  Council  of  Trent 

War  in  Upper  and  Central  Italy.  Julius  III.'s  efforts 
for  peace.  Conclusion  of  his  pontificate  and  his 
death       ....... 

Efforts  of  Julius  III.  for  reform.     Creation  of  Cardinals 

Spread  of  the  Society  of  Jesus.  Their  reforming  activi- 
ties in  Spain,  Portugal,  Italy  and  Germany 

Activity  of  the  Roman  Inquisition  in  Italy.  Spread  of 
heresy  in  Germany,  Poland  and  France     . 

Accession  of  Queen  Mary  of  England.  Her  marriage  to 
Philip  of  Spain  ..... 

Legation  of  Cardinal  Pole.  The  reconciliation  of 
England  with  the  Holy  See 

Spread  of  Christianity  in  the  New  World 

V 


: 

[-44 

45-76 

76-98 

99- 

-128 

129- 

-*57 

158- 

-179 

180- 

-209 

210- 

-236 

237- 

-269 

270- 

-289 

290- 

-306 

VI  CONTENTS 

The  East  Indies  and  the  Mission  of  St.  Francis  Xavier 

Julius  III.  in  relation  to  Letters  and  Art.  Michael 
Angelo  and  the  rebuilding  of  St.  Peter's.  The 
Villa  Giulia        ..... 

Rome  at  the  end  of  the  Renaissance  period 

Appendix  of  Unpublished  Documents     . 

Index  of  Names       ...... 


PAGE 

307- 

-3^5 

326- 

-355 

356- 

-427 

43* 

-459 

460- 

"475 

COLLECTIONS    OF   ARCHIVES   AND 

MANUSCRIPTS    REFERRED    TO    IN 

VOLUMES   XIII.   AND   XIV. 


Ancona — Communal  Archives. 
Arezzo — Library . 

Berlin — Royal  Library. 
Bologna — State  Archives. 

University  Library. 

Brescia — Quirini  Library. 
Brussels — State  Archives. 

Citta  di  Castello — Graziani 
Archives. 

Ferrara — Communal  Library: 
Florence — National  Library. 

State  Archives. 

Foggia — Communal  Library. 
Foligno — Seminary  Library. 
Frankfurt  a.  M. — Library. 

Genoa — State  Archives. 

University  Library. 

Gorlitz — Milichsche  Library. 
Gotha — Library. 

Gubbio — Communal  Archives. 

Episcopal  Archives. 

Hall  i.  Tirol — Provincial  Ar- 
chives of  the  Tyrolese 
Franciscans. 

Hohenems — Family  Archives. 

Innsbruck — Vice-regal  Ar- 
chives. 

London — British  Museum. 
Luce  a — State  Archives. 
Lund — Library. 


Lyons — Library. 

Macerata — Library. 

Madrid — Library  of  the  Duke 

of  Ossuna. 
Mantua — Gonzaga  Archives. 
Mayence — Seminary  Library. 
Milan — Ambrosian  Library. 

Gallarati  Scotti  Ar- 
chives. 

Brera  Library. 

—  Trivulziana  Library. 

State  Archives. 

Modena — State  Archives. 
Monte  San  Savino — Commu- 
nal Archives. 

Munich — Court  and  State 
Library. 

Naples — Library    of   the    Soc. 
di  storia  patria. 

National  Library. 

National  Library  in  the 

Certosa  di  S.  Martino. 

State  Archives. 

Nicastro — Episcopal  Archives. 

Paris — National  Archives. 

National  Library. 

Parma — Palatine   Library 

State  Archives. 

Perugia — Library. 
Piacenza — Communal  Library. 
Pisa — University  Library. 
Pistoia — Fabroniana  Library. 

Ravenna — Classe  Library. 
Reggio — Episcopal  Archives. 


Vll 


103 


viii  ARCHIVES  AND  MANUSCRIPTS  IN  VOLS.  XIII  &  XIV, 


Komi-  — 
(a)  Arch. 

the  Anima. 

the  Boncompagni. 

the  Capitol. 

the  Colonna. 

the  Doria — Pamphili. 

the  Gaetani. 

the  Ricci. 

the  Santa  Croce. 

the  Spanish  Embassy. 

the  Secretary  of 
Briefs  * 

General,  of  the  Augus- 
tinians. 

General,  of  the  Thea- 
tines. 

Consistorial,  of  the 
Vatican. 

the  Papal  Secret  (Se- 
cret Archives  of  the 
Vatican) . 

of  the  State. 


(b)  Libraries  : 

Accademia  di  S  Cecilia 

Alessandrina. 

Altieri. 

Angelica. 

Barberini  2 

Casanatense. 

Chigi. 

Corsini. 
S.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme. 


Rome — Libraries  continued. 

S.  Pietro  in  Vincoli. 

Vatican. 

Vittorio  Emanuele. 

Schaffhausen — State  Library. 
Seville — Archives   of  the   In- 
dies. 
Siena — State  Archives. 

Library. 

Simancas — Archives. 
Stockholm — Library. 

Trent — Library. 

Treves — Seminary  Library. 

Upsala — Library. 

Venice — Library  of  St.  Mark. 

Correr  Museum. 

State  Archives. 

Vicenza — Bertoliana  Library. 
Viterbo — State  Archives. 
Volte RRA-Inghirami  Archives. 

Maffei  Archives. 

Vienna — Rossiana  Library. 

Court    and    State    Ar- 
chives. 

Court  Library. 

Wolfenbuttel — Library   . 
Zeitz — Convent  Library. 


1  Under  Pius  X.  included  in  the  Papal  Secret  Archives, 
'Now  in  the  Vatican  Library. 


COMPLETE  TITLES  OF  BOOKS  QUOTED  IN 
VOLUMES  XIII  AND  XIV 


Acts  of  the  Privy  Council  of  England.  New  Series,  ed.  by  John 
Roche  Dasent,  vols,  i-n,  London,  1 890-1 895. 

Adinolfi,  P.  II  Canale  di  Ponte  e  le  sue  circostanti  parti.  Narni, 
i860. 

La  via  sacra  o  del  Papa.     Roma,  1865. 

Roma  nell'eta  di  mezzo.     2  vols.,  Roma,  1881. 

Adriani,  G.  B.     Istoria  de'  suoi  tempi.     Vol.  I.  et  seqq.,  Prato, 

1822. 
Albert,    E.     Le    relazioni    degli    ambasciatori    Veneti    al    Senato 

durante  il  secolo  decimosesto.  3  series,  Firenze,  1 839-1 855. 
Amabile,  L.      II  S.  Officio  della    Inquisizione   in    Napoli.      Vol. 

I.,  Citta  di  Castello,   1892. 
Ambros,    A.    W..     Geschichte    der    Musik.     Vol.    IV.,    2nd    ed., 

Leipzig,  1881. 
Analecta  Bollandiana.     30  vols.,  Paris-Bruxelles,  1882-1911. 
Ancel,  R.     La  question  de   Sienne  et  la  politique  du   cardinal 

Carlo  Carafa,  1556  a  1557.     Bruges,  1905. 
« La  secretairerie  pontificale  sous  Paul   IV.     Paris,    1906. 

Paul  IV.  et  le  Concile.     Louvain,  1907. 

Le  Vatican  sous  Paul  IV.       Contribution  a  l'histoire  du 

Palais  Pontifical.     Rev.  Benedictine,  Jan.,  1908,  pp.  48-71. 

L'activite  reformatrice  de  Paul  IV.     Paris,  1909. 

La  disgrace  et  le  proces  des  Carafa  d'apres  des  documents 

inedits  1559  a  1567.     Maredsous,  1909. 

La    reconciliation    de    l'Angleterre    avec    le    Saint-Siege 

sous  Marie  Tudor.  Legation  du  Cardinal  Pole  en  Angleterre 
I553-I554-  Revue  d'hist.  eccles.,  X.,  Louvain,  1909, 
521-536.  744-798. 

Nonciatures  de  France.     Nonciatures  de  Paul  IV.  (avec 


la  derniere  annee  de  Jules  III.  et  Marcel  II.).  Publ.  par 
R.A.,  Vol.  I.  Nonciatures  de  Sebastiano  Gualterio  et  de 
Cesare  Brancatio  (Mai  1554 — Juillet  1557)  ire  et  2e  Partie., 
Paris,  1909,  191 1. 

Andrea,  Alex.  De  la  guerra  de  Campana  de  Roma  y  del  segno 
de  Napoles  en  el  pontificado  de  Paulo  IV.  Tres  libros, 
Madrid,   1589. 

Archivio  storico  dell'  Arte,  publ.  p.  Gnoli.  Vol.  I.  et  seqq.,  Roma, 
1888    seq. 

Archivio  storico  Italiano.     5  Series,  Firenze,  1842  scq. 

Archivio  storico  Lombardo.     Voh>.  I.  seqq.,  Milano,  1874  seqq. 

ix 


X  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS 

Archivio  storico  per  le  provincie  Napolitane.     Vols.  I.  seqq.,  Napoli, 

1876  seqq. 
Arctino,  P.     Lettere.     6  vols.     Paris,   1609. 
A  r me  Hint,  M.     Le  chiese  di  Roma  dalle  loro  origini  sino  al  secolo 

XVI.     Roma,  1887. 
Arte  V .     Continuation  of  the  Archivio  storico  dell'  Arte.     Roma, 

1898  seq. 
A  strain,  A.,  S.J.      Historia  de  la  Compana  de  Jesus  en  la  Asis- 

tencia  de  Espana.     2  vols.     Madrid,  1902-1905. 
Atti  e  Memorie  della  r.  deputaz.  di  storia  patria  per  la  prov. 

dell'    Emilia.     Prima   Serie    1-8  ;     Nuova   Serie    1   seqq. 

Modena,  1863  seqq. 

Balan,  P..  Gli  assedii  della  Mirandola  di  papa  Giulio  II.  nel 
151 1  e  di  papa  Giulio  III.  nel  1551  e  1552  narrati  secondo 
i  piu  recenti  documenti.     2nd  ed.  Mirandola,  1876. 

Storia  d 'Italia.     6  vols.     Modena,  1882. 

Baracconi,  G.  I  Rioni  di  Roma.  Terza  ristampa.  Torino- 
Roma,  1905 

Barbier  de  Montault,  X.,  Oeuvres  completes,  Poitiers -Paris,  1899 
seqq. 

Barelli,  F.  M.  Memorie  dell'  originie  ed  uomini  illustri  della 
Congreg.  de'Chierici  Regolari  di  S   Paolo.     2  vols.     Bologna, 

1703. 
Bartoli,  A.     Cento  vedute  di  Roma  antica.     Firenze,  1911. 
Batiffol,  P.     La  Vaticane  de  Paul  III.  a  Paul  V.     Paris,  1890. 
Battistella)  A.     II  S.   Offizio  e  la  Riforma  religiosa  in  Bologna. 

Bologna,  1905. 
Baumgarten,     H.     Johannes     Sleidanus'     Brief  wechsel.     Strass- 

burg,  1 88 1. 
Beccadelli,    L.      Monumenti     di     varia     letteratura     tratti     dai 

manoscritti  di  Mgr.  L.  B.,  ed.  Morandi.    Bologna,  1797-1804. 
Beccari,  C,  S.J.     Rerum  Aethiopicarum  Scriptores  occidentales 

inediti  a  sseculo  XVI.  ad  XIX.     Vols.  V.  and  X.     Roma, 

1907,  1910. 
Beluzzi,  G.   B.    (detto  il  Sammarino),   Diario  autobiogr.,  ed.   P. 

Egidi,  Napoli,  1907. 
Benigni,    U.     Die   Getreidpolitik  der   Papste.     Ed.   G.   Ruhland, 

Berlin,  1898. 
Benrath,  K.     Die  Reformation  in  Venedig.     Llalle,  1887. 
Berliner,  A.     Geschichte  der  Juden  in  Rom  von  dem  altesten 

zeiten  bis  zur  Gegenwart.     2  vols.     Frankfurt  a.M.,  1893. 
Bernabei,  Vita  del  Card.  Morone.     Modena,  1885. 
Bcrnino,    D.     Flistoria    di    tutte    l'heresie.     Vol.    IV.,    Venezia, 

1724. 
Berthier,  J.  J.     L'eglise  de  la  Minerve  a  Rome.     Rome,  1910. 
Bertolotti,  A.     Artisti  Lombardi  a  Roma  nei  secoli  XV.,  XVI., 

e  XVII.     Studi  e  richerche  negli  archivi  Romani.     2  vols., 

Milano,  1881. 

Artisti  Modenesi,  Parmesi  e  della  Lunigiana  a  Roma  nei 

secoli  XV.,  XVI.,  e  XVII.     Modena,  1882. 

Artisti    Bolognesi,    Ferrarese    ed    alcuni    altri    a    Roma. 

Bologna,  1885. 


QUOTED   IN   VOLS.    XIII.    AND   XIV.  XI 

Bertolotti,  A.     Artisti  subalpini  a  Roma.     Mantova,  1885. 

Artisti  Veneti  a  Roma.     Venezia,  1885. 

Martiri    del    libero    pensiero    e    vittime    della    Santa    In- 

quisizione  nei  secoli  XVI.,  XVII.,  e  XVIII.     Roma,  1891. 

Biaudet,  Henri,  Les  nonciatures  apostoliques  permanentes 
jusqu'en  1648  (Annales  academiae  scientarum  fennica.  Series 
B.,  Vol.  II.,  1).     Helsinki,  1910. 

Boglino,  L.     La  Sicilia  a  i  suoi  cardinali.     Palermo,  1884. 

Bonanni,  Ph.  Numismata  Pontificum  Romanorum  quae  a 
tempore  Martini  V.  ad  annum  1699  vel  authoritate  publica 
vel  privato  genio  in  lucem  prodiere.     Vol.  II.,  Romae,  1699. 

Bonazzi,  L.     Storia  di  Perugia.     2  vols.,   1 875-1 879. 

Bongi,  S.  Annali  di  Giolito  de  Ferrari  da  Trino  di  Monferrato, 
stampatore  di  Venezia.     2  vols.     Roma,  1890  seqq. 

Borgati,  M.     Castel  di  S.  Angelo  in  Roma.     Roma,  1890. 

[Borgia,  Franciscus].  Sanctus  Franciscus  Borgia,  quartus  Gandiae 
dux  et  Societatis  Jesu  propositus  generalis  tertius.  Vol.  I., 
Matriti,  1894  ;    Vol.   II.,   1903  ;    vol.   III.,   1908. 

Boverius,  Z.  Annales  sive  historic  ordinis  minorum  S.  Francisci 
qui  Capuccini  nuncupatur.     2  vols.  Lugduni,  1632  seq. 

Braunsbevger,  O.,  S.J.  Beati  Petri  Canisii  Epistulae  et  Acta. 
Vols.   I. -IV.     Frib.  Brisg.,   1896-1905. 

Brischar,  N.  Beurteilung  der  Kontroversen  Sarpis  und  Pal- 
lavicinis  in  der  Geschichte  des  Trienter  Konzils.  Tubingen, 
1844. 

Bromato,  C.  Storia  di  Paolo  IV.,  P.  M.  2  vols.  Ravenna, 
1748-1753. 

Brosch,  M.    Geschichte  des  Kirchem/taates.    Vol.  I.,  Gotha,  1880. 

Geschichte  Englands.     Vol.  VI.  Gotha,  1890. 

Brown,  Rawdon,  Calendar  of  State  Papers  and  Manuscripts  re- 
lating to  English  affairs  in  the  archives  of  Venice  and  in 
other  libraries  of  Northern  Italy.  Vols.  V.-VII.  London, 
1873-1890. 

Bucholtz,  F.  Br.  Geschichte  der  Regierung  Ferdinands  I.  9 
vols.,  Vienna,  1 831-183 8. 

Bufalini,  L.  La  pianta  di  Roma  di  L.  B.  del  1551.  Riprodotta, 
con  introduz.  di  F.  Ehrle  S.J .  [Also  under  the  title  of  Roma 
al  tempo  di  Giulio  III.].     Roma,  1911. 

Bullarium  Diplomatum  et  Privilegiorum  Summorum  Romanorum 
Pontificum,  Taurinensis  editio.  Vol.  VI.  Aug.  Taur.,  i860  ; 
vol.  VII.,  Neapoli,  1882. 

Bullarium  ordinis  fratrum  min.  S.  Franc.  Capucinorum.  Vol. 
I.  Romae,  1740. 

Bunsen-Platner,  Beschreibung  der  Stadt  Rom.  3  vols.  Stutt- 
gart and  Tubingen,  1 829-1 842. 

Burckhardt,  J,  Beitrage  zur  Kunstgeschichte  von  Italien.  2nd 
ed.,  Berlin  und  Stuttgart,  191 1. 

Buschbell,  G.  Reformation  und  Inquisition  in  Italien  um  die 
Mitte  des  16  Jahrhunderts.     Paderborn,  1910. 

Cabrera,  Felipe  segundo.     4  vols.     Madrid,  1876  seq. 
Calenzio,     G.     Documenti   inediti    e    nuovi   lavori   letterarii   sul 
Concilio  di  Trento.     Roma,  1874. 


Xll  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF   BOOKS 

Callari,   L.     I  Palazzi  di   Roma  c  le  case  di  pregio  storico  ed 

artistico.     Roma,  1907. 
Campori,  G.     Oil.  Lettere  inedite  di  Sommi  Pontefici.     Modena, 

1878. 
Cancellieri,  Fr.     Storia  dei  solenni  Possessi  dei  Sommi  Pontefici. 

Roma,  1802. 
Cancellieri,  Fr.     II  Mercato,  il  Lago  dell'  Acqua  Vergine  ed  il 

Palazzo  Panfiliano  nel  Circo  Agonale.     Roma,   181 1. 
Cantii,  F.     Gli  Eretici  dTtalia.     3  vols.     Torino,  1864-1866. 
Capecelatro,    Card.     Der   heilige    Philippus    Neri.     Freib.    i.    Br., 

1886.     [Eng.     Trans,  by  T.  A.  Pope.] 
Caracciolus,  A.     De  vita  Pauli  IV.  P.  M.     Coloniae,  1612. 
Car  della,   L.     Memorie   storiche   de'    cardinali   della  s.    Romana 

chiesa.     Vol.  IV.     Roma,   1793. 
Caro,  A.     Lettere  colla  vita  dell'  autore  scritta  da.  A.  F.  Seghezzi. 

3  vols.     Milano,  1807. 
Caro,  A.     Lettere  scritte  a  nome  del  Card.  A.  Farnese.     3  vols. 

Milano,  1807. 
Cartas  di  S.  Ignacio,  see  Ignatius  de  Loiola. 

Carte  Strozziane  :    Inventario.     1st  series,  2  vols.     Firenze,  1884. 
Casa,  Giov.  della,  Opere.     6  vols.     Napoli,  1733. 
Castaldo,  G.  B.     Vita  del  S.  Pontefice  Paolo  IV.     Roma,  1615. 
Cavalcanti,  B.     Lettere  tratte  dagli  originali.     Bologna,  1869. 
Charrieve,  E.     Negotiations  de  la  France  dans  le  Levant  (Collect. 

d.    docum.   ined.    pour  l'hist.   de   France).      Vol.     I.     Paris, 

1848. 
Chattard,  Giov.  P.,  Nuova  descrizione  del  Vaticano.     Vols.  I. -III. 

Roma,  1 762-1 767. 
C  hie  si,  L.     Papa  Giulio  III.  e  la  guerra  di  Parma  e  della  Mirandola 

secondo  il  carteggio  d'lppolito  Capilupi  con  Ferrante  Gon- 

zaga  :     Atti  e  Memorie  della  r.   deput.   di  stor.   patria  per 

le  prov.  Modenese.     4th  series,  vol.  III.     Modena,  1892. 
Ciaconins,  Alph.     Vita  et  res  gestae  Pont.  Romanorum  et  S.R.E. 

Cardinalium  ab  Aug.  Oldoino  recognita.     Vol.  III.     Romse, 

1677. 
Ciampi,  S.     Bibliografia  critica  delle  corrispondenze  dell'  Italia 

colla    Russia,    colla    Polonia,    etc.     3    vols.     Firenze,    1834- 

1842. 
Clausse.     Les  San  Gallo.     3  vols.     Paris,  1900-1902. 
Clementi,  F.     II  Carnevale  Romano  nelle  cronache  contemporanee. 

Roma,  1899. 
Coggiola,  G.     I.  Farnesi  ed  il  conclave  di  Paolo  IV.  con  documenti 

inediti  :    Studi  storici  IX.,   61-91,  203-227,  449-479,  Pisa, 

1900. 

Paolo  IV.  e  la  capitolazione  segreta  di  Cavi.     Pistoia,  1900. 

Ascanio  della  Cornia  e  la  sua  condotta  negli  avvenimenti 

del  1555  a  1556  :    Bullettino  della  r.  deput.  di  stor.  patria 
per  riJmbria,  X.,  89-148,  221-362,  Perugia,  1904. 

-  I.  Farnesi  ed  il  ducato  di  Parma  e  Piacenza  durante  il 


pontificato  di  Paolo  IV.  :   Archiv.  stor.  per  le  prov.  Parmensi, 
Nuova  Serie,  III.,  1-282,  Parma,  1905. 
Condivi,  A.     Das  Leben  des  Michelangelo  Buonarroti.     Vienna, 
1874. 


QUOTED    IN   VOLS.    XIII.    AND   XIV.         Xlll 

Cop  pi,  A.  Discorso  sopra  le  nnanze  di  Roma  nei  secoli  di  mezzo. 
Roma,  1847. 

Memorie  Colonnesi  compilate.     Roma,  1855. 

Corpo    diplomatico    Portuguez,   p.p.   Luiz  Aug.   Rebella  da   Silva 

Vols.  6-7,  Lisbon,  1884  seq. 
Corpus  Reformatovum.     Philippi  Melancthonis  opera  quae  super- 

sunt  omnia,  edidit  C.  G.  Bretschneider.     Vol.  I.  seqq.,  Halis 

Sax,   1834  seqq. 
Cros,  J.  M.     St.   Francois  de  Xavier.     Sa  vie  et  ses  lettres.     2 

vols.,  Toulouse,  1900. 
Cugnoni,  G.     Prose  inedite  del  Comm.  Anibale  Caro,  pubbl.   e 

annotate  da  G.  C.     Imola,  1872. 
Cupis,  C.  de     Le  vicende  dell'  agricoltura  e  della  pastorizia  dell* 

agro  Romano  e  l'Annona  di  Roma.     Roma,  191 1. 

Dandolo,  Matteo.  Relazione  di  Roma  1551  (In  Albert ,  Relazioni 
degli  ambasciatori  Veneti.  2nd  series,  vol.  III.,  331  seqq. 
Firenze,  1846). 

Dembinski,  B.  De  Beschickung  des  Tridentinums  durch  Polen. 
Breslau,  1883. 

Rzym  i  Europa.     Vol.  I.     Krakau,  1890. 

Dengel,  J.     Geschichte  des  Palazzo  di  S.  Marco,  genannt  Palazzo 

di  Venezia.     Leipzig,  1909. 
Desjardins,  A.     Negotiations  diplomatiques  de  la  France  avec 

la    Toscane.     Documents    recueillies    par    Gius.    Canestrini. 

Vol.  I.  seqq.,  Paris,  1859  seq. 
Des  job.     L'influence  du  Concile  de  Trente  sur  la  litterature  et 

les  beaux-arts.     Paris,   1884. 
Dierauer,  J .     Geschichte   de  schweizerischen  Eidgenossenschaft. 

Vols.  I.-IIL,  Gotha,  1887  seqq. 
Dionysius,    P.    L.    and   Aug.    de    Gabriellis,    Sacrarum   Vaticanae 

basilicae  cryptarum  monumenta  aeneis  tabulis  incisa  et  com- 

mentariis  illustrata.     Romae,  1773. 
Dispacci  di  Germania.     Publ.   by  the  Historischen  Kommission 

der     Kaiserlichen     Akademie     der     Wissenschaften.     Vols. 

I.-IIL     Ed.  by  Turba.     Vienna,  1 889-1 895. 
Documenta    ad    legationem    Cardinalis    Poli    spectantia.     Romae, 

1896.      (For  private  circulation). 
Dollinger,    J.    J.     Beitrage    zur    politischen,    kirchlichen    und 

Kulturgeschichte    der    sechs    letzten    Jahrhunderte.     Vols. 

II.,  III.,  Regensburg  and  Vienna,  1863-1882. 
Druffel,  A.  von,  Brief e  und  Akten  zur  Geschichte  des  16  Jahrhun- 

derts  mit  besonderer  Rucksichtnahme  auf  Bayerns  Fiirsten- 

haus.     Vols.  I. -IV.,  Munich,   1873  seq. 
Dufresne,  D.     Les  Cryptes  Vaticanes.     Paris-Rome,  1902. 
Duhr,  B.,  S.J.,  Geschichte  der  Jesuiten  in  den  Landern  deutscher 

Zunge  im  XVI.  Jahrhundert.     Vol.  I.,  Freib.  i.  Br.,  1907. 
Duruy,   G.     Le  cardinal   Carlo   Carafa   (1519-1561).     fitude  sur 

le  pontificat  de  Paul  IV.     Paris,  1882. 

Ebe,  G.     Die  Spatrenaissence.     Vol.  I.     Berlin,  1886. 
Egger,    H.     Romische    Veduten.      Handzeichnungen    aus    dem 
X5_I8  Jahrhundert.     Vienna  und  Leipzig,   toit. 


XIV  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS 

Ehrenberg,  H.     Urkunden  und  Aktenstiicke  zur  Geschichte  der 

in  der  heutigen  Provinz  Posen  vereinigten  ehemals  polnischen 
Landesteile.     Leipzig,    1892- 
Ehrle,  F.     See  Bufalini. 
Roma  prima  di  Sisto  V.     La  pianta  di  Roma  Du  Perac- 

Lafrery  del   1577.     Roma,   1908. 
Ehses,    St.     Concilium    Tridentinum.     Vols.    IV.,    V.,    Actorum 

pars  1  and  2.     Frib.  Brisg.,  1904,  191 1. 
Eichhorn,  A.       Der  ermlandische  Bischof  und    Kardinal   Stanis- 
laus Hosius.     2  vols.,  Mayence,  1 854-1 855. 
EpistolcB  mixtce  ex  variis   Europae  locis  ab  anno  1537  ad    1556 

scriptae,  nunc  primum  a  Patribus  Societatis  Jesu  in  lucem 

editae.     5   vols.,       Matriti,    1 898-1 901. 
E  pistoles  P.  Alphonsi  Salmeronis  S.  J.  ex  autographis  vel  originali- 

bus    exemplis    potissimum    depromptae    a    Patribus  eiusdem 

Soc.  nunc  primum  editae.     Vols.  I,  II.  (1536-1585).      Matriti, 

1906,  1907. 
Epistolce   p.p.   Pasch.    Brotei,    Claudii  Jaji,   Joannis   Codarii   et 

Simonis  Roderici  Soc.  Jesu.     Matriti,  1903. 
Epistolce  quadrimestres  ex  universis  praeter  Indiam  et  Brasiliam 

locis,  in  quibus  aliqui  de  Societate  Jesu  versabantur,  Romam 

missae.     Vols.  I. -IV.     Matriti,  1 894-1 900. 
Erulei,  R.     La  Villa  di  Giulio  III.  suoi  usi  e  destinazioni  :   Nuova 

Antologia,  Roma,  1890. 
Escher,  Konrad,  Barock  und  Klassizismus.    Studien  zur  Geschichte 

der  Architektur  Roms.     Leipzig  [19 10]. 
Etudes.     Revue  fondee  en  1856  par  des  Peres  de  la  Cie  de  Jesus. 

Paris,  1856  seqq. 
Eymericus,    N.     Directorium    Inquisitorum    cum    commentario 

Franc.  Pegnce.     Romae,  1587. 


Fabricius,  G.     Roma.     Basileae,   1551. 

Fanfani,   Spigolatura  Michelangiolesca.     Firenze,   1876. 

Fantuzzi,  G.     Notizie  degli  scrittori  Bolognesi.     9  vols.     Bologna, 

1871-1794. 
Favre,  J.     Olivier  de  Magny  (1529-1561).     Paris,  1885. 
Ferri,  A.     L'Architettura  in  Roma  nei  secolLXV.  e  XVI.     Roma, 

1867. 
Fichard,  J.     Italia  (Frankfurtischen  Archiv  fur  altere  deutsche 

Literatur  und  Geschichte).     Frankfurt  a.  M.,  1875. 
Firmani,    Lud.     Bondoni    de    Branchis.     Diaria    caeremonialia, 

ed.  S.  Merkle,  Concil.  Trid.  II.,  Friburgi  Brisq.,  191 1. 
Fontana,    B.     Documenti    Vaticani    contro    l'heresia    Luterana 

in  Italia.     Archivio  della  Soc.  Rom.  di  storia  patria,  XV., 

Roma,  1892. 
Renata  di  Francia,  duchessa  di  Ferrara.     3  vols.,  Roma, 

1889-1894. 
[Fontanini]  Della  istoria  del  dominio  temporale  della  Sede  Apos. 

nel  Ducato  di  Parma  e  Piacenza.     Roma,  1720. 
Forcella,  V.     Iscrizioni  delle  chiese  e  d'altri  edifice  di    Roma  dal 

secolo    XI.    fino    ai    giorni   nostri.      14    vols.     Roma,    1869- 

1885. 


QUOTED    IN   VOLS.    XIII.    AND    XIV.  XV 

Fouqueray,  H.     Histoire  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus  en  France. 

Vol.  I.     Les  Origines  et  les  premieres  luttes.     Paris,  1910. 
Friedensburg,  see  Nuntiaturberichte. 

Friedldnder,  W '.     Das  Kasino  Pius'  IV.     Leipzig,  191 2. 
Fueter,    E.     Geschichte    der   neueren    Historiographie.     Munich, 

1911. 
Fumi,  L.     LTnquisizione  Romana  e  lo  stata  di  Milano.     Milano, 

1910. 


Gachard,  L.  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.  sur  les  affaires  des 
Pays-Bas.     Vol.  I.,  Bruxelles,  1848. 

Les  Archives  du  Vatican.     Bruxelles    1874. 

Gairdner,  H.  The  English  Church  in  the  sixteenth  century  from 
the  accession  of  Henry  VIII.  to  the  death  of  Mary.  London, 
1902. 

Gams,   B.     Series  episcoporum  ecclesiae  catholicae.     Ratisbonae. 

I873- 
Garampi,    G.     Saggi    di    osservazioni    sul    valore    delle    antiche 

monete    pontiftcie    con    appendice    di    documenti.     TRoma, 

1766]. 
Gatticus,  I.  B.     Acta  cseremonialia  S.  Romana  ecclesiae  ex  MSS. 

codicibus.     Vol.   I.     Roma?,   1753. 
Gayangos,    P.    de,    Calendar   of   Letters,    Despatches    and    State 

Papers,  relating  to  the  negotiations  between  England  and 

Spain  preserved  in  the  Archives  of  Simancas  and  elsewhere. 

Vols.  V.-VIIL,  London,  1886-1904. 
Gaye,   E.   G.     Carteggio  inedito   d'artisti   dei  secoli   XV. -XVII 

3  vols.     Firenze,  1840.. 
Geijer,  C.  G.     Geschichte  Schwedens.     3  vols.     Hamburg,  1832- 

1836. 
Geymuller,  H.  von.     Die   ursprunglichen   Entwiirfe  fur   St.  Peter 

in  Rom.     2  vols.     Vienna  and  Paris,  1 875-1 880. 

Michelangelo   Buonarotti  als   Architekt.   Munchen,    1904 

(Vol.  VIII.  of  Der  Architektur  der  Renaissance  in  Toskana). 

Giordani,  P.     II  Vignola  a   Roma   (Memorie  e  studi  interno  a 

Jacopo  Barozzi).     Vignola,  1908. 
Giomale  Storico  della  letteratura  Italiana.     Vols.  I.  seqq.     Roma 

— Torino — Firenze,  1883  seqq. 
Gnoli,    D.     Have    Roma.     Chiese,    Monumenti,    Case,    Palazzi, 

Piazze,  Fontane,  Ville.     Roma,  1909. 
Go  Her,  Emil.     Die  papsliche  Ponitentiarie  von  ihrem  Ursprung 

bis  zu  ihrer  Umgestaltung  unter  Pius  V.     Vol.   II.,  Rom., 

191 1  (Bibliothek  des  Kgl.  Preussischen  Historischen  Instituts 

in  Rom,  vols.  7  and  8). 
Gori,    F.     Archivio   storico,    artistico,    archeologico   e   letterario 

della   citta   e   provincia   di    Roma.     Vols.    I. -IV.,    Roma   e 

Spoleto,  1 875-1 883. 
Gothein,    E.     Ignatius    von    Loyola    und  die    Gegenreformation. 

Halle,   1895. 
Graf,  A.     Attraverso  il  Cinquecento.     Torino,  1888. 
Gratianus,     A.     M.     De    vita     Joannis     Francisci    Commendoni 

Cardinalis.     Parisiis,   1669. 


XVI  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS 

.  //.     Geschichte  der  Juden  bis  auf  die  Gegenwart.     n  vols. 

Leipzig,  1866. 
Gregorovius,  F.     Geschichte  der  Stadt  Rom  im  Mittelalter.     Vols. 

VI.,  VII.,  3rd  ed.     Stuttgart,  1879-1880. 
Grimm,    H.     Leben    Michelangelos.     2    vols.,    5th    ed.     Berlin, 

1879. 
Guglielmotti,  Alb.     La  guerra  dei  pirati  dal  1500  al  1560.     2  vols. 

Firenze,    1876. 
Storia  delle  fortificazioni  nella  spiaggia  Roma.     Roma, 

1880. 
Guhl,  E.     Kunstlerbriefe.     2  vols.,  2nd  ed.     Berlin,  1880. 
Gulik,   IV.  van.     Johannes    Gropper    fi 503-1 559).     Fin  Beitrage 

zur   Kirchengeschichte  Deutschlands,   besonders  der  Rhein- 

lande  im  16  Jahrhundert.     Freib.  i.  Br.,  1906. 
Gulik-Eiibcl.     Hierarchia  Catholica  medii  aevi.     Vol.   III.,  saec. 

XVI.  ab  anno  1503  complectens.     Monasterii,  1910. 
Gurliit,   C.     Geschichte   des   Barockstiles  in   Italien.     Stuttgart, 

1887. 

Haas,    H.     Geschichte    des    Christenthums    in    Japan.     Vol.    L, 

Tokio,  1902. 
Hdberlin,     Fr.     D.       Neueste    teutsche     Reichsgeschichte,     vom 

Anfange  des  Schmalkaldischen  Krieges  bis  auf  unsere  Zeiten. 

20  vols.,  Halle,  1 774-1 786. 
Haefer,    H.     Lehrbuch    der    Geschichte    der    Medizin    und    der 

epidemischen  Krankheiten.     Vols.  I.  and  III.     Jena,  1875- 

1882. 
Hefner,    J.     Die     Entstehungsgeschichte    des     Trienter     Recht- 

fertigungsdekrets.     Paderborn,    1909. 
Heimbucher,  M.     Die  Orden  und  Kongregationen  der  kathohschen 

Kirche.     3  vols.,  2nd  ed.     Paderborn,  1907-1908. 
tielbig,  W.     Fiihrer  durch  die  offentlichen  Sammlungen  klassicher 

Altertiimer  in  Rom.     2  vols.,  2nd  ed.     Leipzig,  1899. 
Hergenrother,    J.     Katholische    Kirche    und    christlicher    Staat. 

Frieb.  i.  Br.,  1872. 
Hermanin,    F.     Die    Stadt    Rom   im    15    und    16    Jahrhundert. 

Leipzig,   191 1. 
Herre,  P.     Papsttum  und  Papstwahl  im  Zeitalter  Philipps   II. 

Leipzig,  1907. 
Herzog,    J.    J.     Real-Enzyklopadie.     Vols.     I.-XXL,    3rd    ed., 

Leipzig,  1 896-1908. 
Hilgers,   /.,    5./.     Der    Index   der    verbotenen    Biicher.     Freib. 

i.  Br.,  1904. 
Hinojosa,  Ricardo  de.     Los  despachos  de  la  diplomacia  pontificia 

en  Espana.     Vol.  I.     Madrid,  1896. 
Hinschius,  P.     System  des  kathohschen  Kirchenrechts.     Berlin, 

1869. 
Holzwarth,  F.  J .     Der  Abfall  der  Niederlaude.     2  vols.     Schaff- 

hausen,  1865-1872. 
Hoogewerff,  G.  J.     Nederlandsche  Schilders  in  Italie  in  de  XVI. 

eeuw.     Utrecht,  191 2. 
Hosii,    St.     Epistola.     Vol.    2    (1551-1558).     Ed.    F.    Hipler    et 

V.  Zarkzewski.     Cracovia,  1 886-1 888. 


QUOTED    IN   VOLS.    XIII.    AND    XIV.  XV11 

Huber,  A.     Geschichte  Osterreichs.     Vols.  III.  and  IV.     Gotha, 

1888-1892. 
Hubert,  F.     Vergerios  publizistische  Tatigkeit.     Gottingen,  1893. 
Htibner,  P.  G.     Le  Statue  di  Roma.     Vol.  I.     Quellen  und  Samra- 

lungen.     Leipzig,  191 2. 
Hiilsen   und   Egger.     Die   romischen    Skizzenbiicher   des   Marten 

van  Heemskerck.     Vol.  I.,  Berlin,  191 3. 

Ignatius   de   Loiola.     Cartas.     6   vols.     Madrid,    1 874-1 889. 

Janssen,  J.  Geschichte  des  deutschen  Volkes  seit  dem  Ausgang 
des  Mittelalters.  Vol.  I.  to  III.,  17th  and  18th  ed.  Freib. 
i.  Br.,  1897-1899. 

Kallab,  W.     Vasari-Studien.     Wien,  1908. 

Kerker,  M.     Reginald  Pole.     Freib.  i.  Br.,  1874. 

Kervyn  de  Lettenhove.     Relations  politiques  des  Pays-Bas  et  de 

l'Angleterre  sous  Philippe  II.     Vol.  I.     Bruxelles,  1882. 
Koch,  M.     Untersuchungen  liber  die  Emporung  und  die  Abfallder 

Neiderlande  von  Spanien.     Leipzig,  i860. 
Krasinski,  V.  A.     Geschichte  der  Reformation  in  Polen.     Leipzig, 

1841. 
Kraus,  F.  X.     Geschichte  der  christlichen  Kunst.     2  vols.     Freib. 

i.  Br.,  1908. 
Krones,   F.   von.     Handbuch   der   Geschichte   Osterreichs.     Vol. 

III.     Berlin,  1877. 

Laemmer,  H.     Zur  KirchengeL-chichte  des  16  und  17  Jahrhunderts. 

Freib.  i.  Br.,  1863. 

■  Meletematum  Romanorum  mantissa.     Ratisbonae,   1875. 

Monumenta    Vaticana    historiam    ecclesiasticam    saeculi 

XVI.  illustrantia.     Friburgi  Brisg.,  1861. 
Lanciani,  R.     Storia  degli  Scavi  di  Roma.     Vols.  I.  to  III. 

Roma,  1902-1908. 
—  The  golden  days  of  the  Renaissance  in  Rome.     London, 

Lanssac,  M.  de  (Louis  de  Saint-Gelais) .    Correspondance  politique, 

p.p.    Charles   Sauze,    1548-1557.     Archives  hist,    du  Poitou. 

Vol.  XXXIII. ,  1904. 
Lanz.,  K.     Korrespondenz  des   Kaisers   Karl  V.,  aus  dem  Kgl. 

Archiv    und    der    "  Biblioth    de    Bourgogne  "    zu    Briissel. 

3  vols.     Leipzig,   1 844-1 846. 
Laiinius,  Latimus.     Lucubrationes.     Vol.   II.     Epistoiae,  coniec- 

turae  et  observationes  sacra  profanaque  eruditione  ornatse. 

Romae  et  Viterbii,  1659,  1667. 
Lauchert,    F.     Die    italianischen    literarischen    Gegner    Luthers. 

Freib.  i.  Br.,  1912. 
Laugwitz.     Bartholomaus     Carranza,     Erzbischof     von     Toledo. 

Kempten,  1870. 
Legazioni  di  A.  Serristori,  ambasciatore  di  Cosimo  I.  a  Carlo  V. 

e  in  corte  di  Roma,  con  note  di  G.  Canestrini,  pubbl.  dal 

conte  Luigi  Serristori.     Firenze,  1853. 
Le  Plat,  J.     Monumentorum  ad  hist,  concilii  Tridentini  collectio. 

7  vols.     Lovanii,  1781-1787. 

VOL,  XI \\.  b 


\\iii  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS 

•uil'y,  l\      Edifices  de  Rome  moderne.     Paris,  1868. 
Lettere  al  Aretino.     Venezia,  1552. 
Leitere  de'principi.     3  vols.,  3rd  ed.     Venezia,  1570-1577. 

G.  de.     Storia  documentata  di  Carlo  V.  in  correlazione  all' 
Italia.     Vols.  I.-V.     Venezia,  Padova,  Bologna,  1 863-1 895. 
Lili,  C.     Historia  di  Camerino.     Macerata,  1652. 

ird,  J.     History  of  England.     Vol.  VII.     London,   1838. 
Litta,    P.     Famiglie    celebri    Italiane.     Disp.    1-183,    Milano    e 

Torino,  1819-1881. 
Llorente,  J.  A.     Geschichte  der  spanischen  Inquisition.     4  vols. 

Gmiind,  1819-1822. 
Lossen,  M.     Brief e  des  Andreas  Masius  und  seine  Freunde  (1538- 

1573)-     Leipzig,  l886- 
Liltolf,  A.     Die  Schweizergarde  in  Rom,  ihre  Bedeutung  und  ihre 

Wirkungen  im  16  Jahrhundert.     Einsiedeln,   1859. 
Luzio,    A.     Un    prognostico   satirico    di    Pietro   Aretino    (1534). 

Bergamo,  1900. 

Mackowsky,  H.     Michelangniolo.     Berlin,  1908. 

Manareus,   Olivierus,   S.J.     De   rebus   Societatis    Jesu   Commen- 

tarius.     Florentine,  1886  (privately  printed). 
Marcks,  E.     Gaspar  von  Coligny.     Sein  Leben  und  das  Frankreich 

seiner  zeit.     Vol.  I.     Stuttgart,  1892. 
Manni,  D.  M.     Istoria  degli  anni  santi  dal  loro  principio  fino  al 

presenta  del  MDCCL.     Firenze,  1750. 
Marcellino  da  Civezza.     Storia  universale  delle  Missioni  Francis- 
cane.     Vols.  VI.,  VII.     Prato,  1881  seq. 
Marini,     G.     Degli    archiatri    pontifici.     Vols.     I.,     II.     Roma, 

1748. 
Marocco,  G.     Monumenti  dello  Stato  Pontificio.     Vols.  I.— XII., 

Roma,  1 833-1 836. 
Martin,  J.  F.     Le  Cardinal  Pole.     Bulletin  de  l'archiconfraternite 

de  N.  D.  de  Compassion.     IV.,  335-352  ;    V.,  92-118  ;    VI., 

43-59.     Paris,  1 903-1 905. 
Masius,  A.     Briefe.     See  Lossen. 
Massarelli,    Angelo.     Diaria    V.-VIL,     ed.     5.     Merkle,    Concil. 

Trid.  II.     Friburgi  Brisg.,  191 1. 
Maurenbrecher,    W.     Karl    V.    und    die    deutschen    Protestanten 

I545~I555-"    Dusseldorf,  1885. 
Maynier,  L.     Etude  historique  sur  le  concile  de  Trente.     Paris, 

1874. 
Mazzuchelli,    G.    M.     Gli    scrittori    dTtalia.     2    vols.     Brescia, 

1753- 
Meaux,  de.     Les  luttes  religieuses  en  France  au  i6me  siecle.    Paris, 

i879. 

Menzel,  K.  A.  Neuere  Geschichte  der  Deutschen  seit  der  Refor- 
mation.    Vol.  I.  seqq.,  2nd  ed.      Breslau,   1854  seq. 

Mercati,  G.  Per  la  storia  della  Biblioteca  Apostolica  bibliotecario 
Cesare  Baronio.     Perugia,  1910. 

Merkle,  S.  Concilii  Tridentini  Diariorum,  Pars  I.  et  II.  Collegit, 
edidit,  illustravit.     Friburgi,  Brisg.,  1901,  191 1. 

Meyer,  A .  O.  England  und  die  katholische  Kirche  unter  Elisabeth 
Rom,  191 1  [English  transl.  by  /.  R.  McKee  [Cong.  Orat)]. 


QUOTED    IN   VOLS.    XIII.    AND    XIV.  XIX 

Michaelis,  A.  Geschichte  des  Statuenhofes  im  vaticanischen 
Belvedere  :  Jahrbuch  des  Deutschen  Archaologischen  In- 
stituts,  V.,  Berlin,  1891. 

Romische    Skizzenbiicher   Marten    van    Heemskerks    und 

anderer  nordischer  Kunstler  des  16  Jahrhunderts.:  Jahrbuch 
des  Deutschen  Archaologischen  Instituts,  VI.,  125-172, 
218-238;    VII.,  83-105.     Berlin,  1892-1893. 

Michelangelo.  Lettere  pubblicate  coi  ricordi  ed  i  contratti 
artistici,  per  cura  di  G.  Milanesi.     Firenze,  1875. 

Mocenigo,  Luigi.  Relazione  di  Roma,  1560.  Alberi,  Relazioni, 
2nd  series,  vol.  IV.     Firenze,  1857. 

Monumenta  Ignatiana  ex  autographis  vel  ex  antiquioribus  exemplis 
collecta.  Series  I.,  Sancti  Ignatii  de  Loyola  Epistolae  et 
Instructiones,  6  vols  ,  Matriti,  1 903-1 907  Series  IV. 
Scripta  de  Sancto  Ignatio  de  Loyola,  vol.  I.     Matriti,  1904. 

Monumenta  Xaveriana  ex  autographis  vel  ex  antiquioribus 
exemplis  collecta.     Vol.  I.     Matriti,  1900. 

Moroni,  G.  Dizionario  di  erudizione  storico-ecclesiastico  da 
S.  Pietro  sino  sinostri  giorni.      109  vols.    Venezia,  1 840-1 879. 

Miillbauer,  Max.  Geschichte  der  Katholischen  Missionen  in 
Ostindien  von  Vasco  di  Gama  bis  zur  Mitte  des  18  Jahr- 
hunderts.    Munich,   1851. 

Mullet,  Th.     Das  Konklave  Pius  IV.,  1559.     Gotha,  1889. 

Miintz.,  E.  La  Bibliotheque  du  Vatican  au  XVI.e  siecle.  Paris, 
1886. 

Historie    de    l'Art    pendant    la    Renaissance.     Italic     3 

vols.     Paris,   1 889-1 895. 

Muzio,  Gitol.  Lettere  conservate  nell'  Archivio  di  Parma,  ed. 
A.  Ronchini.     Parma  [1864]. 

Nadal,  H.,  S.J.     Epistolae  et  anno  1546  ad  1577  nunc  primum 

editae.     4  vols.     Matriti,   1898-1905. 
Navageto,  Bern.     Relazione  di  Roma  1558,  in  Albeti,  Relazioni, 

2nd  series,  vol.  III.     Firenze,  1846. 
Noack,  F.     Das  deutsche  Rom.     Rom,  191 2. 
Noncialutes  de  Ftance.     See  Ancel. 
Notes,  Pietto.     Storia  della  guerra  di  Paolo  IV.,  contro  gli  Spag- 

nuoli  corredata  di  documenti  (Archivio  stor.  Italiano,  Series 

1,  vol.  XII.).     Firenze,  1847. 
Novaes,  G.  de.     Storia  de'  pontefici.     Vol.  VII.     Roma,  1822. 
Nuntiatutbetichte    aus    Deutschland    nebst    erganzenden    Aktens- 

tiicken.     Im    Auftrag    des    Konigl.      Preussischen    Instituts, 

von    W.   Ftiedensburg.     Vols.   I. -VI.   and   VIII. -X.     Gotha, 

1892-1908. 

Oldecop,  J  oh.  Chronik,  herausg.  von  K.  Euling  in  der  Bibliothek 
des  Literarischen  Vereins  in  Stuttgart.  Vol.  190.  Tubingen, 
1891. 

Orano,  D.     Liberi  pensatori.     Roma,  1904. 

Orlandinus,  N.  Historia  Societatis  Jesu.  Prima  pars.  Romae, 
1650. 

Padiglione,  C.  La  Biblioteca  del  Museo  Nazionale  nella,  Certosa 
di  S.  Martino  in  Napoli  ed  i  suoi  manoscritti.     Napoli,  1876. 


XX  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF   BOOKS 

Pagliucchi,  P.     I  Castellani  del  Castel  S.  Angelo  di  Roma  con 

documenti    incditi    relativi    alia   storia    della   Mole    Adriana 

tolti    dalT    Aniuvio    Scgreto    Vaticano    e    da    altri    archivi. 
Vol,   I.,  pars.  2.     I  Castellani  Vescovi  (1464-1566).     Roma, 

1909. 
Palandri,  E.  P.     Les  Negotiations  politiques  et  religieuses  entre 

la  Toscane  et  la  France  a  l'epoque  de  Cosme  I  et  de  Catherine 

de  Medicis  (1 544-1 580)  d'apres  les  documents  des  archives 

de  l'etat  a  Florence  et  a  Paris.     Paris,  1908. 
Pallavicini,  Sf.    Istoria  del  Concilio  di  Trento.    3  vols.    Roma,  1664. 
Palmieri,     G.     Ad     Vaticani     archivi     Romanorum     pontificum 

Regesta  manducatio      Romae,  1884. 
Pasini-Frassoni.     Armorial   des   Papes.     Rome,    1906. 
[Passarini,    L.]     Memorie   intorno    alia    vita  di   Silvestro   Aldo- 

brandini  con  appendice  di  documenti.     Roma,   1878. 
Pastor,   L.     Die   kirklichen   Reunionsbestrebungen  wahrend   der 

Regierung  Karls  V.     Freiburg,  1879. 
Allgemeine  Dekrete  der  Romischen  Inquisition  aus  den 

Jahren   1555   bis    1597.     Nach  dem  Notariatsprotokoll  des 

S.  Uffizio.     Freib.  i.  Br.,  1912. 
Peiramellarius,    Jo    Ant.     Ad    librum    O.    Panvinii    de    Summis 

Pontif.  et  S.  R.  E.  cardinalibus  a  Paulo  IV.  ad  Clementis 

VIII.   annum  pontificatus  octavum  continuatio.     Bononia?, 

1599. 
Petrucelli  della  Gattina,  F.      Histoire  diplomatique  des  Conclaves. 

Vol.  II.     Paris,  1864. 
Pieper,  A.     Die  papstlichen  Legaten  und  Nuntien  in  Deutsch- 

land,   Frankreich  und   Spanien  seit   der  Mitte  des    16   Jahr 

hunderts.     Part  i  :   Die  Legaten  und  Nuntien   Julius'   III., 

Marcellus'  II.  und  Pauls'  IV.  (1550-1559)  und  ihre  Instruk- 

tionen.     Munster,    1897. 
Pierling,  P.     La  Russie  et  la  Saint-Siege.     Vol.  I.      Paris,  1896. 
Pirenne,    H.     Geschichte    Belgiens.     Vol.    III.    (1477-1567). 

Gotha,  1907. 
Plon,  C.     Cellini  orfevre,  medailleur,  sculpteur.     Recherches  sur 

sa  vie,  sur  son  ceuvre  et  sur  les  pieces  qui  lui  sont  attributes. 

Paris,   1883. 
Pogiani,    Julii.     Sunensis    epistolse    et    orationes    olim   collecta? 

ab  Antonio  Maria  Gratiano  nunc  ab  Hieronymo  Lagomar- 

sinio  a  Soc.  Jesu  adnotationibus  illustratae  ac  primum  editae. 

Vols.  I. -IV.     Romae,  1762. 
Polanco,  S.  A.  de,  S.  J.     Vita  Ignatii  Loiolae,  Matriti,  1894-98. 
Pollidorus,  P.     De  Vita,  gestis  et  moribus  Marcclli  II.     Romae, 

1744. 
Postina,    A.     Der    Karmelit    Eberhard    Billick.     Freib.    i.    Br., 

1 90 1. 

Quellen    und    Forschungen    aus    italianischen    Bibliotheken    und 

Archiven.     Herausg,  von  dem  Preuss.  Histor.  Institut.     Vol. 

I.   seqq.y  Rom,    1898  seqq. 
Quetif-Echard,  Scriptores  ordinis  Praedicatorum  recensiti  notisque 

historicis   et   criticis  illustrati,   etc.     Vol.    I.     Lut.    Parisior, 

I7!9. 


QUOTED   IN   VOLS.    XIII.    AND   XIV.  XXI 

Quirini,  A.  M .     Collectio  Epistolarum  Reginaldi  Poli.     5   vols. 
Brixiae,  1 744-1 757. 


Rachfahl,    F.     Wilhelm    von    Oranien    imd    der    niederlandische 

Aufstand.     Vol.  I.     Halle  a.S.,  1906. 
Ranke,  L.  von.     Englische  Geschichte.     Vol.  I.     Eerlin,  1859. 

Die  romische  Papste  in  den  letzten  vier  Jahrhunderten. 

Vols.  I.  and  III.,  6th  ed.     Leipzig,  1874. 

Deutsche     Geschichte    im     Zeitalter    der     Reformation. 

Vols.  1 1 1. -VI.,  6th  ed.     Leipzig,  1881. 

Raynaldus,  O.     Annales  ecclesiastici.     Vols.   XIV.,  XV.     Lucae, 

1755-1756. 
Reimann,    C.     Der    Streit    zwischen    Papsttum    und    Kaisertum 

im  Jahre,  1558  :    Forschungen  zur  deutschen  Geschichte,  V. 

Gottingen,  1865. 
Papst  Paul  IV.  und  das  Kaisertum  :    Abhandlungen  der 

Schlesischen  Gesellschaft  fur  vaterlandische  Kultur.     Phil.- 

hist.  Abteilung,  1871. 
Reinhardt,   H.,   und    Steffens,   F.     Die   Nuntiatur  von   Giovanni 

Francesco    Bonhomini,    1579-1581.     Introduction  :     Studien 

zur  Geschichte  der  katholischen  Schweiz  im  Zeitalter  Carlo 

Borromeos.     Sclothurn,   1910. 
Relacye    Nuncyuszow   Apostolskich   i   innych   osob   o    Polsce  od 

roku  1548  do  1690,  ed.  E.  Rykaczewski.     Vol.    I.,       Berlin 

Poznan,    1864. 
Renazzi,    F.   M.     Storia   dell'    universita.   degli   studi   di   Roma, 

detta  la  Sapienza.     2  vols.     Roma,  1 803-1 804. 
Reumont,  A.     Die  Carafa  von  Maddaloni.     Vol.  I.     Berlin,  1851. 

Geschichte  der  Stadt  Rom.     Vol.  III.     Berlin,  1870. 

Geschichte  Toskanas.     Gotha,   1876. 

Reusch,  H.     Der  Index  der  vorbotenen  Biicher.     2  vols.     Bonn, 

1883-1885. 
Ribier,    G.     Lettres    et    Memoires    d'Estat,    des    roys,    princes, 

ambassadeurs  et  autres  ministres  sous  les  regnes  de  Francois 

I.,  Henri  II.  et  Francois  II.     2  vols.     Paris,  1866. 
Rieger,  P.   and   Vogelstein,  H.     Geschichte  der  Juden  in  Rom. 

2  vols.     Berlin,   1895-1896. 
Riegl,  Alois.     Die  Einstehung  der  Barockkunst  in  Rom.     Akad- 

emische  Vorlesungen.     Vienna,  1908. 
Riess,    L.     Die    Politik    Pauls    IV.    und    seiner    Nepoten.     Eine 

weltgeschichtliche  Krisis  des  16  Jahrh.  (Historische  Studien 

Heft  67).     Berlin,  1909. 
Riezler,  S.     Geschichte  Bayerns.     Vol.  IV.     Gotha,  1899. 
Ripoll-Bremond.       Bullarium     Ord.     Praedicatorum.     Vol.    IV. 

Romae,  1732. 
Ritler,  M.     Deutsche  Geschichte  im  Zeitalter  der  Gegenreforma- 

tion    und    des    Dreiszigjahrigen    Krieges    (1 555-1 648).     Vol. 

L,  1555-1586.     Stuttgart,  1889. 
Rocchi,  E.     Le  piante  iconograriche  e  prospettive  di  Roma  del 

secolo  XVI.  colla  reproduzione  degli  studi  originali  autograft 

di  A.  da  Sangallo  il  Giovane  per  le  fortificazioni  di  Roma, 

etc.     Torino-Roma,  1902. 


XX11  COMPLETE   TITLES    OF   BOOKS 

Rodocanachi,    E.     Le     Saint-Siege    et     les    Juifs.      Le    ghetto    a 

Rome.   Paris,  1891. 

Le  Capitole  Romain  antique  et  moderne.     Paris,  1904. 

Le  chateau  Saint- Ange.     Paris,  1909. 

Rome  an  tempa  de  Jules  II.  et  de  Leon  X.     Paris,  1912. 

Romier,  L.     La  crise  gallicane  de  1551  :   Revue  historique,  CVIIL, 

225—250;    CIX.,  27-55.     Paris,  1911-1912. 
[Ronchini,   A.)     Lettere  d'Uomini  illustri   conservate  in   Parma 

nel  R.  Archivio  dello  Stato.     Vol.  I.     Parma,  1853. 
Rosco,  Mambrino.     Delia  historie  del  mondo,  Parte  III.     Aggiunta 

alle  historie  di  Giov.  Tarcagnota.     Venezia,  1598. 
Rot,    MatthcBUS.     Itinerarium    Romanicum    anno    domini    1554. 

Herausg  von  Gmelin  in  der  Zeitschrift  fiir  Geschichte  des 

Oberrheins,  XXXII.     Karlsruhe,  1880. 

Sdgmiiller,  J.  B.     Die  Papstwahlbullen  und  das  staatliche  Recht 

der  Exklusive.     Tubingen,   1892. 

■ Die  Papstwahlen  (1447-1555).     Tubingen,  1890. 

Samm,  Ch.  de.     Une  question  Italienne  au  XVI. e  siecle.     Paris, 

1 861. 
Sandonini,    L.     Castelvetro.     Bologna,    1882. 
Santarem  (Visconde  de),  Quadro  elementar  das  relacoes  politicas 

e   diplomaticas   de   Portugal   com  as   diversas  potencias  do 

mundo  tesdo  a  principio  da  Monarchia  portugaeza  ate  aos 

nossos  dias.     Vol.  III.     Lisboa,  1874. 
Sarpi   [Pietro   Soave   Polano].     Historia  del  concilio  Tridentino. 

4th  ed.,  Gen  ova,  1660. 
Sauze,  see  Lanssac. 
Scarabelli,    Luciano.     Summarii    delle    cose    notabili    seguite    in 

Roma  dal  principio  d'aprile  1556  a  tutto  guigno  1557,  scritti 
■  verisimilmente   da   Fr.    Babbi    (Archivio  storico   Ital.    XII., 

345  seqq.)     Firenze,   1847. 
Schdfer,  E.     Beitrage  zur  Geschichte  des  spanischen  Protestantis- 

mus    und    der    Inquisition    im    16    Jahrhundert.     Vols.    I. 

seqq.,  Giitersloh,  1902. 
Schdfer,    H.     Geschichte    Portugals.     5    vols.     Hamburg,    1836- 

1854. 
Schmid,     J.     Die     deutsche     Kaiser-und-Konigswahl     und     die 

romische     Kurie    in    den    Jahren     1 538-1 620     (Historisches 

Jahrbuch  der  Gorres-Gesellschaft,  Vol.  VI.),  Miinchen,   1885. 
Schmidlin,  J .     Geschichte  der  deutschen  Nationalkirche  in  Rom 

S.  Maria  dell'  Anima.     Freib.  i.  Br.,  1906. 
Schroeder,    Frid.     Monumenta,   qua  spectant   primordia   Collegii 

Germanici  et  Hungaria.     Roma,   1896. 
Schweitzer,    V.     Zur    Geschichte    der    Reform    miter    Julius    III. 

Fiinf    Vortrage    der    Paderborner    General versammlung    der 

Gorres-Gesellschaft.     Koln,  1907. 
Sclopis.     Le  Card.  Morone.     Paris,  1869. 
Segmuller,  F.     Die  Wahl  des  Papstes  Paul  IV.  und  die  Obedienz- 

gesandtschaft  der  Eidgenossen  :   Zeitschrift  fiir  schweizerische 

Kirchengeschichte  III.     Stans,  1909. 
Segni,  D.     Storie  Florentine.     4  vols.     Livorno,  1830. 
Selecta  Indiarum  Epistolce  nunc  primum  editae.     Florentise,  1887. 


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Serafini,  C.     Le  Monete  e  le  bulle  plumbee  pontificie  del  Medag- 

liere  Vaticano.     Vol.  I.,       Roma,  1910. 
Seripando,  Gir.     Eigenhandige  Notizen  des  beriihmten  Augusti- 

nergenerals  Seripand  iiber  die  Papste  seiner  zeit.     Herausg. 

v.  C.  Hoffler  in  dem  Analekten  zur  Geschichte  Deutschlands 

und    Italiens.    (Kgl.    Bayr.    Akademie    der   Wissenschaften. 

Vol.  IV.,  2nd  par.,  51  seqq.).     Miinchen,  1846. 
S  err  is  tori.     See  Legazioni. 
Sickel,   Th.     Zur  Geschichte  des  Konzils  von  Trient.       Aktens- 

tiicke  aus  den  Osterreichischen  Archiven.     Vienna,   1872. 
Silos,    I.     Historia   Clericor.    Regular,    a   congregatione   condita. 

Pars  I.     Roma,  1650. 
Simonetti,  E.     I  Nomi  delle  Vie  de  Roma.     Saggio  d'illustrazioni 

storiche  con  tre  appendici.     Roma,  1898. 
S  lei  dans  Brief  wechsel.     See  Baumgarten. 
Soldan,  M.  G.     Geschichte  des  Protestantismus  in  Frankreich. 

Vol.  I.        Leipzig.  1855. 
Sommervogel,  C,  S.J.     Bibliotheque  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus. 

9  vols.     Bruxelles-Paris,  1890-1900. 
Sozzini,  A  less.     Diario  della  cose  avvenute  in  Siena  dal  20  Luglio 

1550  ad  28  Giugno  1555.     Archivio  storico  Ital.  II.     Firenze, 

1842. 
Spillmann,    J.,    S.J.     Geschichte    der    Katholikenverfolgung    in 

England,  1535-1681.     Die  englischen  Martyrer  der  Glaubens- 

spaltung.     Vol.    I.     Die    Blutzeugen    unter    Heinrich    VIII. 

2nd  ed.     Freib.  i.  Br.,  1900. 
Steinherz,    S.     Nuntiaturberichte    aus    Deutschland,    1560-15 72. 

Vol.  I.     Vienna,  1897. 
Steinhuber,    Andr.      Geschichte     des     Kollegium     Germanikum 

Hungarikum  in  Rom.     Vol.  L,  2nd  ed.     Freiburg,  1906. 
Stettiner,  Pietro.     Roma  nei  suoi  monumenti.     Roma,  191 1. 
Stevenson,  J .     Calendar  of  State  Papers.     Foreign  Series.     Eliza- 
beth, 1558-1565.     Vols.  I.-VII.     London,  1863-1870. 
Studi    e    documenti    di    storia    e    diritto.     Publicazione    periodica 

dell'   Accademia   di   conferenze   storico-giuridiche.     Vols.    I. 

seqq.     Roma,  1880  seqq. 
Summarii.     See  Scardbelli. 
Swiney,  Mac.     Le  Portugal  et  le  Saint-Siege.     Vols.  I.  and  III., 

Paris,  1898,  1904. 


Tacchi    Venturi,   P.,    S.J.     Storia   della   Compagnia   di   Gesu   in 

Italia.     Vol.  I.     Roma,  1909. 
Tarducci,  D.  A.     L'Atanagi  da  Cagli.     Cagli,  1904. 
Tesoroni,  D.     II  Palazzo  di  Frrenze  e  l'eredita  di  Balduino  del 

Monte,  fratello  di  papa  Giulio  III.     Roma,  1889. 
Theiner,  A.     Vetera  Monumenta  Poloniae  et  Lithuania?.     2  vols. 

Roma,   1 861. 

Codex  diplomaticus  dominii  temporalis  S.  Sedis.     Recueil 

de  documents  pour  servir  a  l'histoire  du  gouvernement 
temporel  des  etats  du  Saint-Siege,  extraits  des  Archives 
du  Vatican.     Vol    III.,   1 389-1 793.     Rome,   1862. 

Monumenta    Slavorum    meridionalium    historiam    illus- 


trantia.     Vol.  I.,  1 198-1549.     Roma,  1863. 


XXIV  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS 

Theiner,  A.   Acta  genuina  ConcUii  Tridentini.  2  vols.  Aeram,  1874. 
Thode,    II.     Michelangelo   und   das    Ende    der    Renaissance.     5 

vols.      Berlin,    1002-1908. 
Thomas,   J .      Le    Concordat   de    1516.     Ses  origines,  son  histoire 

au  X\*I.e  sieele.     3me  partie,  Paris,  1910. 
Thurston,  H.,  S.J .     The  Holy  Year  of  Jubilee.     An  account  of  the 

history   and    ceremonial   of   the    Roman    Jubilee.     London, 

1900. 
Tiraboschi,     G.     Storia     della     letteratura     Italiana.     10     vols. 

Modena,  1772. 
Tomasseiti,  Giiiseppe.     La  Campagna  Romana,  antica,  medievale 

e  moderna.     Vols.  I.,  II.,     Roma,  1910. 
Torrigio,  F.  M.     Le  sacre  grotte  Vaticane.     Roma,  1639. 
Touron,   O.P.     Histoire  generale   de  l'Amerique.     Vols.   V.,   VI. 

Paris,   1768. 
Tresal,    J.      Les    origines    du    schisme      Anglican    (1509-1571). 

Paris,  1908. 
Turinozzi,    Niccolo.     Diario    Romano     (1558-1560),    pubbl.    per 

P.  Piccolomini.     Roma,  1909. 
Tumbiill.     Calendar  of  State  Papers.      Foreign.   Reign  of  Mary, 

1553-1558.     London,   1861. 

Uebersberger,  H.  Osterreich  und  Russland  seit  dem  Ende  des 
15  Jahrhunderts.     Vol.  I.,  1488-1606.     Vienna,  1906. 

Ughelli,  F.  Italia  Sacra.  Ed.  Ar.  Coletus.  10  vols.,  Venetiis, 
1717-1722. 

Vargas,  F.  de.     Lettres  et  Memoires  traduits  de  l'Espagnol  avec 

des  remarques  par  Michel  Le  Vassor.     Amsterdam,  1700. 
Vasari,  G.     Le  vite  de'  piu  eccellenti  pittori,  scultori  ed  architet- 

tori.     Nuova  ediz.  di  G.  Milanesi.     Firenze,  1878  seqq. 
Venuti,    R.     Numismata     Romanorum     Pontificum    a    Martino 

V.  ad  Benedictum  XIV.     Roma,  1744. 
Vilalis,  A.     Correspondance  politique  de  Dominique  du  Gabre. 

Paris,  1903. 
Vogelstein.     See  Rieger. 
Volker.     Der  Protestantismus  in  Polen  auf  Grund  der  einheimis- 

chen  Geschichtschreibung.     Leipzig,  1910. 

Wadding,   L.     Annales  Minorum.     Ed.    2da.     Vols.    XIV.   seqq., 

Romae,  1735  seqq. 
Waal,  A.  de.     Der  Campo  Santo  der  Deutschen  zu  Rom.     Freib. 

i.  Br.,  1896. 
Weiss,  Ch.     Papiers  d'lttat  du  Card,    de  Granvelle.     Vols.  I. -IV. 

Paris,  1841-1848. 
Willich,  H.     Giac.  Barozzi  da  Vignola.     Strassburg,  1906. 
Wirz,  C.     Ennio  Filonardi,  der  letzte  Nuntius  in  Zurich.     Zurich, 

1894. 
Akten  uber  die  diplomatischen  Beziehungen  der  romische 

Kurie   zu  der  Schweiz    (Quellen    zur    Schweizer    Geschichte, 

Vol.  XVI.).     Basel,  1895. 
Bullen    und    Breven    aus    italienischen    Archiven    1116- 

1623)  (Quellen  zur  Schweizer  Geschichte,  Vol.  XX.).     Basel, 

1902. 


QUOTED    IN   VOLS.    XIII.    AND    XIV.  XXV 

Wolf,  G.     Deutsche  Geschichte  im  Zeitalter  der  Gegenreformation. 

Vol.  I.,  p.  i.     Berlin,  1888. 
Wotschke,  Geschichte  der  Reformation  in  Polen.     Leipzig,  191 1. 

[Xavier,  Francis,  St.]  Monumenta  Xaveriana  ex  autographis, 
etc.,  collecta.  Tomus  primus,  Sti  Franc.  Xaverii  epistolas. 
Matriti,  1 899-1900. 

Zimmermann,  A.,  S.J.     Maria  die  Katholische.     Freiburg,  1890. 

Kardinal  Pole.     Regensburg,  1893. 

Zeitschrift  fur  katholische  Theologie.     36  vols.     Innsbruck,  1877- 

1912. 
Zeitschrift  fur   Kirchengeschicte,   herausg.    von   Brieger.     Vols.    I. 

seqq.     Gotha,   1877  seqq. 
Zinkeisen,  J.  M.     Geschichte  des  osmanischen  Reiches  in  Europa. 

2  vols.     Gotha,  1840-1854. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  XIII. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE    ELECTION    OF   JULIUS    III. 
A.D. 

1549  Importance  of  the  pontificate  of  Paul  III. 
His  work  for  reform     .... 
A  distinguished  conclave 
The  attitude  of  Charles  V.  and  Henry  II. 
The  interests  of  the  Farnese  and  their  opponent 

Cardinal  Salviati     .... 
The  question  of  Parma  and  Piacenza 
Parties  in  the  conclave 

Wish  of  the  Imperialists  for  a  quick  election 
The  French  delay  the  opening  of  the  conclave 
The  Cardinals  go  into  conclave  (November  29th 
Arrangements  for  guarding  the  conclave,  and  for 

preserving  order  in  the  city 
Charles  V.  declares  his  wishes  (November  20th) 
Opening  proceedings  of  the  conclave 
The  first  scrutiny  (December  3rd)     . 
Cardinal  Pole  receives  twenty-one  votes 
Pole's  votes  increased  to  twenty-four 
The  French  ambassador  demands  that  the  arrival 

of  the  French  Cardinals  be  awaited 
Pole's  election  seems  assured   (December  5th) 
Fear  of  a  French  schism 
Cardinal  Cervini  advises  against  delay 
Pole  requires  but  one  more  vote 
Reasons  for  Pole's  failure 
The  candidature  of  Cardinal  Toledo 
Arrival  of  the  French  Cardinals  (December  12th) 
Second  period  of  the  conclave.     Cardinal  Guise 
Charles  V.  excludes  several  Cardinals 
Favourable  prospects  of  Cardinal  del  Monte 
*549  Sixty  fruitless  ballots    .... 
Irritation  in  Rome         .... 
Attempts  at  a  compromise 

The  remarks  of  Massarelli  on  December   17th 
The  attack  of  Cardinal  Guise  on  Pole 
Struggle  between  the  Imperialists  and  the  French 

xxvii 


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XXV111  TABLE    OF   CONTENTS 


A.D.  PAGE 

1550  The  question  of  the  Holy  Year          ...  28 

Implacability  of  the  parties  (January  4th)              .  28 

Betting  in  Rome  on  the  election       ...  28 

Unhealthy  conditions  in  the  conclave          .            .  29 

Cardinal   Farnese's  proposal     ....  30 
Farnese's  further  proposal  (January  19th).     Guise's 

rough  refusal            .             .             .             .             .  31 
"  The   Cardinals   expect   anything   rather  than   an 

election  "                   .             .             .             .             .  31 
Speech  of  the  Cardinal-Dean,  de  Cupis,  on  the  abuses 

and  misdeeds  of  the  conclave  (January  26th)  .  32 
A  commission  of  Cardinals  appointed  to  draw  up  a 

decree  of  reform  .  .  .  .  .  33 
The  abuses  in  the  conclave  ....  34 
Decisions  of  the  reform  committee  (January  31st)  35 
Enforcement  of  the  enclosure  ;  the  superfluous  con- 
clavists ejected  .  .  .  .  .  36 
The  candidature  of  Salviati.     Change  of  front  of 

the  Farnese  Cardinals  .  .  .  .  37 
The  candidature  of  del  Monte  is  put  forward  .  38 
It  is  favourably  received  by  all  parties  .  .  39 
The  rival  leaders  agree  ....  40 
Del  Monte's  election  assured  (February  6th)  .  41 
Cardinal  del  Monte  elected  by  acclamation.  Hom- 
age of  the  Cardinals  (February  7th)  .  .  42 
The  final  scrutiny  and  end  of  the  conclave  (February 

8th) 43 

Disappointment  of  Charles  V.  and  Henry  II.     Satis- 
faction   in    the    Sacred    College.     Joy    of    the 

Romans        ......  44 


CHAPTER  II. 

PREVIOUS    LIFE,    CHARACTER    AND    BEGINNING    OF   THE 
REIGN    OF   JULIUS    III. 

Origin  of  the  family  of  the  Ciocchi  del  Monte       .  45 
1487  Giovan  Maria  del  Monte.     His  education  and  early 

career            ......  46 

1527  Governor  of  Rome.     His  narrow  escape  at  the  sack 

of  the  city  ......  47 

1536  He  is  created  Cardinal              ....  47 

1545  Legate  of  Paul  III.  at  the  Council  of  Trent          .  48 

1550  Personal  appearance  of  Julius  III.    ...  49 

His  character  and  temperament         ...  50 
The  versatility  of  his  culture.     A  child  of  the  Re- 
naissance     .            .            .            .            .            .  51 

His    lavish    generosity,    and    popularity    with    the 

Romans        .            .            .            .                         .  52 

Satisfaction  at  his  conciliatory  policy           .            .  53 


TABLE    OF   CONTENTS  XXIX 


A.D.  PAGE 

1550  His  care  to  provide  Rome  with  grain           .             .  54 

His  attitude  towards  Charles  V.  and  Henry  II.    .  54 
The    Pope's   instructions    for   the   envoys   to   these 

monarchs      .             .             .             .             .             .  55 

Coronation  of  Julius  III.   (February  22nd)               .  56 

The  Jubilee  solemnly  inaugurated  (February  24th)  56 
Confraternity   of   the    Pilgrims   founded    by   Philip 

Neri  .             .             .             .             .                          .  57 

The  Pope's  first  consistory  (February  28th)            .  57 

Reform  decrees.      The  obedientia  embassies             .  58 

Health  of  the  Pope       .            .            .            .            .  59 

Efforts  of  Julius  III.  to  cope  with  the  scarcity  of 

provisions     .             .             .             .             .             .  60 

Pageants  in  Rome         .            .            .            .            .  61 

The  carnival  festivities  at  the  Vatican         .            .  62 
Protests  of  Cardinals  Carafa  and  de  Cupis  against 

these              ......  63 

Theatrical  representations  at  the  Vatican    .            .  64 

Promotion  of  the  relatives  of  Julius  III.     .             .  66 

Innocenzo  del  Monte     .....  70 

He  is   created   Cardinal.     Opposition   of   Pole   and 

Carafa            ......  71 

Scandalous   life  of   Cardinal   Innocenzo  del  Monte  72 
He  is  made  principal  secretary  of  state       .             .  73 
The  secretaries  and  chancery  officials            .             .  74 
The  Pope's  devotion  to  business  ;  his  personal  direc- 
tion of  the  diplomatic  correspondence              .  75 


CHAPTER  III. 

PREPARATIONS    FOR    THE    REASSEMBLING    OF    THE    COUNCIL 
IN    TRENT. — THE    DISPUTE    CONCERNING    THE    DUCHY 
OF    PARMA. 

1550  The  Pope's  readiness  to  reassemble  the  Council  in 

Trent  ......  77 

Negotiations  with  Charles  V.  ...  78 

A  commission  of  Cardinals  is  appointed  to  deliberate 

on  the  question   (April)     ....  78 

The  choice  of  Trent  approved  ...  79 

The  former  objections  no  longer  applicable  .  79 

Intrigues  of  the  French  king  against  the  reassembling 

of  the  Council  .....  80 
Trivulzio  sent  to  the  French  court,  and  Pighino  to 

the  Emperor  .  .  .  .  .  81 

The  instructions  for  Pighino   .  .  .  .  81 

And  those  for  Trivulzio  ....  83 

The  Diet  at  Augsburg  agrees  to  the  continuance  of 

the  Council  .....  84 

The  negotiations  with  France  much  more  difficult  85 

Unfriendly  attitude  of  Henry  II,  .  ,  8(3 


XXX  TABLE    OF    CONTENTS 


A.D.  PAGE 

1550  The  Pope  drafts  the  bull  summoning  the  Council  87 
The  bull  approved  in  consistory  (November  14th)  88 
The  terms  01  the  bull  ;   it  is  sent  to  the  Emperor   .  89 

1 55 1  The  bull  is  published  :    first  in  Germany,  and  then 

in    Rome   (January  1st)     ....  90 

Secret  protest  of  Charles  V.   (January  3rd)              .  90 

Charles  V.'s  "  Farewell  to  the  Diet  "  (February  13th)  91 
Cardinal    Crescenzi    is    appointed    Legate    for    the 

Council    (March  4th)           .             .             .             .  91 

The  question  of  Parma  and  Piacenza  .  .  92 
The  Farnese  open  negotiations  with  France.     The 

Pope's  efforts  to  prevent  this     ...  93 

A  monitorium  sent  to  Ottavio  Farnese  .  .  94 
The  Pope's  indignation  with  his  vassal.     Dandino  is 

sent  to  the   Emperor  to   ask  his   advice  and 

help  .......  95 

The  French  threaten  a  National  Council     .             .  95 

Uncompromising  attitude  of  Julius  IIT.       .             .  96 

After  a  period  of  hesitation  and  vacillation,           .  97 

He  decides  on  an  appeal  to  arms     ...  98 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SECOND  PERIOD  OF  THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT. 

155 1  The    Pope    continues    the    preparations    for    the 

Council  ......  99 

The  presidents  make  their  entry  into  Trent  (April 

29th)  ......  100 

The  eleventh  Session  of  the  Council  is  held,  with  a 

very  small  attendance  (May  1st)  .  .  100 

Henry  II.  works  his  hardest  against  the  Council  10 1 
The    Pope   addresses    a   threatening   letter   to   the 

French  king  .....        102 

Schism  is  averted,  but  Henry  resolves  to  employ 

force  ......  102 

The  prelates  assemble  very  slowly  at  Trent  .  103 

Arrival  of  the  Prince  Electors  of  Mayence,  Treves 

and  Cologne  .  .  .  .  .104 

The  twelfth  Session  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (Sep- 
tember 1st)  .....  105 
A    French    envoy    presents    a    letter    addressed    to 

"  the  Fathers  of  the  Convention  of  Trent  "  .  106 

Henry  II.  refuses  to  be  bound  by  the  decrees  of 

the  Council  .  .  .  .  .106 

Charles  V.  takes  the  opposite  side    .  .  .  107 

The  theologians  of  the  Council  prepare  the  canons 

on  the  Holy  Eucharist      .  .  .  .108 

The    thirteenth    Session    of    the    Council    of    Trent 

(October  nth)         .  .  .  .  .  109 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS  XXXI 


155 1  Arrival  of  the  ambassadors  of  the  Elector  of  Bran- 

denburg       .  .  .  .  .  .110 

The  Decree  on  the  Holy  Eucharist  .  .  .  no 

Reply  of  the  Council  to  Henry  II.  .  .  .  in 

The    Decree   on   the    Sacraments    of    Penance    and 

Extreme  Unction    .  .  .  .  .112 

Reform  decree  against  bad  ecclesiastics       .  .  113 

The    fourteenth    Session    of   the    Council    of   Trent 

(November  23rd)    .  .  .  .  .113 

Decrees  on  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass  and  Holy  Orders 

prepared  by  the  theologians        .  .  .  114 

The  conspiracy  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony    .  .  114 

Representatives  of  the  Protestant  princes  .  .  115 

Their  impossible  demands        .  .  .  .  116 

Conciliatory  attitude  of  the  legate     .  .  .  117 

1552  The  demands  of  Badhorn,  the  Saxon  ambassador, 

namely  .  .  .  .  .  .118 

A  reconsideration  of  the  decrees  already  published         119 
1552  And  a  "  free,  Christian,  general  "  Council  .  .  120 

Dissensions   between  the  legate  and  the   Spanish- 
Imperial  party        .  .  .  .  .120 

Fifteenth  Session  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (January 

25th)  ......  121 

Letter  of  safe-conduct  for  the  Protestants  agreed 

upon  .  .  .  .  .  .121 

The    Saxons    still    make    difficulties  ;     the    Elector 

Maurice  playing  for  time  .  .  .  122 

The  Pope  rejects  the  Protestant  demands  .  .  123 

He  complains  to  the  Emperor  of  the  conduct  of  the 

Spaniards     .  .  .  .  .  .124 

The  Prince  Electors  leave  Trent  (March  nth)       .  125 

A  suspension  of  the  Council  becomes  inevitable   .  125 

The  Elector  Maurice  throws  off  the  mask,  and,  with 

France,  attacks  the  Empire         .  .  .  126 

The  decree  of  suspension  published  at  the  sixteenth 

Session  of  the   Council  of  Trent   (April   28th)  127 

Death  of  Cardinal  Crescenzi    .  .  .  .128 


CHAPTER  V. 

WAR    IN    UPPER    AND    CENTRAL    ITALY.       JULIUS    III.'S    EFFORTS 
FOR    PEACE.       CONCLUSION    OF    HIS    PONTIFICATE    AND 
HIS    DEATH. 

155 1  The  Pope's  efforts  at  the  last  moment  to  avoid  war  129 
Ottavio  Farnese  is  declared  to  have  forfeited   his 

fief  (May  22nd)       .            .            .             .            .130 
The  war  begun  ;  its  unpopularity  in  Rome             .  131 
The  Papal  troops  and  their  commanders  ;    proceed- 
ings against  the  Farnese              .             .             .  132 
Threatening  movement  of  the  Turks            .             .  133 


XXX11  TABLE    OF   CONTENTS 


A.D.  PAGE 

1551  Unfavourable  state  of  affairs  in  Upper  Italy  ;   finan- 

cial straits  of  the  Pope  ....  134 
The  French  enter  Piedmont  .  .  .  .135 
Julius    III.    is    intimidated,    and    sends    Cardinal 

Verallo  to  the  French  court        .            .            .  135 

The  Pope's  mistrust  of  the  French  king     .            .  136 

1552  Cardinal  Tournon  sent  by  Henry  II.  to  Rome  .  137 
The  French  terms  of  peace  .  .  .  .138 
The  Pope  accepts  the  terms  ;   Charles  V.  unwillingly 

agrees            ......  139 

1552  The  falseness  of  the  accusation  of  indifference  made 

against   Julius   III.              .             .             .             .  140 

The  zeal  of  the  Pope  for  the  cause  of  peace         .  142 

Grave  state  of  the  Pope's  health  .  .  .  143 
His    vain    attempts    to    reconcile    Charles    V.    and 

Henry  II.     .             .             .             .             .             .  143 

Siena  revolts  against  the  Spaniards,  and  puts  itself 

under  the  protection  of  France  (July  27th)    .  144 

Reaction  of  these  events  on   Rome  .             .             .  144 

War  threatened  in  Central  Italy       .            .            .  145 

Julius   III.  takes  precautionary  measures    .             .  146 

1553  And  endeavours  to  arrange  an  armistice  .  .  147 
Dissatisfaction  of  Charles  V.  .  .  .  .  148 
Cardinal-Legates  sent  to  the  Emperor  and  Henry 

II.   (April)     ......  149 

Failure  of  their  mission  .  .  .  .150 

1554  Cosimo  de'  Medici  siezes  Siena  ;    outbreak  of  war 

(January  26)            .             .             .             .             .  152 

The  Pope  endeavours  to  solve  the  Sienese  problem  153 

1555  Death  of  Julius  III.  (March  23rd)  .  .  .  154 
Contrast  between  Julius  III.  and  Julius  II.  .  155 
Failure  of  the  Pope  to  realize  the  gravity  of  the 

times,  but    .  .  .  .  .  .156 

His  efforts  for  reform  much  underestimated           .  157 


CHAPTER  VI. 

EFFORTS    OF    JULIUS    III.    FOR    REFORM. CREATION    OF 

CARDINALS. 

1550  The  Pope  continues  the  work  of  reform  begun  by 

his  predecessor        .  .  .  .  .158 

A  commission  of  Cardinals  appointed  .  .  159 

1 55 1  Reform  of  the  Dataria,  the  Penitentiary  and  the 

Signatura      .  .  .  .  .  .160 

The  Pope's  statutes  of  reform  .  .  .  162 

1552  Regulations  as  to  the  conclave  and  the   bestowal 

of  benifices  .  .  .  .  .  .163 

The  Pope's  comprehensive  plan  of  reform  causes  a 

great  sensation        .  .  .  .  .164 

Work  of  the  reform  commission         .  .   .  .,  165 


TABLE    OF   CONTENTS 


XXX111 


1552  Assiduity  of  the  Pope  and  the  Cardinals    . 
^So  A  general  reform   bull  drawn  up 

Value  of  the  reform  work  of  Julius  III. 

The    question    of    the    appointment    of    new    Car 

dinals  ..... 

Charles  V.'s  candidates  for  the  purple 
1551  The  first  creation  of  Cardinals  of  Julius  III.  (Novem 

ber  20th)  ..... 
The  new  Cardinals  .... 
Their  political  views  ;   the  complaints  of  the  French 

1553  Creation  of  four  more  Cardinals  (December  22nd) 
Cardinal  Roberto  de'  Nobili  .  .  .  . 
Francis  Borgia    ...... 

1 55 1  He  flies  from  Rome  to  escape  the  cardinalate 
His  persistent  refusal  of  the  purple 


PAGE 

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169 
170 

170 
171 

172 
173 
174 
175 
176 
177 
178 
179 


CHAPTER  VII. 


SPREAD    OF    THE    SOCIETY    OF    JESUS. THEIR    REFORMING 

ACTIVITIES    IN    SPAIN,    PORTUGAL,    ITALY    AND    GERMANY. 


1550  Friendly  relations  of  Julius  III.  with  the  Society 

of  Jesus  ..... 
Benefits  conferred  on  them  by  the  Pope  . 
Ignatius  of  Loyola  draws  up  the  constitutions  of 

the  Order     ..... 
Completion  of  the  life  work  of  Loyola 
1556  His  death  (July  31st)   .... 

Spread    of    the    Order    during    the    life    time    of 

Ignatius        .  .  '  . 

The  Society  of  Jesus  in  Spain 
Numerous  colleges  founded  there 
Their  zeal  for  souls  ;  success  of  their  labours 
Their  work  for  the  instruction  of  youth 
Opposition  of  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo  and  the 

Augustinians  .... 

The  Society  of  Jesus  in  Portugal 
The    Order    has    to    face    a    crisis    there  ;    Simon 

Rodriguez     ..... 
Work  of  the  Society  in  Italy 
Ignorance  in  the  country  districts    . 
Success  of  the  missionaries 
Appalling  state  of  affairs  in  Corsica 
Missionary  labours  of  Fr.  Landini,  S.J. 
Jesuit  colleges  in   Italy 

The  wide-spread  activities  of  the  Society   . 
The  state  of  affairs  in  Germany 
Literary  activity  of  the  Jesuits  in  Germany 
Peter  Canisius  and  the  foundation  of  the  college 

at  Cologne  ..... 
State  of  the  Church  in  Bohemia 


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181 

182 

183 
184 

184 

185 
186 
187 
188 

189 
190 

191 
192 
193 
193 
194 

195 
196 
197 
198 
199 

200 
201 


VOL.    XIII. 


XXXIV 


TABLE    OF   CONTENTS 


A.M. 

1556  The  work  of  Canisius  in  Vienna 

The  Catechism  of  Canisius       .... 
The  desire  of  [gnatius  to  possess  a  college  in  Paris 
Recognition  by  the  Parliament  necessary   . 
Difficulty  of  obtaining  this      .... 
The  opposition  of  the  Bishop  of  Paris  to  the  Society 
The  Society  condemned  by  the  theological  faculty 
Calmness  of  Ignatius  of  Loyola 
The  difficulty  settled  in  Rome 
The  Societv  established  in  the  Netherlands 


PAGE 
202 
203 

203 
204 
205 
206 
206 
207 
208 
209 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ACTIVITY    OF    THE    ROMAN    INQUISITION    IN    ITALY. SPREAD 

OF    HERESY    IN    GERMANY,    POLAND    AND    FRANCE. 


1550  Julius  III.  confirms  the  Roman  Inquisition 
The  Inquisition  in  Venice 
The  Barnabites  and  the  Angeliche    . 
Heretical  books  in  Italy 
Strict  regulations  concerning  these    . 
Edicts  against  Jewish  books   . 
The  Pope's  moderation  and  clemency 
The  Cardinals  of  the  Inquisition 
The  Pope  opposed  to  personal  severity  ;    executions 

rare  in  his  reign     .... 
The  testimony  of  Vergerio 
Heresy  in  Bologna,  Urbino  and  Milan 
The  Inquisition  in  Naples 
The   Jesuits  combat  heresy  by  the  instruction  of 

the  young    ..... 
Prelates  accused  of  heresy 
The  state  of  affairs  in  Germany  grows  steadily  worse 
Cardinal  Morone  sent  to  Germany    . 
Reasons  of  the  religious  neglect  there 
Proposal  to  found  a  German  College  in  Rome 
Julius  III.  joyfully  agrees  to  this  proposal 

1552  The  foundation  of  the  "  Germanicum  " 
Difficulty  of  maintaining  the  college 

155 1  Measures  against  heresy  in  France.     The  Edict  of 

Chateaubriant  (June  27th) 
Strained  relations  between  Rome  and  Paris 
The  spread  of  heresy  in  Poland 
Indifference  and  weakness  of  the  Polish  bishops 

1553  Julius  III.'s  exhortation  to  the  King  of  Poland 
The  zeal  of  Bishop  Hosius 

CHAPTER  IX. 


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211 
212 
213 

214 

215 
216 

217 

218 
219 
220 
221 

222 
223 
224 
225 
226 
227 
228 
229 
230 

231 
232 
233 
234 
235 
236 


ACCESSION    OF    QUEEN    MARY    OF    ENGLAND. HER    MARRIAGE 

TO    PHILIP    OF    SPAIN. 


1 55 1  Fall  of  the  Protector  Somerset 


237 


TABLE    OF   CONTENTS 


XXXV 


A.D.  PAGE 

1552  The  second  Book  of  Common  Prayer  .  .  238 
Foreign  theologians  in  England  .  .  .  239 
The  Catholic  bishops  deposed  .  .  .  240 
The  altars  destroyed  .  .  .  .  241 
All  traces  of  Catholicism  removed  .  .  .  242 
The  Thirty-nine  Articles           .             .             .             .243 

1553  Death  of  Edward  VI.  (July  6th)  .  .  .  243 
Attempt  to  place  Lady  Jane  Grey  on  the  throne 

(July  10th)  ......  244 

Mary  proclaimed  queen   (July  19th)               .             .  244, 
Mary's  unhappy  youth  ;    she  steadfastly  refuses  to 

adopt  the  new  religion     ....  245 

Her  conciliatory  and  mild  policy  .  .  .  246 
The    deposed    bishops    restored,    and    mass    again 

celebrated     ......  247 

Joy  in  Rome  at  Mary's  accession      .             .             .  248 

Pole's  letter  to  Julius  III.       .             .             .             .  249 

Pole  is  appointed  legate  to  England             .             .  250 
His  letter  to  the  queen            .             .             .             .251 

Need  of  proceeding  cautiously            .             .             .  252 

1553  Mary  considers  the  presence  of  a  legate  in  England 

impossible  for  the  present            .             .             .  253 

Coronation  of  the  queen  (October  1st)  .  .  254 
A    bill   to    invalidate    all   the    religious    changes    is 

drafted,  but  withdrawn  ....  254 
Bills  to  recognize  the  marriage  of  Queen  Catherine, 

and  abolish  the  religious  laws  of  Edward  VI. 

are  passed    ......  255 

Charles  V.  opposes  the  mission  of  Pole       .            .  256 
The  Pope  accepts  his  view      .             .             .             .257 

The  question  of  the  queen's  marriage          .             .  258 

Candidates  for  Mary's  hand    ....  259 

The  policy  and  influence  of  Charles  V.  .  .  260 
He  proposes  the  Spanish  marriage  ;    opposition  in 

England        ......  261 

1554  Mary's    determination  ;     the    marriage    settlement 

drawn  up  by  Gardiner  ....  262 
The  rising  of  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt  .  .  .  263 
The  queen  appeals  to  the  citizens  of  London  .  264 
The  rebellion  is  crushed  .  .  .  .265 
This  a  turning  point  in  Mary's  reign  .  .  265 
Execution  of  Lady  Jane  Grey.  Parliament  con- 
firms the  marriage  treaty  .  .  .  266 
Marriage  of  Mary  to  Philip  of  Spain  (July  25th)  267 
Pole  looked  upon  as  an  opponent  of  the  marriage  267 
The  Pope's  directions  to  the  legate  .             .             .  268 

CHAPTER   X. 

LEGATION    OF    CARDINAL    POLE. — THE    RECONCILIATION    OF 
KNGLAND    WITH    THE    HOLY    SEE. 


1551  The  prospects  of  reconciliation 


270 


XXXVI  TABLE    OF   CONTENTS 

A.D.  PAGE 

1554  Restoration  of  the  old  worship          .            .            .  271 

Measures  against  the  married  clergy            .            .  272 

The  appointment  of  new  bishops      .            .            .  273 

Meeting  of   Parliament  and  Convocation                   .  274 

The  question  of  Church  property      .             .             .  275 

Pole's  difficult  position  ;  he  begs  to  be  recalled  .  276 
His  failure   as  a  peacemaker   between   Charles   V. 

and   Henry   II.                     .             .             .             .  277 

He  is  repulsed  by  Charles  V.  .  .  .  278 
He  appeals  to  King  Philip  .  .  .  .279 
Pole  conceals  the  extent  of  his  powers  from  the 

Emperor       .  .  .  .  .  .280 

The   obstacles   to   his  appearance  in   England   are 

removed        .  .  .  .  .  .281 

Simon    Renard   appears   in   Brussels   and   explains 

the  state  of  affairs  in  England  .             .             .  282 

Pole  at  last  starts  for  England    (November   12th)  283 

His  journey  becomes  a  triumphal  procession          .  284 

He  is  received  by  the  queen  at  Westminster         .  284 

The  legate's  address  to  Parliament  .  .  .  285 
Solemn   reconciliation   of   England   with   the   Holy 

See  (November  30th)         .  .  .  .286 

The  question  of  the  Church  property  settled         .  287 

Thanksgiving  in  Rome              .            .            .            .  288 

CHAPTER  XI. 

SPREAD    OF   CHRISTIANITY    IN    THE    NEW    WORLD. 


New  bishoprics  in  Spanish  and  Portuguese  South 

America        ..... 
Favourable  prospects  for  Christianity  there 
Tyranny  and  atrocities  of  the  white  settlers 
The  work  of  the  missionaries  undone 
Civilizing  influence  on  the  missionaries 
Opposition  of  the  colonists 
Improvement  in  the  conditions 
The  Franciscans  in  Mexico 
Their  care  for  the  instruction  of  the  young 
Brother  Peter  of  Ghent  and  his  work 
Conversion  of  the  Aztecs 

The  missionaries  the  champions  of  the  natives 
Their  struggle  against  the  "  Audiencia  " 
"  Protectors  of  the  Indians  " 
The  Dominicans  in  Guatemala 
Literary  activity  of  the  missionaries 
Their  historical    and  archaeological  researches 


290 
291 
292 
293 
294 
295 
296 

297 
298 
299 
300 
301 
302 
303 
304 
305 
306 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE    EAST    INDIES    AND    THE    MISSION    OF    ST.    FRANCIS    XAVIER. 

1554  The  Jesuits  in  the  East  Indies  .  .  .  307 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS 


XXXV11 


A.D.  PAGE 

1554  The  advice  of  Ignatius  Loyola  .  .  .  308 
Henriquez  and  the  mission  on  the  Fishing  Coast  309 
He  draws  up  the  first  Tamil  grammar  .  .  310 
Rapacity     and     immorality     of     the     Portuguese 

officials  .  .  .  .  .  .311 

Persecution  by   the  Mahommedans    .            .            .  312 

1555  The  Jesuits  penetrate  into  Abyssinia  ;    three  Jesuit 

bishops  appointed  for  that  country       .             .  312 

1549  Francis  Xavier  lands  in  Japan           .             .             .  314 

Difficulties  of  the  Japanese  mission              .            .  315 

Xavier's  hopes  of  ultimate  success  ;  slow  progress  316 

1 55 1  His  journey  to  see  the  Emperor  of  Japan  .  317 
He  leaves  Japan  in  order  to  go  to  China  .  .  318 
He  reaches  the  island  of  Canton       .            .            .  319 

1552  Death  of  St.  Francis  Xavier  (November  27th)  .  320 
Qualities  of  St.  Francis  Xavier  .  .  .  321 
His  gentleness  and  humility  .  .  .  .  323 
A  Protestant  estimate  of  the  saint  .  .  .  324 
The  veneration  of  the  Catholic  world.     "  Apostle 

of  the  Indies  "                    .            .            .            .  325 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

JULIUS    III.    IN    RELATION    TO    LETTERS    AND    ART. MICHAEL 

ANGELO    AND    THE    REBUILDING    OF     ST.    PETER'S. THE 

VILLA    GIULIA. 


1552  The  interest  of  Julius  III.  in  science  and  art 

The  Vatican   Library   and   the   Roman   University 

Humanists  promoted  by  Julius  III 

Giovio  and   Pietro  Aretino 

The  humanists  extol  the  Pope  ;    writings  dedicated 

to  him  ..... 

Pierluigi  da  Palestrina 
Julius  III.  and  Michael  Angelo 
The  Pope  supports  him  against  his  enemies 
Lack  of  funds  for  the  building  of  St.   Peter's 
The  Pope's  consideration  for  Michael  Angelo 
The  Villa  Giulia 
Julius   III.'s  magnificent  plan 
The  architects  of  the  Villa  Giulia 
The  Pope  and  Vasari   . 
The  gardens  and  pleasure  grounds 
The  approach  to  the  villa 
The  main  building  ;  its  frescoes  and  statuary 
Present  state  of  the  villa 
The  fountain-court 
The  Nymphaeum 

Discoveries  of  the  relics  of  antiquity  in   Rome 
Reconstruction  of  the  Palazzo  Cardelli 
The  del  Monte  chapel  in  S.   Pietro  in  Montorio 


326 

327 
328 

329 

330 
332 
333 
334 
336 
337 
338 
339 
340 
34i 
342 
343 
344 
345 
347 
349 
35o 
35i 
352 


XX  Will 


TABLE    OF   CONTENTS 


1552  Foreign  artists  in   Rome 

Artistic  activity   under  Julius  III 


353 

35-1 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


ROME  AT  THE  END  OF  THE  RENAISSANCE  PERIOD 

General  appearance  of  the  city 

The  sources  for  a  true  picture  of  Rome  at  the  time 

The  sketches  of  Martin  van  Heemskerck    . 

The  notes  of  Johann  Fichard 

The  panorama  of  Heemskerck 

Mediaeval  appearance  of  Rome  at  that  time 

Smallness  of  the  inhabited  district    . 

The  Borgo  .  .    •        . 

Fichard's  description  of  the  Vatican 

The  Belvedere  and  its  collection  of  antiquities 

Old  St.   Peter's  ;  the  atrium   . 

Interior  of  the  old  basilica      . 

State    of   the    new    building   in   the   time    of    Pau 

III.  as  shown  by  Heemskerck'  sketches 
St.   Peter's  Square 
The  Rione  di  Ponte       .... 

New  streets  ;  the  Canale  di  Ponte  and 

The  inundations  of  the  Tiber 

The  district  of  banks,  commercial  houses  and  inns 

Palaces  in  the  Rione    .... 

Exterior  decoration        .... 

The  Rione  di  Parione  ;  the  Piazza  Navona 
Pasquino  ...... 

Palaces  of  prelates  ;  the  Cancelleria 

The  Palazzo  Massimo,  and  the  houses  of  the  Galli 

and  the  Sassi  .... 

The  Campo  di  Fiore  ;  the  "  actual  forum  of  Rome  ' 
Shops  and  inns  in  this  district 
The  Rione  delict  Regola 

Houses  for  pilgrims  ;  the  Palazzo  Farnese  . 
The  Trastevere     ..... 
Its  picturesque  charm  ;   the  old  road  of  the  pilgrims 
The  Rione  di  S.  Angelo 
The  Portico  of  Octavia  and  the  Theatre  of  Mar 

cellus  .  .  .  . 

The  Rione  di  Ripa         .  .  ... 

The  Rione  di  Campitelli 
The  Capitol  and  the  Pantheon 
The  Rione  della  Pigna 
The  Rione  di  Trevi  ;  the  Quirinal 
Gardens  and  villas  on  the  Quirinal  . 
The  Rione  di  Colonna  .... 
The  Rione  di   S.  Eustachio 
Heemskerck's  description  of  the  Palazzo  Madama 


399 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS 


XXXIX 


A.D. 

1552  The  palaces  of  the  Valle  family 
The  Valle  collection  of  antiquities 
Other  palaces  in  the  Rione  di  S.  Eustachio 
The  Rione  di  Campo  Marzo  ;    charitable  institution 
The  Porta  del  Popolo  and  the  streets  leading  from  it 
The  whole  population  crowded  near  the  Tiber 
Scarcity  of  the  water  supply 
The  uninhabited  districts  of  the  city 
The  ruins  of  ancient  Rome 
Ruthless  spoliation  of  the  ancient  monuments 
The  Colosseum    ..... 
Heemskerk's  striking  picture   of  the  state   of  the 

Forum  ..... 

The  Palace  of  the  Caesars 
The  Palatine  and  the  Imperial   Fora 
A  district  of  silence  and  solitude 
The  Rione  de'  Monti     .... 
The  Lateran        ..... 
S.  Maria  Maggiore  .... 

Witness  of  the  inscriptions  and  epitaphs     . 
The  guide  for  pilgrims  ;   mirabilia  Romae    . 
Papal  ceremonies  ;   Holy  Week 
Maundy  thursday  .... 

Good  Friday,  Holy  Saturday  and  Easter   . 
The  "  Stations  " 

Renewed  veneration  for  the  House  of  God 
Exact   carrying   out   of  the   ceremonial  ;     majestic 

music  ..... 

Impressions  of  an  unknown  Florentine  pilgrim 
Itinerary  for  a  three  days'  visit 
Private  collections  of  antiquities 
Charitable  institutions  ;  the  hospitals 
The  national  hospices   .... 
Confraternities  and  institutes  of  charity 
A  new  impetus  in  Catholic  life,  which  makes  "  Roma 

Aeterna  "  again      .... 
The  "  Holy  City  " 


PAGE 

399 
400 

401 
402 
403 
403 
403 
404 

405 
406 
407 

407 
408 
409 
410 
410 
411 
412 

413 
414 

415 
416 

417 
418 
418 

419 
420 
422 
423 
423 
424 

425 

426 

4^7 


LIST  OF    UNPUBLISHED    DOCUMENTS   IN 
APPENDIX 


i. 

ii. 

in. 

IV. 

v. 

VI. 

VII. 
VIII. 

IX. 


XI. 

XII. 
XIII. 
XIV. 

XV. 
XVI. 

XVII. 

XIX. 

XX. 

XXI. 

XXIa. 

XXIb. 
XXII. 

XXIII. 
XXIV. 

XXV. 

XXVI. 

XXVII. 

XXVIII. 


Endimio  Calandra  to  his  brother  Sabino 
Pirro  Olivo  to  Sabino  Calandra 
Pirro  Olivo  to  Sabino  Calandra 
Benedetto  Buonanni  to  Cosimo  I.,   Duke  of 

Tuscany  ..... 

Pope  Julius  III.  to  Cardinal  Marcello  Cervini 
Averardo    Serristori   to   Cosimo    I.,    Duke   of 

Tuscany  ..... 

Consistory  of  March  ioth,   1550 
Averardo    Serristori   to    Cosimo    I.,    Duke   of 

Tuscany  ..... 

Benedetto  Buonanni  to  Cosimo  I.,   Duke  of 

Tuscany.  ..... 

Judgment  of  Cardinal  Marcello  Cervini  as  In- 
quisitor ...... 

Averardo   Serristori   to    Cosimo    I.,    Duke   of 

Tuscany  ..... 

Ippolito  Capilupi  to  the  Duchess  of  Mantua 
Ippolito  Capilupi  to  the  Duchess  of  Mantua 
Pope  Julius  III.  to  Paulus  Jovius 
Pope  Julius  III.  to  Franciscus  de  Augustinis 
Pope   Julius   III.   to   Cardinal   Juan   Alvarez 

de  Toledo  ..... 

-XVIII.     Pope  Julius  III.  to  Hannibal  Spatafora 
Camillo  Capilupi  to  Cardinal  Ercole  Gonzaga 
C.  Titio  to  Cosimo  I.,  Duke  of  Tuscany 
Pope  Julius  III.  tc   King  Ferdinand  . 
Averardo   Serristori   to   Cosimo    I.,    Duke   of 

Tuscany  ..... 

Cardinal  Morone  to  Cardinal  Pole 
Pope  Julius  III.  to  Petro  Antonia  di  Capua, 

Archbishop  of  Otranto 
Safe-conduct  of  Julius  III. 
Averardo   Serristori   to   Cosimo    I.,    Duke   of 

Tuscany  ..... 

Lutherans  in  Rome,   155 2- 1554 
Camillo  Capilupi  to  Cardinal  Ercole  Gonzaga 
Furtherance  of  the  re- building  of  St.  Peter's 

by  Julius  III.  ..... 

Ordinances  for  reform  by  Pope  Julius  III.  . 


PAGE 

43i 
432 
432 

433 
433 

434 
434 

435 

435 

436 

438 
438 
439 
439 
440 

441 

445 

446 

447 
447 

447 
448 

449 
450 

450 
45i 
45i 

452 
457 


xl 


CHAPTER    I. 

The  Election  of  Julius  III. 

Paul  III.  holds  a  very  prominent  place  among  the  Popes 
of  the  XVI th  century,  not  only  because  his  reign  was  un- 
usually long  and  specially  rich  in  events  of  the  greatest  import- 
ance, but  still  more  because  it  covers  the  transition  period 
between  the  Renaissance  and  the  Catholic  Reformation  and 
Restoration. 

A  man  of  very  great  gifts,  the  Farnese  Pope,  with  a  full 
perception  of  the  all-embracing  mission  of  the  Holy  See,  and 
of  the  ever-increasing  gravity  of  the  position  in  the  northern 
and  central  countries  of  Europe,  turned  his  attention  in  a 
special  manner  to  those  questions  which  were  essentially  of  an 
ecclesiastical  nature.  Worldly  interests,  which  had  un- 
doubtedly predominated  during  the  reigns  of  the  Renaissance 
Popes  since  Sixtus  IV.,  also  had  great  weight  with  him,  but 
they  no  longer  occupied  the  first  place,  and  were  subordinated 
to  ecclesiastical  interests. 

In  casting  a  glance  over  the  fifteen  years'  pontificate  of  Paul 
III.,  the  conviction  is  forced  upon  us  that  the  dawn  of  a  new 
era,  full  of  hope,  had  arisen  for  the  Church,  in  which  she  would 
again,  as  so  often  before,  gloriously  verify  her  spiritual  ascend- 
ancy and  her  marvellous  power  of  rejuvenation.  The  ex- 
ternally brilliant,  but  essentially  worldly,  period  of  the 
Renaissance,  which  took  Church  and  religion  as  lightly  as  it 
did  life  itself,  was  hurrying  towards  its  end.  A  new  era  was 
beginning,  the  most  important  problems  of  which  were 
perfectly  realized  by  the  Farnese  Pope. 

However  much  Paul  III.  paid  tribute  to  the  fateful  epoch 
at  which  he  had  come  into  power,  he  was  nevertheless  just  to 
that  generation  in  which  the  strictly  ecclesiastical  element, 
never  losing  sight  of  its  goal,  and  without  considering  spiritual 

VOL.    XIII.  i 


2  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

change,  was  working  towards  a  reform  of  conditions  that  were 
utterly  corrupt,  and  was  striving  to  cope  with  a  dangerous 
crisis  by  means  of  an  entirely  new  state  of  things.  The 
inauguration  of  the  Council,  the  removal  of  abuses,  the 
renewal  of  the  College  of  Cardinals,  the  fight  against  the 
divisions  in  the  Church,  which  threatened  Italy  as  well,  and 
the  protection  of  the  reformed  Orders,  were  all  of  epoch- 
making  importance.  A  thoroughly  effective  result,  however, 
had  not  yet  been  attained.  The  Council  was  as  far  from  com- 
ing to  an  agreement,  as  the  attempts  at  reform  to  completion. 
The  new  Orders  were  still  in  their  initial  stages,  and  had  not, 
to  a  great  extent,  even  fixed  their  final  organization,  while  the 
changes  in  the  College  of  Cardinals  were  in  no  way  completed. 
The  difficulties  which  stood  in  the  way  of  endeavours  to 
promote  the  ascendancy  of  purely  ecclesiastical  interests  are 
proved  by  the  proceedings  at  the  conclave  after  the  death  of 
Paul  III.1 

1  There  is  an  exceedingly  rich  source  of  materials  at  our  dis- 
posal concerning  the  conclave  of  Julius  III.,  which,  with  that 
of  Pius  IV.,  was  the  longest  of  the  XVIth  century.  In  the  first 
place  there  is  the  testimony  of  the  eye-witnesses  :  Cardinal 
Bernardino  Maffei,  Angelo  Massarelli,  Sebastianus  Gualterius 
and  Petrus  Paulus  Gualterius  (de  brevibus),  the  three  latter 
being  present  at  the  conclave  as  conclavists  of  Cardinals 
Cervini,  Alessandro  Farnese  and  Maffei.  To  these  we  may 
add  the  notes  of  the  master  of  ceremonies  of  the  conclave, 
L.  Firmanus.  In  the  second  volume  of  the  monumental  publica- 
tion of  the  Gorres  Society,  dealing  with  the  authorities  respecting 
the  Council  of  Trent,  Merkle  has  given,  in  an  admirable  way, 
a  full  report  of  Massarelli,  and  extracts  from  the  other  four, 
while  the  editor  has  noted  in  the  preface  everything  necessary 
concerning  the  handing  down  of  these  authorities  and  their 
relation  to  one  another.  The  description  made  use  of  here  is 
taken  entirely  from  Massarelli,  unless  otherwise  stated.  As  a 
complement  to  the  whole,  the  reports  of  the  ambassadors,  which 
have  been  partly  reprinted,  have  been  drawn  upon.  Of  the  more 
recent  accounts,  prominence  is  given  to  Sagmuller,  Papst- 
wahlen,  181  seqq.  ;  Papstwahlbullen,  i  seqq.  ;  G.  de  Leva, 
Storia  di  Carlo  quinto  V.,  63  seqq. 


PRELIMINARIES     OF     THE     CONCLAVE.  3 

Under  the  Farnese  Pope  the  number  of  Cardinals  had  risen 
to  fifty-four  ;  of  these,  twenty-nine  were  in  the  Eternal  City 
at  the  death  of  the  Pope  i1  before  the  beginning  of  the  con- 
clave twelve  more  arrived,2  and  during  the  election  nine 
Frenchmen  and  the  Spaniard,  Pacheco,  also  came  ;  three 
members  of  the  Sacred  College,  de  Givry,  d'Hanebault  and  the 
Cardinal- Infante  of  Portugal  did  not  take  part  in  the  conclave. 
Four  of  the  Cardinals  had,  it  is  true,  to  leave  on  account  of 
illness,  so  that  of  the  fifty-four  electors  only  forty-seven  took 
part  in  the  elevation  of  the  new  Pope,  but  in  spite  of  this,  no 
such  distinguished  conclave  had  taken  place  for  a  very  long 
time.  As  in  numbers  it  was  the  most  considerable,  this 
conclave  was  also  the  longest  in  the  memory  of  man.  It 
began  on  November  29th,  1549,  and  only  finished  on  February 
8th,  1550.  The  Church  remained,  therefore,  nearly  three 
months  without  a  head.  The  cause  of  this  unusual  delay  is 
to  be  found  rather  in  the  behaviour  of  the  secular  princes,  who 
interfered  in  the  most  unjustifiable  manner  in  electoral  dis- 
cussions, than  in  the  party  deliberations  of  the  College  of 
Cardinals,  and  the  great  number  of  candidates.3 

That  the  Emperor  and  the  King  of  France  should,  after  the 
death  of  Paul  III.,  attempt  to  exercise  as  decisive  an  influence 
as  possible  on  the  elevation  of  the  new  Pope,  was  to  be  ex- 
pected. Charles  V.  was  bound  to  desire  a  Pope  who  would 
be  willing  to  continue  the  Council  and  recall  it  to  Trent.  He 
was  determined  to  prevent  at  any  cost  the  election  of  the 
eminent  Marcello  Cervini,  who,  as  Cardinal-Legate  at  Trent, 
had  succeeded  in  bringing  about  the  removal  of  the  Council 
to  Bologna.  The  dispute  about  Parma  and  Piacenza,  which 
was  still  pending,  influenced  the  attitude  of  the  Cardinals  and 
the  foreign  powers  no  less  than  the  question  of  the  Council. 

1  Compiled  by  Panvinio,   in   Merkle,    II.,    7. 

2  Namely  Meudon  on  November  11,  Gaddi  on  Nov.  14,  Filonardi 
on  Nov.  15,  Madruzzo  on  Nov.  19,  Salviati  and  Gonzaga  on  Nov. 
21,  Cibo  and  Lenoncourt  on  Nov.  22,  del  Monte  and  della  Rovere 
on  Nov.  23,  and  Truchsess  and  Doria  on  Nov.  24.     See  Mass- 

ARELLI,    IO,    13,    14,    16,    19,   21,   22,   23. 

3  Cf.  the  sarcasm  of  Muzio  (Lettere,   108). 


4  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

The  Viceroy  of  Milan  and  his  brother,  Ercole  Gonzaga, 
Cardinal  of  Mantua,  had  displayed  activity  on  the  side  of  the 
Emperor  even  during  the  lifetime  of  Paul  III.,  by  bringing 
forward  a  rival  to  the  Farnese  for  the  future  conclave  who 
would  return  Parma  and  Piacenza  to  the  Emperor.1  Their 
chosen  candidate  was  Cardinal  Salviati,  the  nephew  of  Leo  X., 
and  uncle  of  the  Queen  of  France.  In  the  opinion  of  the 
Imperial  Ambassador  in  Rome  in  1547,  Diego  Hurtado  de 
Mendoza,  Salviati  had,  in  other  respects  as  well,  the  best 
prospects  of  obtaining  the  tiara.2  He  was  popular  both  with 
the  Cardinals  who  were  favourable  to  the  Imperial  and  the 
French  interests,  as  well  as  with  those  who  were  neutral ; 
Mendoza  had  himself  been  won  over  to  his  side  by  the  Gon- 
zagas,  while  Granvelle  was  also  well  disposed  towards  him.3 
Cardinal  Salviati,  however,  found  a  formidable  opponent  in 
his  relative,  Cosimo  de'  Medici,  and  his  wily  representative 
in  Rome,  Averardo  Serristoii.  A  memorandum  of  Cardinal 
Gonzaga  to  Granvelle,  in  which  the  candidature  of  Salviati 
was  recommended,  having  come  to  Serristori's  knowledge  in 
April  1549,  it  was  laid  by  him  before  the  Pope.4  Paul  III., 
who  feared  everything  for  his  relatives  on  the  part  of  Salviati, 
was  extremely  angry  ;  he  would  create  fifty  Cardinals,  he 
exclaimed,  to  render  the  election  of  Salviati  impossible.5 
Things  did  not,  indeed,  go  as  far  as  this,  but  at  the  nomination 
of  Cardinals  on  April  8th,  1549,  at  which  four  men  devoted 
to  the  Farnese  interests  received  the  purple,6  an  answer  was 
found  to  the  intrigues  of  the  Gonzagas.  Salviati's  correspond- 
ence was  watched,  and  a  document  exposing  him  was  com- 

1  De  Leva,  V.,  64  seq.  Legaz.  di  Serristori,  187  seqq.  Maffei 
in  Merkle,  II.,  19  seq. 

2  Dollinger,  Beitrage,  I.,  92.  Mendoza  maintains  that 
Salviati  had  children  ;  Salviati  says  on  the  other  hand  (Legaz. 
di  Serristori,  193)  that  the  accusation  arose  from  his  being 
mistaken  for  his  brother. 

3  De  Leva,  V.,  65  n.  4. 

4  Seriistori's  despatch  of  April  13,  1549  in  Legaz.      188  seq. 

5  Druffel,  I.,  270. 

6  Cf.  Vol.  XII.  of  this  work,  p.  443. 


PARTIES     IN     THE     CONCLAVE.  5 

municated  to  the  Emperor,1  whereupon  Charles  V.  excluded 
him  also  from  the  election.2 

Shortly  before  the  death  of  Paul  III.,  the  discussions  regard- 
ing the  possession  of  Parma  and  Piacenza  again  led  to  a 
rearrangement  of  the  parties  in  the  College  of  Cardinals.  As 
early  as  July  14th,  1547,  the  Imperial  ambassador,  Mendoza, 
had,  when  setting  before  his  master  the  prospects  for  the 
coming  Papal  election, 3  pointed  out  three  politically  interested 
parties  in  the  Sacred  College,  besides  a  neutral  group  :  the 
Imperial,  the  French,  and  the  adherents  of  Paul  III.  After 
Alessandro  Farnese  had  joined  the  side  of  the  Emperor,  how- 
ever, and  looked  to  him  for  the  restoration  of  Parma  and 
Piacenza, 4  the  Imperial  party  and  the  adherents  of  the  Farnese 
joined  together  in  the  College  of  Cardinals.  Farnese  had  made 
a  move  on  November  19th,  without  having  approached  the 
Emperor  in  the  matter,  by  having  the  authenticity  of  the 
document  in  which  Paul  III.,  shortly  before  his  death,  had 
ordered  the  return  of  Parma  and  Piacenza  to  Ottavio  Farnese, 
attested  by  the  Sacred  College.  The  relations  between 
Alessandro  Farnese  and  the  Emperor  were  not,  however, 
altered  by  this  attempt,  as  Camillo  Orsini,  the  Governor  of 
Parma,  refused  to  deliver  it  to  Ottavio,  in  spite  of  the  College 
of  Cardinals.5 

There  were,  therefore,  really  only  two  parties  to  be  con- 
sidered in  the  conclave,  the  Imperial  and  the  French.  The 
Spaniards,  Alvarez  de  Toledo,  Mendoza,  Cueva  and  Pacheco 


1  Serristori  on  May  1,  1549  (Legaz.,  197).  Maffei  gives  further 
particulars  as  to  this  compromising  document,  in  Merkle, 
II.,  19  seq. 

2  "  Sua  Maesta  vorebbe  prima,  che  fosse  Papa  il  Diavolo," 
said  Mendoza  to  Serristori  (Legaz.  209  seq.). 

3  Dollinger,  Beitrage,  I.,  92. 

4  Cf.  Vol.  XII.  of  this  work,  p.  445.  Concerning  tlie  motives 
which  induced  Farnese  to  join  the  Imperialists,  cf.  Marlei  in 
Merkle,  II. ,  26. 

6  Massarelli,  16,  17.  Druffel,  I.,  316.  Cf.  Vol.  XII.  of 
this  work,  p.  450. 


6  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

belonged  to  the  Imperial  party,1  as  did  Carpi,  Morone,  Cres- 
cenzi,  Madruzzo,  Sfondrato,  Duranti,  Alessandro  and  Ranuccio 
Farnese,  Medici,  Maffei,  Gonzaga,  Doria,  Sforza,  Savelli, 
Cornaro,  della  Rovere,  Truchsess  and  Pole.  To  these  twenty- 
two  adherents  of  the  Emperor  were  opposed  twenty-four 
Cardinals  with  French  sympathies.  These  were  the  twelve 
Frenchmen,  Armagnac,  Meudon,  Lenoncourt,  du  Bellay, 
Guise,  Chatillon,  Vendome,  Tournon,  de  la  Chambre, 
d'Amboise,  Lorraine  and  Bourbon.  Besides  these,  there  were 
of  the  Italians,  the  four  Cardinal-Bishops  and  seniors  of  the 
Sacred  College,  de  Cupis,  Salviati,  del  Monte  and  Carafa, 2  as 
well  as  Cesi,  Verallo,  Ridolfi,  Pisani,  Sermoneta,  Este,  Capo- 
diferro  and  Crispi,  Filonardi  also  voting  for  the  most  part  with 
them.  To  the  neutrals  belonged  Cibo,  Gaddi  and  the  Por- 
tuguese, de  Silva. 

Cervini  stood  outside  all  these  parties  ;  Guise  testifies  of 
him,  as  also  of  Carafa,  that  they  obeyed  their  conscience  alone.3 
This  does  not  mean  that  these  two  champions  of  ecclesiastical 
reform  took  no  interest  in  political  considerations  ;  it  was 
precisely  the  conscientious  and  austere  Cervini  who  was  the 
principal  adviser  of  Farnese.4  The  welfare  of  the  Church, 
as  well  as  conscientious  motives,  required  that  consideration 

1  According  to  the  enumeration  of  Massarelli  (p.  97).  Ayala 
(in  Druffel,  I.,  333)  counts  Cibo  as  an  Imperialist ;  de  Silva, 
Cervini  and  Rovere  had  also  voted  for  Pole. 

2  Guise  (Ribier,  II.,  261)  does  not  reckon  Carafa  among  the 
French  Cardinals.  Theatinus  also  only  appears  among  the 
adherents  of  the  French  in  the  list  of  Masius  (Lacomblet,  Archiv 
fur  Gesch.  des  Niederrheins,  VI.,  Cologne,  1868,  157. 

3  Ribier,  II.,  261.  Cf.  also  with  regard  to  Carafa  the  *notes 
of  Cardinal  Antonio  Carafa  in  the  Cod.  X.,  F  55,  f.  6  of  the 
National  Library,  Naples. 

4  "  Farnesius,  qui  plurimum  praesidii  atque  consilii  in  ilium 
(Cervini)  contulerat,  illius  ope  carere  (when  Cervini  fell  ill) 
aegre  ferebat."  In  order  not  to  lose  him  they  gave  him  a 
room  adjoining  the  conclave,  which  was  included  in  the 
enclosure,  an  unheard-of  privilege.  Gualterius  in  Merkle, 
II.,    60. 


CARDINALS     OF     PAUL     III.  7 

should  be  shown  to  those  princes  who  could  be  of  such  use  to 
the  Church  or  do  her  so  much  harm. 

Of  the  Cardinals  named,  Salviati,  Cibo,  Ridolfi,  de  Cupis, 
Pisani  and  Lorraine  owed  their  elevation  to  Leo  X.,  while 
Gonzaga,  Gaddi,  Doria,  Tournon,  de  la  Chambre,  and  Chatillon 
had  received  the  red  hat  from  Clement  VII.  All  the  others, 
with  the  exception  of  these  twelve,  had  been  invested  with  the 
purple  by  the  Farnese  Pope.1 

It  was  of  importance,  in  the  interests  of  the  Farnese  and  the 
Imperial  party,  that  the  election  should  take  place  as  soon  as 
possible,  that  is  to  say,  before  the  arrival  of  the  French  Car- 
dinals, 2since  both  parties  would  have  an  equal  balance  of  power, 
should  the  Sacred  College  be  assembled  in  full  numbers,  and 

1  Paul  III.  had  given  Cardinal  Alessandro  Farnese  some  very 
interesting  hints  with  regard  to  his  attitude  during  the  Papal 
election,  in  which  his  attitude  towards  "  nostre  creature  "  is 
specially  detailed,  and  Pole,  Salviati  Gaddi  and  Ridolfi  are  char- 
acterized in  a  very  interesting  manner.  These  Ricordi  di  Paolo 
III.  al  card.  Farnese  were  already  widely  circulated  in  manuscript 
during  the  XVIth  century.  I  discovered  four  copies  in  the  Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican  ;  in  Rome  there  are  also  copies  in  the 
Boncompagni  Archives  (Cod.  C,  20)  and  in  the  following  libraries  : 
Barberini  (Lat.  5366),  S.  Pietro  in  Vincoli  (cf.  Lammer,  Zur 
Kirchengesch.,  40),  Vitt.  Emanuele  (Varia  65)  ;  further  manu- 
scripts at  Arezzo  (Library),  Bologna  (University  Library),  Brescia 
(Quirini  Library,  C.  III.,  2),  Florence  (National  Library,  Cod. 
Capponi,  63),  Macerata  (Library,  Cod.  259),  Pistoia  (Fabroniana 
Library  Cod.  63),  as  well  as  at  Gorlitz  (Milich  Library),  and 
Munich  (State  Library).  The  Ricordi  were  published  according 
to  the  Bologna  manuscript  by  Frati  in  the  Archivio  stor.  Ital. 
Ser.  3,  XXXV.,  448  seqq.  Frati  identifies  the  Cardinal  of  St. 
Angelo  mentioned  at  the  end  with  Lang,  and  concludes  from  this 
that  the  Ricordi  were  written  between  1534  and  1540.  St. 
Angelo,  however,  is  Ranuccio  Farnese,  who  had  held  the  title  of 
S.  Angelo  in  Pescharia  since  October  7,   1546. 

2  *"  Nella  congregatione  d'oggi  e  stato  ricordato  da  tutti 
i  rmi  esser  bene  che  si  acceleri  la  elettione  del  Papa  sotto  pretesto 
delle  cose  del  concilio  et  massimamente  di  quel  di  Trento,  ma  in 
fatto  muove  una  gran     parte  di  loro  il  dissegno  di  escludere  i 


8  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

a  Cardinal  holding  pronounced  [iiiperial  views  would  have  no 
prospect  ot  receiving  the  tiara.  For  this  reason,  the  French 
ambassador  in  Rome,  d'Urfe,  tried  by  every  means  in  his 
power  to  have  the  beginning  of  the  conclave  delayed  as  long 
as  possible.  He  succeeded  in  accomplishing  this  through  the 
influence  of  Cardinal  d'Este,1  the  leader  of  the  French  party, 
and  the  solemn  funeral  ceremonies,  celebrated  with  great 
pomp,  only  began  on  November  19th,  for  a  Pope  who  had 
departed  this  life  on  the  10th  of  the  same  month.2  The 
ceremonies  lasted  for  nine  days,  in  accordance  with  the  usual 
custom,  and  the  Cardinals  could  not  go  in  procession  to  the 
conclave  until  November  29th,  after  having  assisted  at  a 
solemn  high  mass,  celebrated  in  the  chapel  of  old  St.  Peter's, 
named  after  Sixtus  IV.3 

The  cells  for  the  Cardinals,  formed  by  wooden  partitions, 
had  been  erected  in  six  of  the  largest  halls  of  the  Vatican, 
namely,  the  Sala  Regia,  the  Sixtine  Chapel,  and  in  the  four 
halls,  of  which  two  were  used  for  the  public  and  private  con- 
sistories. Special  apartments  were  reserved  for  the  sick,  the 
cells  proper  being  divided  among  the  Cardinals  by  lot  on 
November  27th.  These  were  hung  with  violet  for  the  Car- 
dinals of  Paul  III.,  and  with  green  for  all  the  others.4 

car11  Francesi,  che  non  possino  venire  a  tempo."  Bonifazio 
Ruggieri  to  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  on  November  10,  1549  (State 
Archives,  Modena). 

1  D'Urfe  to  Henry  II.  on  November  16,  1549,  in  Ribier,  II.,  254. 

2  Massarelli,  14  seqq.  Concerning  the  decision  of  the  College 
of  Cardinals  to  erect  a  magnificent  tomb  to  Paul  III.,  see  Vol. 
XII.,  453  seq.  of  this  work. 

3  Massarelli,  26  seqq.  As  the  conclave  was  a  source  of  grave 
expense  to  the  poorer  Cardinals,  8000  ducats,  provided  by  the 
Dataria,  were  divided  among  them,  though  not  without  re- 
monstrance on  the  part  of  the  stricter  Cardinals,  at  the  request 
of  the  Cardinal-Dean,  de  Cupis.*  (ibid.,  11  j.  Concerning  the 
obsequies  of  Paul  III.  cf.  the  report  in  the  appendix  to  the  Opera 
di  B.   Scappi,   Venice,    1570. 

4  Massarelli,  25.  *Payments  to  the  architect  Baronino  di 
Casale,  who  superintended  the  installation  of  the  conclave,  in 
the  *Mandata   1549-1550   (State  Archives,   Rome). 


ROME     DURING     THE     CONCLAVE.  9 

Five  thousand  soldiers  stood  prepared  to  keep  order  in  the 
city  during  the  course  of  the  election,  to  whom  500  other 
armed  men  were  specially  added  for  the  protection  of  the  con- 
clave, in  addition  to  the  200  Swiss.  The  Conservatori  of  the 
city  had  begged,  "  in  the  name  of  the  Roman  citizens,"  for 
the  honour  of  being  allowed  to  provide  another  1000  soldiers 
for  the  safety  of  Rome,  which  number  they  reduced  to  500  on 
the  following  day.  The  self-seeking  and  unruly  Roman 
people  wished  to  take  up  arms,  and  assume  the  guardianship 
oi  the  conclave  ;  this  the  Cardinals  would  not  hear  of,  but 
they  gave  permission  that  the  city  should  provide  500  men 
from  the  usual  militia  of  the  States  of  the  Church.1  Orazio 
Farnese,  the  future  son-in-law  of  the  French  King,  was  the 
commander  of  these  troops,  but  Mendoza  having  complained 
that  Rome  was  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  French,  officers 
with  Imperial  sympathies  were  placed  by  his  side.2 

Fortunately,  there  were  no  serious  disturbances  either  in 
Rome  or  outside  during  the  long  continuance  of  the  conclave. 
Camillo  Colonna  did  indeed  seize  several  small  villages  imme- 
diately after  the  death  of  Paul  III.,  and  Ascanio  Colonna  took 
steps  to>  regain  possession  of  the  sovereign  authority  wrested 
from  him  by  the  late  Pope,  but  in  other  respects  he  assured 
the  College  of  Cardinals  by  letter  of  his  loyalty  to  the  Holy 
See.3 

On  December  10th,  1549,  the  Cardinals  were  able  to  decide 
that  half  of  this  guard  should  be  disbanded.4  On  January 
10th,  1550,  this  was  again  considerably  reduced,5  on  account 

1  Massarelli,  9  seq. 

2  Ibid.  9.  D'Urfe  in  Ribier,  II.,  255.  Dandolo  in  Brown, 
V.,   n.    588. 

3  Cf.  Massarelli,  9  seq.,  24.     See  also  the  *reports  of  Scip. 
Gabrielli  of  November  11,  19,  25,  and  29  (State  Archives,  Siena) 
of  F.  Francbino  of  November  13,  1549  (State  Archives,  Parma) 
of  Masius  of  November,    23,    1549    (in   Lacomblet,   Archiv   fur 
Gesch.  des  Niederrheins,  VI.,  147).       Cf.  also  Dandolo  in  Alberi, 

343  seq- 

4  Massarelli,  54. 

5  Ibid.,    90. 


10  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

of  the  great  expense,  even  though  news  had  already  come  on 
December  22nd  that  Fermo  had  been  invested  by  the  Floren- 
tines.1 On  January  21st  and  22nd,  the  conclave  had  again 
to  come  to  a  decision  concerning  troubles  in  Bologna,  and  the 
investment    of    Acquapendente.2 

On  the  evening  of  November  30th  the  doors  of  the  conclave 
were  barred  within  and  without  by  six  bolts.3  The  enclosure 
was,  however,  maintained  with  so  little  strictness  that  an 
eye-witness  said  later  that  the  conclave  had  been  more  open 
than  closed.4 

Meanwhile,  Charles  V.  had  on  November  20th,  1549,  openly 
declared  to  his  ambassador  in  Rome  his  wishes  with  regard 
to  the  election.  He  desired  above  all  things,  the  election  of 
the  Dominican,  Juan  Alvarez  de  Toledo,  uncle  of  the  Duke 
of  Alba  and  brother  of  the  Viceroy  of  Naples  ;  should  this 
election,  however,  not  be  possible,  he  wished  for  Carpi,  Pole, 
Morone  or  Sfondrato,  who  were  all  no  less  eminent  than  the 
said  Spaniard.  The  Emperor  excluded  all  Frenchmen,  as  well 
as  Salviati,  Cervini,  Ridolfi,  Capodiferro  and  Verallo.5 

The  Imperial  Cardinals  were  not,  however,  aware  of  these 
wishes  at  the  beginning  of  the  conclave,  and  had  decided,  not 
for  Toledo,  but  for  Pole,  although  they  had  not  yet  a  sufficient 
majority  to  ensure  his  election,  but  Madruzzo  and  others 
hoped  that,  by  proclaiming  Pole  as  Pope  without  further 
formalities,  at  the  beginning  of  the  conclave,  they  might 
carry  with  them  many  who  were  undecided.  Sforza  and 
Maffei,  indeed,  warned  them  against  any  such  precipitate 
action,  which -would  be  certain  to  irritate  the  opposing  party.6 

1Ibid.,  71. 

2  Ibid.,   103. 

3  Ibid.,  31. 

4  "  Visensis,  qui  iam  pridem  non  conclusi  sed  patentis  con- 
clavis  libertatem  aegre  tulerat."     Gualterius  in  Merkle,  90  seq. 

5  Maurenbrecher,  220.  Concerning  the  said  Cardinals  cf. 
Vol.  XL,  159  seqq.,  206  ;  XII.,  202  of  this  work.  Concerning 
Sfondrato,  who  died  on  July  31,  1550,  cj.  also  Novati  in  the 
Archivio  stor.  Lomb.,  XXI.   (1894),  45  seq. 

6  Maffei  in  Merkle,   II.,  31. 


OPENINCx     OF     THE     CONCLAVE.  II 

The  issue  proved  them  to  be  right.  The  very  fact  that  the 
beginning  of  the  funeral  celebrations  for  Paul  III.  had  been 
so  long  delayed  had  partly  been  arranged  to  defeat  this  plan. 
When,  on  November  30th,  the  Imperial  party  proposed  an 
electoral  assembly  for  that  very  evening,  just  after  the  conclave 
had  been  closed,  it  was  intimated  to  them  that  in  such  a  grave 
matter,  proceedings  had. to  be  carefully  arranged  in  accordance 
with  the  usual  order.  The  discussion  which  followed  was  only 
ended  by  night,  without  the  Imperial  party  having  gained  any 
advantage. 

On  the  two  following  days  also,  they  arrived  at  no  con- 
clusion,1  only  the  Papal  election  Bulls  of  Julius  II.  and  Gregory 
X.  being  read  over  and  sworn  to,  and  an  election  capitulation 
for  the  new  Pope  prepared  and  accepted.2  This  latter  agreed 
generally  with  that  drawn  up  in  the  conclave  of  Clement  VII. 
The  last  paragraph  enjoined  the  future  Pope  to  deliver  Parma 
to  Ottavio  Farnese. 

A  discussion  arose  on  the  afternoon  of  December  1st  as  to 
whether  voting  should  be  public  or  secret.3  While  some  saw 
in  public  voting  the  best  method  ot  avoiding  subterfuges, 
others  considered  that  the  freedom  of  voting  would  disappear 
in  this  way,  especially  at  a  time  when  the  Imperial  party  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  French  on  the  other,  sought  to  bring 
voters  to  their  views  by  promises  and  bribes,  and  even  by 
threats. 

On  the  evening  of  December  1st,  Mendoza  appeared  at  the 
door  of  the  conclave  and  handed  in  an  Imperial  memorandum. 
A  second,  which  he  did  not  openly  communicate,  contained 
the  wishes  of  Charles  V.  as  to  the  election.4 

On  the  morning  of  December  3rd,  they  agreed  that  the 
voting  should  be  secret.  Then  followed  the  first  ballot.  On 
the  altar  there  was  a  golden  chalice  and  each  voter  advanced 
to  it  and  laid  his  vote  therein.     Then  the  chalice  was  emptied 

1  Massarelli,   32. 

2  Printed  by  Le  Plat,  IV.,  156  seq.  Cf.  Lulves  in  the  Quellcn 
und  Forschungen  des  Preuss.  Histor.  Instituts,  XII.,  224  seq. 

3  Massarelli,   34. 

4  Ibid. 


12  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

on  to  a  table  before  the  altar,  the  three  Cardinals  who  presided 
examining  each  vote.  The  senior  Cardinal-Deacon,  Cibo, 
then  read  aloud  the  name  or  names  that  were  on  the  paper, 
as  most  of  the  electors  wrote  three  or  four  names  at  the  same 
time.1 

Cibo  had  to  announce  the  name  of  Cardinal  Pole  no  less  than 
twenty-one  times  at  this  first  ballot,  as  it  had  been  very 
generally  predicted  that  he  would  have  the  tiara,  although 
his  zeal  for  reform  was  much  feared  in  Rome.2  Toledo  came 
next  to  Pole  with  thirteen  votes,  de  Cupis  and  Sfondrato  each 
had  twelve,  and  Carafa  ten.  Salviati  only  had  two  votes, 
and  of  the  Cardinals  excluded  by  the  Emperor,  the  highly 
respected  Cervini  was  the  only  one  who  succeeded  in  obtaining 
nine  votes.  The  wishes  expressed  by  the  Emperor  do  not 
otherwise  appear  to  have  had  much  influence  on  the  voting.3 
As  the  two-thirds  majority  required  was  twenty-eight,  there 

1  Ibid.,  36. 

2  Pole,  whom  the  above  mentioned  (p.  7,  n.  1)  Ricordi  di 
Paolo  III.  describe  as  "  soggetto  a  giudizio  del  mondo  superiore 
agli  altri  di  nobilita,  bonta  e  dottrina,"  appears  as  the  most 
likely  candidate  in  all  the  reports  of  the  time  immediately  follow- 
ing the  death  of  the  Farnese  Pope.  Cf.  the  "reports  of  Scip. 
Gabrielli  in  the  State  Archives,  Siena,  of  November  13  (*"  Le 
scomesse  et  le  voci  de  la  citta,  variano  ogni  giorno  et  il  piu  alto 
e  Inghilterra  e  poi  Salviati.  S.  Croce  e  ancora  in  buona  aspett- 
tione  ")  14,  15,  25,  and  29  (*"  II  card.  S.  Croce  quando  non 
riesca  Inghilterra  si  tiene  in  grandissima  espettatione  ancorche 
gli  Imperiali  publicamente  mostrano  poco  sodisfarsene  "')  and 
December  1  ("  voce  universale  "  for  Pole,  although  his  zeal  for 
reform  might  rob  him  of  the  tiara  ;  "si  ragiona  di  Sfondrato, 
di  S.  Croce  et  di  Monte  ").  Cf.  also  the  letter  of  Muzio,  Lettere, 
109  seqq.,  and  of  Masius  in  Lacomblet,  Archiv  fur  Gesch.  des 
Niederrheins,  VI.,  146  seqq.  ;  cf.  also  Giorn.  stor.  della  lett. 
Ital.,  XVII.,  343  ;  XLIII.,  237  seq.  On  a  closer  examination 
of  the  state  of  affairs,  Poles  candidature  did  not  seem  possible 
(see  Muzio,  Lettere,  111-113).  Masius  is  also  of  the  same  opinion 
on  December  3  (Briefe,  53). 

3  "  Auctoritatem  nullam  adeptae  sunt,"  says  Maffei  of  Charles 
V.'s  letter  of  exclusion.     Merkle,  II.,  51. 


CARDINAL     POLE.  13 

seemed  good  reason  for  hoping  that  Pole  would  in  the  following 
ballots  easily  obtain  the  votes  still  required,  and  that  the  con- 
clave would  soon  come  to  an  end. 

What  Pole  himself  felt  when  he  found  himself  so  near  to 
the  highest  dignity  on  earth,  he  confided  later  to  a  friend.1 
The  voting,  he  said,  did  not  make  the  least  impression  on  him. 
He  had  already  given  the  answer  to  several  Cardinals  who 
urged  him  to  take  steps  himself  for  the  furtherance  of  his 
election,  that  he  would  say  no  word,  even  if  his  silence  should 
cost  him  his  life,  for  he  adhered  strictly  to  his  principle  of 
leaving  everything  to  God,  and  desiring  only  the  fulfilment  of 
His  Will.2 

It  was  not  customary  at  the  first  ballot  of  the  conclave,  that 
votes  should  be  given  to  one  of  those  chosen,  after  the  reading 
of  the  papers,  but  this  was  allowed  at  subsequent  ballots,  and 
it  did  not  seem  unlikely  that  certain  Cardinals  would  make 
use  of  this  right  in  favour  of  Pole. 3  Perhaps  with  the  intention 
of  putting  an  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  zealous  reformer,  who 
was  feared  by  the  worldly  Cardinals,  the  question  was  raised 
before  the  voting  of  the  following  day,  whether  this  accession 
of  votes  to  the  papers  already  handed  in  by  the  electors, 
allowed  later  on,  should  be  considered  valid.  After  a  long 
discussion,  an  agreement  was  reached  by  the  decision  that 
for  this  day  also  the  subsequent  accession  should  not  be 
allowed.4  In  spite  of  this,  Pole's  votes  increased  to  twenty- 
four  on  this  day,  in  the  early  morning  of  which  the  arrival  of 
Cardinal    Pacheco    had    strengthened    the    Imperial    party.5 

1  To  Francisco  Navarrete,  bishop  of  Badajoz,  on  June  17, 
1550,  in  Quirini,  Ep.  Poli,  V.,  53  seq.  ;   cf.  Brown,  V.,  n.  671. 

2  Dandolo  on  November  30,  1549,  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  595. 

3  Scip.  Gabrielli  *reports  on  December  1,  1549  :  Pole  is  very 
Catholic  ;  he  desires  the  residence  of  the  bishops  and  the  presence 
of  the  Cardinals  in  the  Curia  ;  during  the  lifetime  of  Paul  III. 
he  had  said  that  the  "  ofiitii  "  must  be  put  an  end  to  (State 
Archives,  Siena).     Cf.  Muzio,  Lettere,   109. 

4  Massarelli,  41. 

5  Ibid.  42.  Mendoza  had  sent  a  messenger  to  him  to  warn 
him  as  soon  as  possible  (Legaz.  di  Serristori,  217).        He  arrived 


14  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

The  French,  who  were  terrified,  informed  d'Urfe  that  the  next 
ballot  could  not  fail  to  result  in  favour  of  the  Imperialists  if  he 
could  not  think  of  some  way  of  preventing  it.  Then  d'Urfe 
came  to  the  door  of  the  conclave  and  announced,  through  the 
master  of  ceremonies,  that  the  French  Cardinals  were  already 
in  Corsica,  and  would  so.on  arrive,  and  should  the  electors  not 
wait  for  them  till  the  end  of  the  week,  the  French  king  would 
not  acknowledge  the  election.  In  reality  d'Urfe  had,  as  he 
himself  admitted,  no  news  from  Corsica,  but  in  spite  of  this, 
he  appeared  again  and  repeated  his  protest  before  six  of  the 
Cardinals,  threatening  them  at  the  same  time  with  a  schism.1 

A  period  of  excitement  now  followed  in  the  conclave.  The 
consequence  of  d'Urfe's  protest  was  that  the  Imperialists 
resolved  not  to  wait  till  the  following  morning,  but,  that  very 
night,  without  formal  voting,  to  acclaim  Pole  as  Pope,  by  a 
general  rendering  of  homage.2  They  set  about  securing  the 
necessary  number  of  votes  with  the  greatest  zeal.  As  a  matter 
of  fact  they  had  got  so  far  that  it  had  been  already  announced 
to  Pole  that  the  Cardinals  would  soon  arrive  in  his  cell  and  pay 
homage  to  the  Head  of  Christendom.  Those  on  the  French 
side,  on  the  other  hand,  did  all  in  their  power  to  delay  this 
rendering  of  homage,  and  they  were  successful  in  circumventing 
this  plan  of  the  Imperial  party.  The  discussions  and  negotia- 
tions in  the  corridors  of  the  conclave  lasted  till  far  into  the 
night,  and  when  midnight  was  already  passed,  not  one  of  the 
Cardinals  had  retired  to  his  cell.3 

Pole  lost  none  of  his  calmness  in  the  general  excitement  ; 
he  would  not  hear  of  an  elevation  by  the  homage  of  the  Car- 
dinals. He  caused  his  friends  to  be  informed  that  he  desired 
to  ascend  to  the  Supreme  Pontificate  through  the  door,  but  not 
through  the  window.4    When  a  deputation  of  two  Cardinals 

in  the  conclave  "  more  dead  than  alive."  Dandolo  in  Brown, 
V.,  n.  596. 

1  D'Urfe  to  the  King  on  December  6,  1549,  in  Ribier,  II.,  254 
seq.  ;    cf.  Muzio,  Lettere,  116. 

2  Massarelli,  42  seq. 

3  Ibid.,  43. 

4  Dandolo  in  Alberi,  346  ;    cf.  ibid.,  372-373. 


CANDIDATURE     OF     POLE.  15 

said  to  him  that  an  elevation  by  homage  was  in  perfect  accord- 
ance with  the  law,  he  at  first  agreed  with  them,  but  hardly  had 
they  taken  their  departure,  when  he  sent  a  messenger  after 
them  to  withdraw  his  consent.1 

The  Imperialists  had,  however,  gained  one  advantage  during 
the  night  ;  three  of  the  Cardinals,  Morone,  Cesi  and  Gaddi, 
declared  that  they  were  prepared  to  support  the  election  of 
Pole  next  morning,  by  giving  him  their  votes  by  way  of 
accession,  whereupon  the  Imperialists  believed  that  they  could 
await  the  coming  ballot  with  joyful  anticipation.  They  never 
dreamed  that  these  three  supplementary  voters  would  inform 
the  French  party  that  they  would  only  come  to  the  assistance 
of  Pole  when  he  had  twenty-six  votes.2 

On  December  5th  it  was  generally  expected  as  certain  that 
Pole  would  receive  the  necessary  majority  of  two-thirds  at 
the  voting.  Before  the  Cardinals  proceeded  to  the  scrutiny, 
nearly  all  of  them  had  ordered  their  cells  to  be  emptied,  as 
they  did  not  wish  to  be  plundered  by  the  rush  of  people  after 
the  election.  The  Papal  vestments  had  already  been  laid  out 
for  Pole,  and  he  had  himself  composed  an  address  of  thanks 
which  he  had  shown  to  several  persons.  Outside,  in  front  of 
the  Vatican,  the  people  assembled  in  great  crowds,  while  the 
troops  were  standing  with  flying  colours,  ready  to  salute  the 
new  Pope.3 

Meanwhile  the  French  party  in  the  conclave  had  no  idea 
of  giving  in  without  a  fight.  In  the  early  morning  attempts 
began  again  on  both  sides  to  influence  one  or  another  in  favour 
of  each  of  the  conflicting  parties.  The  excitement  and 
irritation  became  visibly  more  acute.  When  the  hour  for  the 
Mass,  which  was  to  precede  the  voting,  arrived,  the  master  of 
ceremonies  was  forbidden  to  give  the  usual  signal  with  the  bell ; 
he  was  to  wait  till  all  the  Cardinals  were  together.     It  seemed 

1  Pole  to  the  bishop  of  Badajoz  on  June  17,  1550,  loc.  cit. 
(see  supra  p.  13,  n.    1). 

2  Massarelli  and  Gualterius  in  Merkle,  II.,  42  seq. 

3  Maffei  in  Merkle,  II.,  43.  Appendix  to  Massarelli  by 
Panvinio,   ibid.,   47. 


l6  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

as  if  a  sort  of  schism  was  being  prepared.  The  adherents  of 
Pole  assembled  in  the  Pauline  Chapel,  his  opponents  in  the 
Sixtine.     Voting  was  not  for  the  moment  to  be  thought  of. 

Meanwhile,  Cervini,  who  on  account  of  his  invalid  condition, 
was  in  the  habit  of  arriving  later,  appeared  in  the  Pauline 
Chapel.  Carpi,  Morone,  Madruzzo,  Gonzaga  and  Farnese 
advanced  towards  him,  and,  explaining  the  state  of  affairs, 
begged  him  to  approach  the  opposing  party  as  mediator. 
Cervini  allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded  and  went  in  Morone's 
company  to  the  Sixtine  Chapel.  He  then  addressed  himself 
to  the  Cardinal  Dean,  de  Cupis.  The  opponents  of  Pole,  he 
said,  had  already  sinned  enough  against  their  consciences,  by 
using  every  means  in  their  power  to  prevent  his  election,  but 
as  it  was  now  clear  that  the  Holy  Ghost  wished  Pole  to  be 
elected,  he  begged  them  not  to  continue  their  resistance. 

De  Cupis  thereupon  answered  that  he  also  wished  for  peace 
and  unity,  but  that  a  Papal  election  seldom  took  place  without 
differences  of  opinion,  and  that  their  opponents  had  made  use 
of  unlawful  measures,  while  the  protest  of  d'Urfe  had  given 
reason  to  fear  a  French  schism. 

Thereupon  the  answer  was  made  that  the  remarks  about 
intrigue  were  not  all  founded  on  fact,  and  that  if  attention 
were  paid  to  every  protest,  they  would  establish  a  very  bad 
precedent,  and  the  minority  would,  in  the  future,  when  a 
candidate  did  not  please  them,  protest  until  they  had  gained 
their  end.  Moreover,  they  could  not  wait  any  longer  for  the 
French  Cardinals,  as  the  lawful  time  had  long  been  passed. 

These  and  similar  reasons  were,  however,  of  no  avail,  and 
the  messengers  returned  to  Pole's  adherents  without  having 
gained  any  advantage.  Finally,  two  hours  after  the  usual 
time,  the  French  party  consented  to  join  the  other  Cardinals, 
at  least  for  a  conference. 

De  Cupis  began  the  negotiations  by  again  urging  them  to 
wait  for  the  French  Cardinals  ;  the  Papal  election  decree  of 
Gregory  X.  was,  he  said,  no  impediment  to  their  doing  so,  as, 
although  it  prescribed  only  a  ten  days'  period  of  waiting,  it 
had  not  foreseen  the  present  position.  A  long  debate  followed 
upon  this  statement  of  de  Cupis.     Salviati,  Carafa,  Lenon- 


POLE  S     CANDIDATURE     FAILS.  17 

court  and  Meudon  agreed  with  de  Cupis,  Carpi  and  Toledo 
differed  from  him,  while  del  Monte  thought  that  if  they  were 
allowed  to  wait,  they  might  as  well  do  so.  Filonardi  was 
undecided.  Then  Cervini  again  spoke  and  emphasized  in 
impressive  terms  the  danger  of  giving  way  before  the  protest. 
From  a  legal  standpoint  they  could  only  wait  for  the  French 
Cardinals  if  all  present  agreed  to  do  so. 

Cervini  was  known  as  a  man  who  only  spoke  after  the  dic- 
tates of  his  own  conscience,  and  not  to  please  either  party. 
His  words  made  such  an  impression  that  the  Cardinals  who 
spoke  after  him  all  agreed  with  him,  those  belonging  to  the 
French  party  alone  excepted.  Este  by  a  panegyric  on  the 
services  France  had  rendered  to  the  church  still  endeavoured 
to  obtain  a  delay  of  one  or  two  days,  but  Sfondrato  arose  and 
showed  that  according  to  the  text  of  the  decree  of  Gregory  X., 
they  dared  not  delay  the  election  any  longer.  It  was  not  the 
case,  as  de  Cupis  had  asserted,  that  the  decree  did  not  apply 
to  the  case  now  in  question  ;  on  the  contrary,  it  was  quite 
clear  that  it  did  refer  to  the  present  position. 

The  French  cause  now  seemed  lost.  At  the  voting  concern- 
ing the  proposal  of  the  Cardinal-Dean,  the  majority  declared 
themselves  against  any  further  delay,  and  they  at  once 
proceeded  to  hold  the  election.  Pole  received  twenty-three 
votes.  Then  Carpi  arose,  opened  his  voting  paper,  and 
declared  that  he  joined  the  supporters  of  Pole.  Farnese  then 
stood  up  and  made  the  same  declaration.  A  dead  silence 
followed.  Pole  required  only  one  more  vote.  If  he  could 
now  obtain  twenty-six  votes,  he  was  sure  of  getting  twenty- 
seven,  after  the  agreement  during  the  night,  and  then  he  could 
give  the  twenty-eighth,  the  last  vote  necessary,  himself.  Full 
of  expectation,  Pole's  supporters  watched  his  opponents,  and 
endeavoured  by  signs  to  win  them  over  to  his  support.  No 
one,  however,  made  a  movement.  After  a  pause  the  Cardinal- 
Dean  asked  if  anyone  would  still  come  over  to  Pole's  side,  but 
only  a  deep  silence  followed.  Thereupon  de  Cupis  declared 
the  voting  over,  and  all  stood  up  and  withdrew,  the  Imperial- 
ists in  great  depression  of  spirits. 
No  one  had  expected  such  an  issue.     Many  considered  it 

VOL,  xiii,  2 


l8  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

could  only  be  possible  through  a  special  interposition  of 
Providence,  that  any  Cardinal  should  have  been  so  near  the 
tiara  as  Pole  had  been,  and  still  not  have  received  it. 

The  reasons  for  Pole's  failure  lay  principally  in  the  repug- 
nance of  the  Italians  to  the  choice  of  a  foreigner.  Besides 
this  it  was  urged  that  Pole  was  only  forty-five  years  old,  that 
he  had  little  knowledge  of  business,  and  that  there  was  a  danger 
of  his  involving  Italy  in  a  war  with  England.  What  injured 
him,  however,  more  than  anything  else  was  the  suspicion  that 
he  inclined  in  his  views,  especially  in  the  doctrine  of  Justifica- 
tion, to  Protestantism.  It  was  Carafa  in  particular  who  laid 
stress  on  this  point,  and  openly  attacked  Pole  before  the  voting 
of  December  5th.1 

The  five  following  ballots,  from  December  6th  to  nth,  are 
not  of  great  importance.  D'Urfe  appeared  at  the  door  of  the 
conclave  on  December  6th,  and  again  announced  the  early 
arrival  of  the  French  Cardinals.2  The  Imperialists  made 
repeated  attempts  to  secure  Pole's  election.  All  the  Cardinals 
of  the  Imperial  party,  he  himself  naturally  excepted,  and  de 
Silva,  voted  for  the  English  Cardinal.  Filonardi,  Cibo,  Gaddi 
and  the  Cardinals  belonging  to  the  French  party,  as  far  as  they 
were  present  in  Rome, 3  were  opposed  to  him.  On  the  morning 
of  December  7th,  it  was  again  generally  believed  that  Pole's 
friends  had  nearly  attained  their  object,  but  the  other  party 
had  not  in  the  meantime  been  idle.  Pole  received  on  that 
morning  only  two  supplementary  votes,  besides  the  twenty- 
two  that  he-  was  sure  of  day  after  day.  They  had  brought 
forward,  between  the  ballots  of  December  6th  and  7th,  as  an 
opposing  candidate,  Toledo,  whose  election  was  so  greatly 
desired  by  the  Emperor  and  the  Duke  of  Florence  ;  so  many 
Cardinals  on  both  sides  promised  him  their  votes  that  his 
election  seemed  certain.     Toledo's  candidature  was,  however, 

1  Appendix  to  Massarelli  by  Panvinio,  in  Merkle,  II.,  47. 
Maffei  and  Gualterius,  ibid.  43,  47.  Mendoza  in  Druffel, 
I.,   306.     See  also  Muzio,  Lettere,   114,   117. 

2  "  Qui  eandem  supradictam  cantilenam  recantavit  et  discessit." 
Firmanus  in  Merkle,  II.,  49. 

3  Massarelli,   55. 


ARRIVAL     OF     THE     FRENCH     CARDINALS.        19 

nothing  more  than  an  election  manoeuvre.  The  French 
declared  themselves  for  him  in  order  to  destroy  the  unity  of 
the  Imperial  party,  and  to  deprive  the  English  Cardinal  of  his 
vote.  They  also  raised  hopes  of  the  tiara  in  other  Cardinals, 
but  only  with  the  intention  of  winning  them  away  from  Pole. 
The  Imperialists  now  apparently  favoured  Toledo's  candi- 
dature, in  order  to  force  the  French  party  to  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  their  insincerity,  so  that  his  election  seemed  certain. 
The  French,  however,  then  at  once  abandoned  him.1 

Their  success  in  the  struggle  against  Pole  now  encouraged 
the  French  party  to  attempt  the  candidature  of  Salviati.  In 
the  opinion  of  Cardinal  Maffei, 2  they  would  have  succeeded  if 
they  had  proceeded  more  quickly,  but  Salviati's  old  friend, 
Gonzaga,  thought  it  necessary  first  to  obtain  the  opinion  of 
the  Emperor,  from  whom,  however,  a  letter  was  received  by 
Ferrante  Gonzaga,  containing  a  sharp  reprimand. 

On  December  12th  the  French  Cardinals,  du  Bellay,  Guise, 
Chatillon  and  Vendome,  whose  coming  was  announced  by 
d'Urfe  on  December  10th,  at  last  arrived  in  Rome,  and  betook 
themselves,  after  a  short  rest  at  the  French  embassy,  to  the 
conclave.  This  strengthening  of  the  opposing  party  was  a 
serious  blow  to  the  Imperialists.  They  had  again  tried  to  put 
Toledo  in  the  place  of  Pole  at  the  voting  on  December  12th, 
and  this  time  perhaps  in  earnest,  but  at  the  news  of  the  arrival 
of  the  French  Cardinals,  they  again  returned  to  Pole.  Toledo 
only  succeeded  in  getting  twelve  votes  and  three  supplementary 
ones.  On  the  evening  of  December  12th  Cardinal  Tournon 
was  also  present,  but  his  appearance  was  no  advantage  to  the 
French  party,  as  Filonardi,  whose  sympathies  were  French,  had 
to  leave  the  conclave  on  the  14th,  on  account  of  illness,  and  he 
died  on  the  19th.3 


1  According  to  Maffei  in  Merkle,  II.,  49.  According  to 
Massarelli  (ibid.)  they  had  again  withdrawn  from  Toledo  because 
the  Italians  and  French  wished  for  a  Spaniard  as  little  as  they 
wished  for  an  Englishman.     Cf.  Muzio,  Lettere,  119. 

2  In  Merkle,  II.,  51. 

3  Cf.  Muzio,  Lettere,  123. 


20  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES- 

A  new  period  began  for  the  conclave  with  the  appearance 
of  the  French  Cardinals.  The  number  of  voters  had  now 
risen  to  forty-six,  so  that  the  two-thirds  majority  was  now 
thirty-one.  The  number,  however,  sank  to  forty-five,  as 
Cervini  had  to  leave  the  conclave  on  account  of  illness  on 
December  22nd,  but  again  rose  to  forty-seven  on  the  arrival 
of  Cardinals  de  la  Chambre  and  d'Amboise  on  the  28th.  The 
entry  of  John  of  Lorraine  into  the  conclave  on  December  31st 
had  no  influence  on  the  relative  strength  of  the  parties,  as  de 
la  Chambre  had  to  seek  treatment  for  stone  outside  the 
Vatican  on  the  following  day.  In  the  same  way  Bourbon's 
arrival  on  January  14th  was  counterbalanced  for  the  French 
party  by  the  loss  of  Ridolfi,  whose  sympathies  were  French. 
He  was  seriously  ill,  and  left  the  conclave  on  December  20th, 
and  died  on  the  31st.  Cibo,  who  was  also  ill,  was  temporarily 
absent  from  the  conclave,  from  January  23rd  to  February  1st.1 

From  December  12th,  the  leader  of  the  French  party  was 
the  twenty-three  year  old  Cardinal  Guise,  the  confidant  of  his 
king.  He  was  an  adroit  and  self-confident  politician,  and  the 
candidate  whom  he  wished  to  support  was  the  old  Cardinal 
of  Lorraine.  Should  this  not  prove  practicable,  then  Este, 
and  after  him  Ridolfi,  Salviati  and  finally  Cervini  or  del  Monte 
were  each  in  turn  to  be  put  forward.2  Henry  II.  had  already, 
on  December  3rd,  caused  his  ambassador  to  be  informed  by 
letter  that  he  did  not  wish  for  Pole.3 

As  Lorraine  was  excluded  by  the  Emperor  as  a  Frenchman, 

1  Cibo  hoped  to  become  Pope  with  the  help  of  the  Duke  of 
Florence  (see  Staffetti,  Card.  Cibo,  Florence,  1894,  249).  A 
biting  lampoon  (published  by  Cian  in  the  Giorn.  stor.  della  lett. 
Ital.,  XVI I.,  341)  chastised  his  ambition.  Cf.  also  Staffetti 
in  the  Atti  d.  Soc.  Ligure,  XXXVII.   (1910),  351  seqq. 

2  Henry  II.  to  Guise  on  January  25,  1550  ;  d'Urfe  to  Henry 
II.  on  January  20,  1550  (Ribier,  II.,  259-262.  De  Leva,  V., 
78).  A  letter  of  the  French  King,  in  which  he  designated  de 
Cupis,  Salviati,  Ridolfi.  and  Lorraine  as  candidates  above  all 
others,  was  already  known  in  the  conclave  on  January  6.  Mas- 
sarelli,  85. 

3  Ribier,    II.,    258. 


EXCLUSIONS  BY  THE  EMPEROR.      21 

and  he  had  also  excluded  Ridolfi,  Salviati,  Cervini,  Capodi- 
ferro  and  Verallo  by  name,  which  he  repeated  by  letter  on 
December  19th,1  the  complaint  of  Maffei  can  be  understood 
when  he  says  that  all  the  more  important  Cardinals  had  been 
barred,  either  by  Charles  V.  or  Henry  II.,  and  that  persons 
who  were  quite  unqualified  were  entertaining  hopes  of  the 
tiara. 2 

On  December  30th  Charles  V.  excluded  Cardinal  Carafa,  in 
addition  to  the  five  already  named  ; 3  the  Imperial  Ambassador 
was  instructed  to  proceed  in  a  similar  manner  against  de  Cupis 
and  del  Monte,  but  only  to  mention  them  in  case  of  need,  so 
as  not  needlessly  to  make  enemies  of  those  referred  to.4  Men- 
doza  kept  these  instructions  secret  for  the  time  being,  in  order 
that  he  might  be  able  to  make  another  unwelcome  candidate 
impossible,  by  apparently  supporting  one  of  those  excluded. 
In  this  manner  he  promoted,  at  least  in  appearance,  the 
election  of  Salviati,5  but  when  complaints  were  made  to  the 
Emperor  concerning  him  by  the  other  diplomatists,  he  was 
sharply  reprimanded  by  his  master.6  Those  who  understood 
the  circumstances  had  soon  foreseen  how  matters  would  develop 
in  this  state  of  affairs.  Buonanni,  the  conclavist  of  Cardinal 
Toledo,  wrote  on  November  27th,  1549,  even  before  the 
beginning  of  the  election  proceedings,  that  should  the  conclave 
only  last  from  four  to  six  days,  it  was  the  general  belief  that 
either  Pole  or  Toledo  would  be  successful ;  should  the  negotia- 
tions, however,  be  drawn  out,  and  the  French  Cardinals  arrive, 
he  was  of  opinion  that  they  would  put  difficulties  in  the  way 

1  Druffel,  I.,  336.  The  letter  arrived  in  Rome  on  December 
29.  It  was  the  answer  to  an  announcement  from  the  conclave 
of  December  8,  which  had  been  received  in  Brussels  on  the 
18.  Dandolo  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  613.  Gualterius  in  Merkle,  II., 
78,  79- 

2  Maffei  in  Merkle,  II.,  63. 

3  Druffel,  I.,  338. 

4  Maurenbrecher,  222,  n.  9. 

5  De  Leva,  V.,  79. 

6  Ibid.,  86.  Maurenbrecher,  223  n.  10.  Gualterius  in 
Merkle,  II.,  78,  85.     Petrucelli,  II.,  43,  45. 


22  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

of  Salviati's  election,  but  that  favourable  prospects  would 
open  out  for  del  Monte,  and  if  the  Imperial  party  should  sup- 
port him,  he  might  easily  reach  the  Papal  throne,  while  his 
elevation  would  give  satisfaction  to  all  parties.1  Serristori, 
however,  who  drew  his  information  chiefly  from  Buonanni, 2 
wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Florence  after  the  arrival  of  the  French 
Cardinals,  that  the  Imperial  and  French  parties  were  hence- 
forth equally  balanced,  and  that  two  things  alone  were  pos- 
sible, either  that  the  one  party  should  exhaust  the  patience  of 
the  other  by  repeated  ballots,  or  that  they  should  agree  upon 
a  Pope  who  would  give  least  dissatisfaction  to  both  parties. 
His  opinion  was  that  del  Monte  might  be  one  of  those  for 
whom  the  French  party  would  co-operate,  and  who  would  be 
least  displeasing  to  the  Emperor,  for  although  del  Monte  had 
agreed  to  the  removal  of  the  Council,  he  had  only  done  so  in 
obedience  to  the  Pope,  while  in  other  respects  he  had  never  had 
French  sympathies  and  did  not  wish  to  belong  to  the  French 
party,  but  to  the  Imperialists.3  In  the  conclave  itself,  how- 
ever, nobody  at  that  time  thought  seriously  of  del  Monte, 
although  Guise  had  nominated  him  among  others  as  a  candi- 
date. Cardinal  Sforza,  however,  was  quite  positive  even  then 
that  the  Cardinals  would  unite  in  choosing  him.4  Guise  also 
wrote  towards  the  end  of  the  year,  that  del  Monte  or  Cervini 
might  be  Pope  the  next  day  if  the  French  desired  it,  but  that 
to  please  the  King  they  would  first  try  all  the  others,  and 


1  *"  Se  i  [n]  4  o  6  giorni  del  conclavi  si  facesse  Papa,  credano 

che  o  Inghilterra  o  Burgos  per  riuscire In  caso  che  la 

detta  promotione  vada  a  lungo,  penso  che  con  li  obstaculi  che 
hara  Salviati,  si  fara  gran  giuoco  a  Monte,  il  quale  se  fusse  ab- 
bracciato  secretamente  daglTmperiali  con  quelle  sorte  d'obliga- 
tioni  .  .  .  anderebbe  a  quella  sede  con  pochissimi  obstaculi  et 
satisfarebbe  universalmente  la  sua  elettione."  Buonanni  to 
Christiano  Pagni,  Rome,  November  27,  1549  (State  Archives, 
Florence).     Cf.  Petrucelli,   II.,   34  seqq. 

2  Petrucelli,  II.,  26. 

3  Legaz.  di  Serristori,  222. 
4Maffei  in  Merkle,  II.,  59. 


SIXTY     FRUITLESS     BALLOTS.  23 

would  wait  patiently  as  long  as  these  had  any  chance.1  On 
the  other  hand  the  Imperialists  determined  to  keep  steadily  to 
Pole.  They  assembled  at  once  after  the  arrival  of  the  French 
Cardinals,  in  the  presence  of  Cardinal  Madruzzo,  and  formally 
pledged  themselves  in  favour  of  Pole.2  Their  resolve  may 
have  partly  arisen  from  a  sort  of  obstinacy,  which  persisted 
in  clinging  to  a  lost  cause.  One  can,  however,  also  trace  the 
influence  of  the  reform  party  in  this,  ready  to  risk  everything 
to  secure  a  Pope  of  their  own  way  of  thinking.  "  We  want  a 
good  and  holy  Pope,"  said  Truchsess  on  January  20th,  when 
a  heated  discussion  arose  between  him  and  de  Cupis,  "  but 
you  will  only  have  one  who  serves  the  body  and  not  the  soul  ; 
we  will  have  no  Pope  elected  who  will  neglect  God's  Church  in 
order  to  enrich  his  relatives,  as  was  the  case  with  the  last  four 
or  five."3 

Under  these  circumstances  there  was  no  possibility  of  a 
speedy  termination  of  the  conclave.  Following  on  the  last 
eight  fruitless  ballots  there  now  came  fifty-two  equally  without 
result,  in  which  there  never  was  any  other  intention  than  a 
mere  prolongation  of  the  time,  whether  with  a  view  to  receiv- 
ing further  instructions  with  regard  to  the  election  from  the 
secular  princes,  or  with  the  intention  of  working  privately 
for  a  certain  candidate.4  Above  all,  however,  the  decision 
was  postponed  so  that  the  opposing  parties,  disgusted  by  the 
endless  intrigues,  might  at  last  unite  in  a  less  agreeable  choice. 
At  these  fifty-two  ballots,  therefore,  Pole  received  twenty- three 
votes  every  time,  until  January  9th,  and,  from  that  time, 
after  the  loss  of  de  Silva  and  Cibo,  always  twenty-one.  The 
French  had  nominated  Carafa  as  the  opposing  candidate, 
not,  however,  because  they  wished  him  to  be  Pope,5  but 
because  they  wished  to  drive  the  austere  and  zealous  Pole 


1  Guise  to  Henry  II.  on  December  28,   1549  (or,  according  to 
De  Leva,  V.,  81,  on  January  2,  1550)  in  Ribier,  II.,  260. 

2  Gualterius  in  Merkle,  II.,  57. 

3  Massarelli,  69. 

4  Ribier,    II.,    268. 

6  De  Leva,  V.,  81  n. 


24  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

out  of  the  field  by  nominating  an  opponent  of  the  same  way 
of  thinking.1     From  December  15th  to  the  end  of  the  conclave, 

from  twenty-one  to  twenty-two  votes  were  generally  given  to 
the  Neapolitan  Cardinal. 

In  .the  meantime  the  Papal  exchequer  was  being  drained 
for  the  payment  of  the  military  guard  on  duty, 2  the  irritated 
populace  stormed  perpetually  in  front  of  the  Vatican  and 
shouted  for  a  new  Pope,  while  monks  and  clergy  were  daily 
holding  processions.3  The  Lutherans  in  Germany  jeered  at 
the  disunion  in  the  Roman  Church,4  while  the  universal 
vexation  in  Rome  vented  itself  in  innumerable  satirical  poems 
about  the  Cardinals  and  their  slavish  adultaion  of  the  secular 
princes.5 

Without  giving  up  either  Pole  or  Carafa,  they  tried  many 
other  candidates  in  the  conclave,  working  as  a  rule,  however, 
privately  for  these,  and  only  openly  nominating  them  when 

1  Dandolo  on  December  18,  1549:  "  Francesi  ....  con 
dire  :  opponamus  sanctum  sancto  ne  diedero  22  a  Chieti."  De 
Leva,  V.,  81. 

2  Massarelli,    131. 

3  Ibid.,  59. 

4  Charles  V.  is  supposed  to  have  said  :  "  Pour  un  Lutherien 
qu'il  avait  auparavant  la  vacation  du  Papat,  il  y  en  a  maintenaht 
quantite  "  (letter  of  Henry  II.  to  Guise  of  February  6,  1550,  in 
Ribier,  II. ,  263).  The  voting  papers  came  back  from  Germany 
after  15-20  days  with  marginal  notes.  Ayala  to  Mendoza  on 
December  17,  1549,  in  Druffel,  I.,  328. 

5  See  Massarelli,  85.  With  regard  to  the  plentiful  lampoon 
literature  of  the  conclave  of  Julius  III.,  see,  besides  the  admirable 
essays  of  Cian  in  the  Giorn.  stor.  della  lett.  Ital.,  XVII.,  337- 
353,  and  ibid.,  XLIIL,  232  seqq.,  the  unpublished  sarcastic  poems 
on  the  conclave  in  the  Cod.  Palat.  191 3,  of  the  Vatican  Library. 
The  remark  of  Giulio  Gentile  in  a  *  letter  to  the  grand  chancellor 
of  Milan,  dated  Rome,  January  5,  1550  (State  Archives,  Milan), 
that  he  would  send  the  pasquini,  although  they  were  "  assai 
ignobili,  scortesi  et  sporchi,"  confirms,  among  other  publications 
of  this  nature,  the  *Pasquinatella  in  the  Venetian  dialect,  which 
Giuseppe  Inglesco  sent  to  Mantua  with  a  letter  of  January  28, 
1550  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua). 


ATTEMPT     TO     UNITE     THE     PARTIES.  25 

they  were  sure  of  a  certain  number  of  votes.  In  the  reports 
of  the  scrutinies,  therefore,  no  mention  is  made  of  several 
candidates. 

From  time  to  time  various  proposals  were  made  as  to  how 
the  Papal  election  might  be  secured  in  a  manner  differing 
from  the  usual  procedure.  The  first  of  these  proposals  was 
made  as  early  as  December  14th,  even  before  the  French  had 
nominated  a  candidate  of  their  own.  Both  parties  assembled 
separately  on  this  day,  one  in  the  Sixtine  and  the  other  in  the 
Pauline  Chapel,  and  communicated  with  each  other  through 
intermediaries.  The  French  proposed  a  choice  between  nine 
candidates  :  three  of  their  own  countrymen,  Lorraine,  Tournon 
and  du  Bellay,  three  Italians  of  French  sympathies,  Salviati, 
Ridolfi  and  de  Cupis,  and  three  neutral  Italians,  Carafa,  del 
Monte  and  Cervini.  The  Imperialists  replied  that  they  would 
only  have  Pole.1  On  this  refusal  the  wearisome  round  of  fruit- 
less ballots  began  over  again. 

It  was,  however,  beginning  to  occur  to  the  Imperialists 
that  it  was  impolitic  to  cling  so  obstinately  to  Pole.  They 
therefore  assembled  late  in  the  evening  on  December  16th, 
and  sent  Truchsess,  Pacheco  and  Farnese  as  intermediaries 
to  the  French,  to  propose  Carpi  and  Toledo  as  candidates 
instead  of  Pole.  This  offer  was  refused,  as  was  expected.2 
The  Imperialists  had  already  thought  of  working  for  Sfondrato, 
and  of  favouring  Morone  at  the  ballots,  so  that  their  real 
aim  might  remain  secret.  "For  many  days,"  said  Maffei,3 
"  nothing  further  happened  than  that  they  made  new  pro- 
posals to  one  another,  more  with  a  view  to  prolonging  the 
time  than  of  reaching  a  decision." 

It  was  then  that  the  Imperial  Cardinals,  merely  on  account 
of  the  honour,  gave  fifteen  votes  to  the  Cardinal-Infante  of 
Portugal,  whereupon  the  French,  on  the  following  day,  outdid 
them  by  giving  eighteen  votes  and  two  supplementary  ones 
to  Guise,  also  merely  for  the  sake  of  the  honour.     "  Behold, 

1  Massarellt,   58  seq. 

2  Ibid.,  62. 

3  Merkle,  II.,  59. 


26  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

reader,"  remarks  Massarelli  on  December  17th,1  "  at  what 
times  we  have  arrived  !  After  we  have  vainly  employed 
twenty  days  in  electing  a  Pope,  and  the  whole  of  Christendom 
is  daily  clamouring  for  one,  behold  the  zeal  which  the  Cardinals 
display  for  the  common  weal,  by  bestowing  twenty  votes 
at  this  day's  scrutiny  on  a  young  man  of  twenty-three,  not 
with  the  intention,  as  they  themselves  acknowledge,  of  making 
him  Pope,  but  out  of  consideration  for  his  rank  and  the  favour 
which  he  enjoys  from  the  King.  It  is  the  truth  that  in  these 
days  persons  are  elevated  to  the  high  rank  of  Cardinal  who 
seek  to  please  man  rather  than  God,  for,  as  God  knows,  when 
certain  Cardinals,  worthy  in  every  respect  of  being  candidates 
for  the  Papal  throne,  were  proposed,  the  answer  was  that  this 
election  would  not  please  the  Emperor,  or  from  the  French, 
that  their  King  would  not  approve  of  him  as  Pope." 

On  December  19th  the  prelates  and  barons  who  were  en- 
trusted with  the  guarding  of  the  conclave  joined  the  populace 
in  demanding  a  speedy  election.  They  represented  that 
troubles  which  only  a  Pope  could  allay  were  arising  in  all 
directions  ;  the  mercenaries  were  getting  bolder  every  day, 
the  streets  were  no  longer  safe,  while  the  cost  of  the  vacancy 
in  the  Holy  See  was  no  longer  to  be  borne.  Within  the  con- 
clave vexation  was  also  making  itself  felt.  The  drastic  pro- 
posal was  even  made  that  the  two  leaders,  Guise  and  Farnese, 
should  be  shut  in  together,  without  food,  till  they  should  agree 
upon  a  Pope.3  On  December  17th  the  youthful  Guise  had 
considered  it  seemly  to  make  remonstrances  to  Pole,  before 
all  the  Cardinals  and  conclavists,  who  were  awaiting  the 
issue  of  the  affair  in  a  state  of  the  greatest  tension.     He  accused 

1  Ibid.,  64  seq. 

2  Massarelli,  67. 

3  Gualterius  in  Merkle,  II.,  67.  Other  proposals  are  to  be 
found  there  and  in  Paulus  de  Brevibus,  ibid.,  66.  On  January 
7,  nearly  all  the  Cardinals  were  together  after  dinner  in  a  corridor 
of  the  conclave,  and  when  several  of  them  said,  as  a  joke,  that  it 
would  be  a  good  thing  if  the  doors  were  now  closed,  and  the 
Cardinals  thus  forced  to  make  a  choice,  the  conclavists  really 
shut  them  in  for  three  hours.     Ibid.,  86. 


THE     IMPERIALIST     AND     FRENCH     PARTIES.    27 

Pole  of  not  possessing  the  qualities  necessary  for  the  Head 
of  the  Church,  and  said  that  his  sudden  withdrawal  from  the 
Council  of  Trent  had  given  rise  to  the  suspicion  that  he  did  not 
agree  to  the  decree  on  Justification,  and  advised  him  there- 
fore to  withdraw  his  candidature.  The  Cardinal  attacked 
answered  calmly  that  his  withdrawal  from  the  Council  was 
occasioned  solely  by  reasons  of  health,  and  that  although  he 
would  take  no  steps  to  be  chosen  Pope,  he  would  also  not 
prevent  the  Cardinals  from  bestowing  their  votes  upon  him 
if  they  were  inclined  to  do  so.1 

Pole's  candidature,  however,  proved  in  the  meantime 
more  than  hopeless,  and  the  Imperialists  could  no  longer  shut 
their  eyes  to  the  fact.  After  they  had  been  terrified,  on 
December  26th,  by  the  news  that  three  more  French  Cardinals 
would  soon  arrive,  they  risked  everything  to  have  Toledo 
elected,  if  possible,  on  the  following  day.  They  actually  suc- 
ceeded, quite  privately,  in  adding  another  eight  votes  to  the 
twenty-three  which  they  already  possessed,  so  that  Toledo's 
election  seemed  assured.  In  spite  of  their  secrecy,  however, 
the  plan  became  known,  and  the  French,  who  had  nominated 
de  Cupis  as  the  opposing  candidate,  succeeded,  by  dint  of 
hard  work  during  the  night,  in  winning  back  these  eight  votes 
from  the  Imperialists.  On  December  27th  Toledo  had  only 
twenty  votes,  de  Cupis  twenty-one  and  one  supplementary  one. 
The  Imperialists  had,  therefore,  to  resign  themselves  to  the 
strengthening  of  the  French  party  on  December  28th  by  the 
arrival  of  de  la  Chambre  and  d'Amboise. 

In  the  meantime  a  new  difficulty  had  arisen.  The  Jubilee 
Year  of  1550  was  to  be  inaugurated  by  the  opening  of  the 

1  Gualterius  in  Merkle,  II.,  64.  A  similar  scene  took  place 
on  March  22.  When  Pole  again  received  23  votes  and  Carafa 
20  in  the  ballot  on  that  day,  Carafa  stood  up  and  begged  the 
Cardinals  not  to  consider  his  candidature.  Pole  also  stood  up 
and  repeated  his  former  declaration.  If  anyone  gave  him  his 
vote  merely  from  motives  of  friendship,  he  begged  him  to  refrain 
from  so  doing  ;  should  he,  however,  be  obeying  the  dictates  of 
his  conscience,  he  could  not,  and  would  not,  bring  any  pressure 
to  bear  on  him.     Massarelli,  70  seq. 


28  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

Golden  Door  on  Christmas  Eve.  .Many  pilgrims  had  already 
arrived  in  Rome.  It  was,  however,  doubtful  if  the  Holy  Year, 
with  its  usual  indulgences  and  faculties  for  absolution,  could 
be  inaugurated  without  a  Pope,  and  without  the  ceremonies 
mentioned.  The  prelates  and  barons,  therefore,  applied  to 
the  Cardinals,  complaining  at  the  same  time  of  the  long  delay 
and  want  of  unity  in  the  conclave.  The  barons  said  that  the 
guarding  of  the  doors  of  the  conclave  should  be  entrusted  to 
them,  as  the  prelates  were  too  indulgent  for  such  a  duty. 
The  Dean,  de  Cupis,  informed  the  Cardinals  of  these  difficulties 
on  December  29th.  No  remedies  could  as  yet  be  found  for 
the  disagreement  in  the  conclave,  which  no  one  denied,  but 
with  regard  to  the  Jubilee,  a  declaration  was  issued  on  the 
following  day  that  it  had  undoubtedly  begun,  and  that  the 
opening  of  the  Golden  Door  would  be  performed  subsequently 
by  the  future  Pope. 

At  that  time,  however,  there  seemed  but  little  hope  of  soon 
getting  the  future  Pope.  The  Imperialists,  as  the  Venetian 
ambassador,  Dandolo,  wrote  on  December  21st,  1549,  had 
pledged  their  word  in  writing  not  to  give  way  to  their  oppon- 
ents, and  he  reported  on  January  8th,  1550,  that  both  parties 
had  pledged  themselves  by  oath  not  to  yield  to  the  other.1 
On  December  26th  they  wrote  from  the  conclave  that  the 
French  were  then  boasting  that  they  were  as  well  off  in  the 
conclave  as  if  they  were  in  paradise,  and  that  they  would  hold 
out  until  everyone  was  exhausted.  The  opposing  party  spoke 
to  the  same  effect  ;  neither  the  length  of  time  nor  any  other 
consideration  should  rob  Cardinal  Pole  of  one  of  his  votes, 
or  force  another  candidate  upon  them.2  This  implacability 
of  the  parties,  we  are  informed  by  another  report  of  January 
4th,  1550,  arose  from  the  fact  that  one  party  awaited  the  Holy 
Ghost  from  Flanders,  and  the  other  from  France.  People  in 
Rome  betted  40  to  1  that  there  would  be  no  Pope  in  January, 
and  10  to  1  that  there  would  also  be  none  in  the  following 

1  Brown,  V.,  n.  602,  618. 

2  Ibid.,  2.  606. 


UNHEALTHY     CONDITIONS     IN     THE     CONCLAVE.    29 

month.1  Similar  bets  are  repeatedly  mentioned.2  A  re- 
tainer of  Cardinal  Gonzaga  writes  on  January  4th3  that  people 
in  the  city  were  speaking  of  anything  rather  than  of  the  Papal 
election.  Another  correspondent  sees  a  possibility  of  the 
hastening  of  the  election  in  the  unhealthy  conditions  of  the 
conclave,  as  the  air  is  charged  to  such  an  extent  with  the 
fumes  of  candles  and  torches  that  many  have  serious  fears  for 
their  health.4 


1  *"  Stanno  anchora  in  conclave  questi  reverendissimi  signori, 
ne  pare  che  vi  sii  una  speranza  al  mondo  di  Papa.  Sono  divisi 
in  due  parti  et  stanno  la  dentro  ostinati,  aspettando  Tuna  il 
Spirito  santo  di  Fiandra  et  l'altra  di  Francia,  che  Dio  sa  quando 
saranno  d'accordo,  ne  puo  fare  il  Papa  Tuna  parte  senza  l'altra, 
se  non  si  rumpano.  Si  da  quaranta  per  cento  che  non  si  fara 
per  tutto  questo  mese  et  dieci  per  l'altro."  Pietro  Maria  Carissimo 
to  Sabino  Calandra  on  January  4,  1550  (Gonzaga  Archives, 
Mantua).  Mendoza  took  the  liberty  of  making  a  joke  about  the 
Cardinals  by  wishing  them  a  happy  Easter  instead  of  a  happy 
Christmas.     Gaulterius    in    Merkle,    II. ,    74. 

2  Brown,  V.,  n.  621  (January  11),  n.  627  (January  15),  n. 
629  (January  18),  n.  630  (January  22). 

3  *"  La  cosa  e  di  maniera  posta.  in  silentio  che  d'ogni  altra 
cosa  si  ragiona  qui  che  di  questa."  Giuseppe  Inglesco  to  Sabino 
Calandra,  secretario  ducale   (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua). 

4  *Non  s'ha  una  minima  fermeza  di  dover  haver  un  Papa 
di  qui  a  quindici  di  et  di  conclavi  si  sono  havuto  polize  et  qui 
in  casa  nostra  et  altrove  che  promettono  che  presto  presto  sara 
fatto  un  Papa,  et  acenano  a  Salviati,  mostrando  che  quei  sri 
reverendissimi  sieno  sforzati  a  risolversene  se  non  per  altro 
almeno  per  non  ammorbarsi  in  quel  conclavi,  dove  dicono  che 
e  tanto  fumo  delli  candeli  et  torchi  che  vi  se  tengono  accese, 
et  tanto  polvere  et  tanta  puzza  delli  cantari  orinali  et  tinello 
che  vi  si  fa  di  continuo,  che  poco  poco  piu  che  duri  quella  festa 
dubitano  da  vero  di  ammorbarvisi."  Giuseppe  Inglesco  to 
Sabino  Calandra,  secretario  ducale  et  castellano  di  Mantova, 
December  31,  1549  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua).  Cf.  Dandolo 
on  January  22,  1550,  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  630.  The  smell  from  the 
lavatories  was  often  mentioned,  Firmanus,  in  Merkle,  II., 
88,   96, 


30  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

A  feeble  attempt  was  made  to  come  to  a  decision  on  January 
2nd,  1550.  Guise  and  Farnese  agreed  to  a  meeting,  at  which 
the  former  finally  offered  Cardinals  de  Cupis,  Salviati,  Ridolfi, 
Lorraine,  Este  and  Capodiferro  as  candidates.  Farnese 
answered  that  he  would  make  a  generous  proposal  :  either 
Guise  might  choose  a  candidate  from  the  twenty-three  ad- 
herents of  Pole,  or  allow  that  he,  Farnese,  might  choose  one 
of  the  twenty-two  voting  for  Carafa,  to  be  raised  to  the  Papal 
throne.  Neither  of  these  proposals  was  accepted.1  The 
ballots  which  now  followed  are  the  less  worthy  of  note  as  the 
French  had  decided  only  to  put  forward  their  real  candidate 
when  Cardinal  Bourbon  had  arrived  from  Fiance.2 

This  Cardinal  entered  the  conclave  on  January  14th.  It 
appeared,  however,  to  be  still  impossible  to  secure  the  full 
number  of  votes  necessary  for  the  three  principal  French 
candidates,  Lorraine,  Ridolfi  or  Salviati.  In  consequence  of 
this,  Salviati  refused  at  first  to  come  forward  as  a  candidate, 
and  the  two  others  did  likewise. 3    The  Imperialists  had  been  at 

1  Massarelli,  82.  Cf.  the  *report  of  Giulio  Gentile  to  the 
grand  chancellor  of  Milan,  dated  Rome,  January  5,  1550  (State 
Archives,  Milan). 

2  Dandolo  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  618. 

3  As  Farnese  is  reported  to  have  said  to  Marshall  de  la  Mark, 
after  the  elevation  of  Julius  III.,  Ridolfi  and  Salviati  (as  well 
as  de  Cupis)  had  been  put  forward  as  candidates  in  appearance 
only,  for  the  sake  of  gaining  time,  in  order  that  they  might  in 
the  meantime  canvass  for  Este,  and  secure  for  him  the  approval 
of  the  Emperor.  This  had  been  the  only  reason  for  the  long 
duration  of  the  conclave.  Cardinal  d'Este  is  said  to  have  offered 
Parma  to  Ottavio  Farnese,  the  archbishopric  of  Narbonne  and 
the  favour  of  the  French  king  to  Alessandro,  and  a  daughter  of 
the  Duke  of  Ferrara  and  200,000  livres  to  Orazio,  in  order  to 
win  the  support  of  Cardinal  Farnese  (Ribier,  II.,  268).  The 
readiness  of  the  princes  to  support  their  candidates  by  the  ex- 
penditure of  large  sums  is  also  referred  to  by  Petrucelli,  II., 
33,  42,  43.  Concerning  French  attempts  at  bribery  cf.  ibid., 
46  seq.  Guise  received  in  Lyons  a  bill  of  exchange  for  large  sums 
to  be  collected  in  Rome.  Ribier,  II.,  257  :  cf.  Sagmuller, 
Papstwahlen ,  184  n.  2  ;    Druffel,  I.,  321  seq.,  325,  328. 


farnese's    attempt    at    conciliation.     31 

the  same  time  working  very  actively  for  Morone,  who  received 
twenty-four  votes,  and  two  supplementary  ones  on  January 
15th,  and  they  only  lost  hope  when  the  French  again  got  two 
votes  away  from  him,  whereupon,  despairing  of  his  success, 
they  once  more  returned  to  Pole. 

In  the  general  bewilderment  of  those  days,  Farnese  en- 
deavoured to  advance  a  step  further  on  January  19th  by 
designating  clearly  and  decisively  to  their  opponents  those 
candidates  for  whom  the  Imperialists  would,  in  no  case,  vote. 
These  were  de  Cupis,  Carafa,  Salviati  and  Ridolfi,  as  they  had 
been  excluded  by  Charles  V.,  and  quite  apart  from  the  fact 
that  they  were  enemies  of  the  Emperor,  it  was  to  be  feared 
that  their  election  would  irritate  him  and  plunge  Italy  into 
war.1  He  begged  them  at  least  to  relinquish  the  election  of 
these  Cardinals.  Guise's  reply  was  a  rough  refusal.  The 
next  development  was  that  he  refused  to  act  at  all  with  Far- 
nese, as  the  latter  had  promised  him  to  vote  for  Lorraine, 
and  had  broken  his  word,  which  was  unworthy  of  a  gentleman. 
If,  however,  the  Imperialists  thought  it  right  to  exclude  such 
worthy  men  from  the  Papacy,  he  declared,  on  his  part,  that 
the  French  would  never,  in  all  eternity,  vote  for  Pole,  Morone, 
Sfondrato  or  Carpi. 

Thus  this  attempt  at  conciliation  ended  by  widening  the 
differences  between  the  contending  parties.2  Conclavists  who 
left  the  place  of  voting  on  January  28th  and  29th,  unanimously 
declared  that  the  Cardinals  expected  anything  rather  than  the 
election  of  a  Pope.3 

In  the  second  half  of  January  they  began  at  length  to  reflect 
on  the  causes  of  the  continued  delay  and  to  seek  for  a  remedy. 
The  Cardinal-Dean,  de  Cupis,  made  a  speech  to  this  effect 
after  the  voting  of  ^January  16th,  and  specially  denounced  the 

1  "  Si  enim  illi  aperti  Caesaris  hostes  ad  pontificatum  eveheren- 
tur  Caesarem  protinus  ad  arma  concitarent  totamque  pernicios- 
issimo  bello  Italiam  ince[n]derent."  (Gualterius  in  Merkle, 
II.,  100} .  This  reason  was,  however,  of  no  weight  as  far  as 
Carafa  was  concerned. 

2  Massarelli,   100. 

3  Dandolo  in  Brown, rV,,  n.  635.     Cf.  Muzio,  Lettere,  142,  146. 


32  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

decision  according  to  the  terms  of  which  a  Cardinal  could  only 
announce  his  adherence  to  the  election  of  a  candidate  with 
the  concurrence  of  the  members  of  his  party.1  Carafa  agreed 
with  de  Cupis,  and  read  the  decree  of  Gregory  X.  with  regard 
to  the  Papal  election.  Pacheco  acknowledged  that  both  sides 
had  been  to  blame,  but  especially  the  French,  as,  while  thwart- 
ing Pole's  election,  they  had  limited  for  their  adherents,  by 
means  of  the  promise  given  under  oath,  both  their  freedom  of 
voting  and  of  joining  the  other  party.2 

On  January  26th  a  general  congregation  of  the  Cardinals 
was  held  instead  of  the  scrutiny,  which  would  again  have  been 
without  result,  and  de  Cupis  once  more  spoke  of  the  abuses 
and  misdeeds  of  the  conclave.  The  intrigues  and  secret 
manoeuvres,  he  said,  were  more  calculated  to  prolong  than 
to  conclude  the  election,  when  one  side  merely  endeavoured  to 
circumvent  the  other,  and  this  had  assumed  such  proportions 
that  an  election  was  out  of  the  question.  The  consideration 
shown  to  the  secular  princes,  according  to  whose  instructions 
votes  should  be  given  to  one  candidate  and  withheld  from 
another,  was  specially  to  be  deplored,  as  it  was  against  the 
dictates  of  conscience  and  was  a  disgrace  to  the  College  of 
Cardinals.  Voting  was  no  longer  free  and  a  change  was 
urgently  needed.  A  further  abuse  lay  in  the  neglect  of  the 
observance  of  the  enclosure,  and  in  the  enormous  number  of 
conclavists,  among  whom  many  persons  crept  in,  who  did  not 
belong  to  the  conclave.  Most  abominable  of  all,  however,  was 
the  custom  by  which  both  parties,  even  before  the  voting, 
announced  to  whom  their  votes  would  be  given,  a  practice 
which  meant  that  no  Cardinal  could  vote  without  having 
previously  informed  the  other  members  of  his  party  and  re- 
ceived their  consent.3 

This  speech  of  the  Dean  was  favourably  received  by  the 

1  Cf.  Druffel,  I.,  331  seq. 

2  Massarelli,  95  seq.  According  to  Gualterius  (Merkle, 
II.,  87)  the  French  took  an  oath  never  to  write  Pole's  name  on  a 
voting  paper.     Cf.  Druffel,  1.,  314. 

3  Massarelli,  107  ;    cf.  Gualterius  in  Merkle,  II.,  87. 


REFORMS  IN  THE  CONCLAVE.        33 

Cardinals.  Salviati  complained  of  the  excessive  complaisance 
towards  the  princes,  Carafa  adding  that  if  matters  continued 
like  this,  it  would  end  in  the  secular  princes  electing  a  Pope 
without  the  Cardinals,  which  would,  as  far  as  he  was  con- 
cerned, be  more  agreeable  than  this  perpetual  dilatoriness. 
Pacheco  emphasised  the  danger  of  the  Council  claiming  the 
right  to  elect  the  Pope.1  Sfondrato  and  Guise,  indeed,  pointed 
out  the  difficulties  attending  a  reform,  but  the  others  unani- 
mously resolved  to  choose  six  Cardinals  from  the  six  nations 
represented,  namely  Carafa,  Bourbon,  Pacheco,  Truchsess, 
de  Silva  and  Pole,  who,  in  conjunction  with  de  Cupis,  Carpi, 
Ridolfi  and  the  Camerlengo,  Sforza,  should  draw  up  a  decree 
of  reform.  This  was  published  on  January  31st.2  An  en- 
deavour was  made  in  this  to  abolish  the  election  intrigues 
by  reviving  and  emphasizing  the  regulations  of  the  Church 
concerning  the  mode  of  life  in  the  conclave.3 

According  to  the  decree  of  Gregory  X.,  each  Cardinal  was 
allowed  to  have  two  conclavists  with  him.  Agents  and  secre- 
taries of  secular  princes  had,  on  this  occasion,  slipped  in  under 
the  guise  of  conclavists,  who  spied  out  the  secrets  of  the  con- 
clave and  betrayed  them  to  their  masters.4  In  this  manner 
the  secretaries  of  the  two  ambassadors,  d'Urfe  and  Mendoza, 
the  secretaries  of  the  King  of  France,  the  Duke  of  Florence 

1  There  was  already  question  of  such  a  danger  on  December  16, 
1549.  (Druffel,  I.,  325  ;  cf.  317).  In  Paris  the  question  was 
raised  whether,  in  the  event  of  failure  on  the  part  of  the  Cardinals, 
a  Council  could  undertake  a  papal  election,  and  was  answered 
in  the  affirmative.  Renard  to  Charles  V.  on  February  5,  1550, 
in  Druffel,  I.,  350  ;   cf.  Ribier,  II.,  256. 

2  Massarelli,  113  seqq.  They  are  in  two  forms,  the  second 
having  a  commentary  by  Massarelli,  in  which  he  depicts  the  abuses 
of  the  conclave. 

3  What  follows  is  according  to  Massarelli,  114  seqq. 

4  Communication  with  a  Cardinal  in  the  conclave  was  forbidden 
by  Gregory  X.  under  pain  of  excommunication.  The  law  was 
evaded  by  the  conclavists  undertaking  the  communication. 
Cf.  Mendoza  to  Charles  V.  on  December  5,  1549,  in  Druffel. 
I.,  307. 

VOL.   XIII.  3 


34  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

and  the  Viceroy  of  Naples,  were  to  be  found  among  the  con- 
clavists. Cardinals  whose  firmness  there  was  reason  to  doubt, 
were  given  over  by  the  party  leaders  to  safe  persons,  also 
called  conclavists,  who  were  enjoined  to  keep  a  firm  hold  on 
them  and  find  out  their  opinions.  To  these  were  joined 
brothers  and  relatives  of  the  Cardinals,  and  nobles  and  barons 
who  wished  to  know  what  a  conclave  was  like,1  and  also,  in 
the  case  of  many  Cardinals,  their  physicians  in  ordinary.  It 
had  thus  come  to  pass  that  almost  every  Cardinal  had  four, 
and  some  as  many  as  eight,  conclavists  with  him,  and  that 
some  400  persons  were  together  in  the  conclave.2 

In  addition  to  this,  the  mode  of  life  in  the  conclave  was 
wanting  in  that  simplicity  and  austerity  which  were  de- 
manded by  the  Canon  Law,  in  the  interests  of  as  speedy  an 
election  as  possible.  In  order  to  avoid  the  troublesome 
restriction  to  one  small  room,  many  Cardinals  had  annexed 
the  empty  cells  of  the  absent  members  of  the  Sacred  College, 
whilst  others  had  enlarged  their  cells  by  means  of  a  wooden 
erection  in  front  ;  windows  had  also  been  opened  out  in  the 
conclave.  The  limitations  in  the  meals,  which  were  pre- 
scribed in  the  case  of  a  long  duration  of  the  election  proceed- 
ings, were  absolutely  disregarded.  The  feasts  were  of  a  nature 
to  satisfy  a  Lucullus,3  while  the  Cardinals  issued  invitations 
to  one  another,  as  well  as  to  their  conclavists,  and  both  sides 
sent  the  most  elaborate  dishes  to  their  friends  ! 

The  most  far-reaching  abuse,  however,  lay  in  the  very 
faulty  observance  of  the  enclosure,  and  it  became  thereby 
possible  for  the  foreign  princes  to  influence  the  election  and 
protract  it  for  an  indefinite  period.  Openings  had  been  made 
in  the  walls,  in  order  to  communicate  with  the  outside  world  ; 
letters  could  be  received  and  dispatched,  while  d'Urfe  boasted 

1  See  several  names  of  the  agents  of  the  princes  and  relations 
of  the  Cardinals  in  Massarelli,  108,  116.  An  Abyssinian 
(Aethiops)  was  also  in  the  conclave  (ibid.  87,  126).  Cf.  Merkle, 
II.,  Proleg.  xxxvi.,  n.  8. 

2  Dandolo  on  January  15,  1550,  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  627.  Con- 
cerning the  physicians  see  Marini,  I.,  392  seq. 

3  "  ut  Luculli  mensae  ....  viderentur."     Massarelli,    118. 


THE  ABUSES  IN  THE  CONCLAVE.      35 

to  his  King  that  he  had  made  a  way,  with  ladders  and  over 
roofs,  to  speak  to  Guise.1  The  conclavists  received  permis- 
sion far  too  easily  to  leave  the  conclave  under  trifling  pretexts, 
and  then  return,  and  it  was  precisely  these  people  who  be- 
trayed the  secrets  of  the  conclave  everywhere,  and  were  the 
go-betweens  of  the  princes.  When  Madruzzo  sent  his  con- 
clavist, Pagnani,  with  a  message,  both  his  boots  were  so 
stuffed  up  with  letters  that  he  quite  forgot  his  masters'  missive, 
through  thinking  of  them.2 

In  face  of  these  abuses,  the  reform  committee  decided  that 
each  Cardinal  should  have  only  three  conclavists  ;  among 
these  he  could  have  relatives,  if  they  were  not  ruling  barons, 
and  his  physician,  but  not  intimates  of  another  Cardinal. 
Agents  of  the  princes  and  ambassadors,  barons  who  had  juris- 
diction and  their  subordinates,  and  all  those  who  were  not 
on  the  list  of  conclavists  at  the  beginning  of  the  conclave, 
should  be  expelled,  and  severely  punished  should  they  return. 
In  order  to  deal  with  ordinary  ailments,  a  Frenchman  and  a 
Spaniard  should  be  added  to  the  four  physicians  of  the  con- 
clave, of  whom  three  were  Italians  and  one  a  German,  while 
the  number  of  barbers  should  also  be  increased.  All  un- 
authorized communication  with  the  outside  world,  whether 
by  word  of  mouth  or  by  letter,  was  strictly  forbidden  ;  every 
Cardinal,  with  the  exception  of  those  who  were  ill,  was  to 
return  to  the  cell  originally  assigned  to  him  ;  all  additions 
built  on  to  the  cells  were  to  be  done  away  with  ;  and  all 
windows  which  had  been  added  were  to  be  closed.  The 
conclavists  were  to  eat  and  sleep  in  the  cells  of  their  masters, 
while  meals  were  to  be  made  conformable  to  the  regulations 
of  Clement  VI.  In  order  to  make  communication  with  the  out- 
side world  impossible,  whether  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
provisions  or  anything  else,  arrangements  were  made  similar 
to  those  in  the  convents  of  nuns.     All  private  meetings  were 

1  Ribier,  II.,  259.  Bonif.  Ruggieri  relates  the  same  thing 
of  a  visit  to  Cardinal  d'Este.  Petrucelli,  II.,  31,  46  ;  cf.  also 
Muzio,  Lettere,   120,   148. 

2  Gualterius  in  Merkle,  II.,  81. 


36  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

prohibited.  As  the  election  proceedings  had  often  lasted 
till  late  in  the  night,  it  was  ordered'that  in  future,  no  Cardinal 
should  go  out  of  his  cell  later  than  the  fifth  hour  of  the  evening, 
while  the  conclavists  had  also  to  withdraw  one  hour  later, 
both  hours  being  announced  by  the  ringing  of  a  bell.  Per 
mission  to  enter  the  conclave  or  to  leave  it  would  only  be 
granted  by  the  committee  of  Cardinals.  Special  regulations 
were  also  made  with  regard  to  the  custody  of  the  keys  of  the 
conclave,  while  arms  were  strictly  prohibited  inside  the 
enclosure. 

At  the  same  time  as  this  decree  for  the  reform  of  the  interior 
conditions  of  the  conclave  was  promulgated,  the  prelates 
charged  with  the  exterior  guarding  of  it,  drew  up  a  second 
regulation  with  regard  to  the  shutting  off  of  the  conclave 
from  the  outer  world.  Specially  worthy  of  note  are  the 
orders  that  all  windows  and  doors  leading  out  from  the  conclave 
should  be  closed,  and  that  the  Apostolic  palace  should  be 
searched  every  second  day  to  see  that  no  means  of  egress 
had  been  broken  open.1 

The  reform  commission  had  ordered  on  February  5th  that 
a  rotary  lift  should  be  arranged  in  the  wall,  similar  to  those 
used  in  convents  of  nuns,  for  the  reception  of  provisions, 
and  that  not  more  than  one  course  should  be  served  at  a  meal. 
The  superfluous  conclavists,  eighty  in  number,  were  all  turned 
out.2 

1  Massarelli,    121   seqq. 

2  Ibid.,  136  ;  cf.  Firm  anus,  129  ;  Muzio,  Lettere,  149.  Atti 
di  Soc.  Ligur.,  XXXVIII.  (1910),  seqq.  In  spite  of  this,  however, 
it  would  appear  that  communication  with  the  outside  world 
was  not  quite  stopped.  Endimio  Calandra  writes  to  his  brother 
Sabino  on  February  7,  1550  :  "  *Di  Papa  hora  mai  non  si  pensa, 
ne  si  ne  ragiona,  come  ogni  cosa  viene  in  puoca  reputatione 
quando  va  alia  lunga.  Li  poveri  rmi  sono  serati  la  dentro  et 
non  si  possono  accordare,  e  come  le  cose  si  governano  piu  di 
fuori  che  di  dentro,  consultandosi  tutta  via  coi  principi,  si  ben 
hanno  cacciato  fuori  li  secretarii  et  gli  agenti,  che  pero  non  si 
possano  mandare  lettere,  forza  e  che  vadino  in  lungo."  (Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua). 


CANDIDATURE     OF     SALVIATI.  37 

Granted  that  such  orders  for  reform  testify  to  the  desire 
of  the  Cardinals  finally  to  arrive  at  an  election,  this  good  will 
could  only  be  strengthened  by  the  advances  which  both 
parties  made  about  the  same  time,  regarding  the  election 
intrigues. 

Ridolfi,  who  had  been  obliged  to  leave  the  Vatican  on  account 
of  illness,  had  the  best  prospect  of  the  tiara  during  the  last 
half  of  January. *  It  was  firmly  believed  that  he  would  return 
to  the  conclave  as  Pope.  After  Ridolfi's  death,  on  January 
31st,2  the  French  turned  their  attention  to  Salviati, 3  whom 
many  had,  even  before  the  conclave,  looked  upon  as  the 
future  Pope,  and  whose  candidature  had  been  put  forward 
again  and  again.  Besides  the  French  party,  his  old  friend 
Gonzaga  and  Cardinal  della  Rovere  now  declared  for  him, 
the  latter  at  the  wish  of  his  brother,  the  Duke  of  Urbino. 
What,  however,  caused  a  still  greater  sensation,  and  soon 
became  a  common  topic  of  conversation  in  the  city,  was  that 
Alessandro  Farnese's  brother  Ranuccio,  and  his  cousin  Sforza, 
were  ready  to  give  Salviati  their  votes.  Most  people  saw  the 
reason  for  this  change  of  front  in  considerations  of  family 
policy.  Of  the  four  Farnese  brothers,  Duke  Ottavio  was 
son-in-law  of  the  Emperor,  and  expected  from  him  the  pos- 
session of  Parma.  Orazio  Farnese,  on  the  other  hand,  hoped 
to  become  the  son-in-law  of  the  French  king,  and  had  French 
sympathies.  Of  the  two  Farnese  Cardinals,  Alessandro  was 
more  inclined  to  side  with  Ottavio,  while  Ranuccio,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  a  greater  leaning  to  Orazio.     As  Ranuccio 

1  Firm  anus,  113. 

2  It  was  reported  that  Ridolfi  had  been  poisoned  by  his  servant, 
bribed  to  do  so  by  Mendoza,  and  that  the  confidant  of  Cosimo 
de'  Medici,  Giov.  Fran.  Lottino,  had  had  a  hand  in  the  matter. 
Cf.  Maffei  in  the  Rassegna  per  la  storia  di  Volterra,  I.  (1898), 
90  seq.,  and  Bruzzone  in  La  Stampa,  1900,  n.  51. 

3  The  Imperial  ambassador,  Mendoza,  advocated,  at  least  in 
appearance,  the  candidature  of  Salviati  (cf.  Muzio,  Lettere, 
131)  ;  Cosimo  de'  Medici  was,  however,  decidedly  opposed  to 
him  ;  the  Duke  wished  absolutely  for  no  Florentine.  See  Ranke, 
Histor-biogr.  Studien,  Leipsic,   1877,  416  seq. 


38  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

feared  that  Ottavio  would,  on  the  advice  of  Alessandro, 
snatch  away  the  Duchy  of  Castro  from  Orazio,  with  the 
Emperor's  help,  he  was  all  the  more  inclined  to  the  French  side, 
especially  as  he  did  not  wish  to  jeopardize  his  brother's  scheme 
for  the  French  marriage  by  a  friendship  with  the  Emperor.1 
Cardinal  Sforza,  moreover,  would  not  have  been  unwilling  to 
see  Salviati  Pope,  especially  as  his  sister-in-law  was  Salviati's 
niece. 

By  the  accession  of  the  two  cousins  to  Salviati's  adherents, 
his  prospects  brightened  exceedingly.  On  February  2nd, 
on  which  there  was  no  voting,  a  regular  competition  took 
place  with  regard  to  Ranuccio  and  Sforza,  the  one  side  en- 
deavouring to  hold  the  two  cousins  fast,  the  other  to  win  them 
back.  On  the  evening  of  that  day,  the  Imperialists  had,  after 
many  changes  of  fortune,  succeeded  so  far,  that  the  two 
promised  to  abstain  from  voting  for  Salviati,  at  least  on  the 
two  following  days.  Night,  a  sleepless  one  for  many,  brought 
a  temporary  end  to  the  canvassing  and  intrigue  ;  however, 
the  decisive  reconciliation  of  the  three  Farnese  did  not  take 
place  until  the  evening  of  the  following  day,  whereupon  the 
French  dropped  the  candidature  of  Salviati. 

This  incident  was  of  the  greatest  importance  for  the  issue 
of  the  conclave.  Farnese  had  discovered  that  the  party 
discipline,  hitherto  so  strict,  might  suddenly  crumble  to  pieces, 
and  that  any  further  delay  might  be  dangerous.  After 
Salviati's  failure,  Guise  had  also  given  up  hope  of  getting  a 
Cardinal  of  French  sympathies  elected.  Nothing  therefore 
remained  but  to, propose  a  candidate  who  was  neutral,  so  they 
again  fell  back  on  Giovan  Maria  del  Monte,  on  whom  the  eyes 
of  intelligent  people  had  long  been  fixed, 2  and  for  whom  the 
influential  Duke  of  Florence  had  been  working  since  the 
beginning  of  January.3    He  was,  besides,  the  only  one  of  the 

1  France,  as  well  as  the  Emperor,  had  been  endeavouring, 
since  the  middle  of  December,  to  bring  pressure  to  bear  on  Farnese 
by  means  of  the  Parma  affair.  Druffel,  I.,  330-332  seq.  343. 
Ribier,   II.,   261.  2  See  Supra,  p.  22. 

3  Petrucelli,  II.,  51  seqq.  ;  cf.  Giorn.  stor.  della  lett.  ItaL, 
XLIII.,  241. 


CANDIDATURE     OF     DEL     MONTE.  39 

four  Cardinal-Bishops  whose  candidature  had  not  already 
been  proved  impossible. 

It  was  Cardinal  Sforza  who  first  drew  the  attention  of  the 
conclave  to  del  Monte  at  the  beginning  of  February,  and  gave 
his  approbation  to  his  being  put  forward.1  The  weariness 
and  disgust  which  had  taken  possession  of  the  electors,  the 
death  of  Ridolfi,  the  illness  of  other  distinguished  Cardinals, 
and  the  unhealthy  conditions  within  the  conclave,  all  gave 
rise  to  a  universal  longing  for  the  speedy  termination  of  the 
election.2 

Del  Monte  was,  however,  not  without  opponents.  Charles  V. 
had  excluded  him  from  the  tiara,  as  well  as  de  Cupis,  but 
Mendoza  had  thought  himself  justified  in  not  producing  the 
said  document,  and  the  Emperor  subsequently  approved  this 
proceeding  on  the  part  of  his  ambassador.3  In  the  conclave 
itself  the  determined  Guise  was  an  open  opponent  of  del 
Monte  ;  he  repeated  shameful  stories  about  him  and  said  he 
was  unworthy  of  the  Papacy.4  In  Cardinal  d'Este,  del  Monte 
now  found  a  quite  unexpected  advocate.  Este  was  himself 
a  candidate  for  the  tiara,  and  as  long  as  he  was  under  the 
influence  of  his  cousin,  Ercole  Gonzaga,  had  also  been  opposed 
to  del  Monte.  His  candidature  had  been  roughly  rejected  by 
Charles  V.,  and  the  want  of  consideration  shown  by  Gonzaga 
in  communicating  the  Emperor's  exclusion  to  him,  had  led 
to  a  split  between  him  and  his  cousin.  Just  at  the  time  of 
this  quarrel  del  Monte  visited  Cardinal  d'Este  and  begged  him 
to  intervene  with  Guise  on  his  behalf.  Este  agreed,  and  at 
this  visit  received  such  a  favourable  impression  of  del  Monte, 
that  he  now  became  his  zealous  adherent.5 

1  Maffei  in  Merkle,  II.,  132. 

2  The  conclavists  who  left  the  conclave  were  mostly  ill  and 
half  dead.  The  air  was  so  dreadful  that  the  first  physician  in 
Rome  declared  on  his  entrance  into  the  conclave  that  an  outbreak 
of  the  plague  was  likely  to  follow.  Dandolo  on  January  22, 
1550,  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  630. 

3  Maurenbrecher,  229,  n.  9  ;    225,  n.  20. 

4  Maffei  in  Merkle,  II.,  59.     Ribier,  II.,  268. 

5  Maffei  in  Merkle,  II.,  136. 


40  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

What  Este  had  begun  with  Guise,  Sforza  now  completed. 
The  French  Cardinal,  at  a  chance  meeting  with  the  latter, 
expressed  his  displeasure  at  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  conclave 
and  at  the  obstinacy  of  the  parties.  Sforza  replied  that  it 
was  in  Guise's  own  power  to  bring  the  matter  to  an  end,  by 
refraining  from  his  support  of  Salviati.  The  French,  he  con- 
tinued, had  shown  their  power  sufficiently  up  till  now,  and  by 
an  exaggeration  of  their  claims  might  in  the  end  lose  every- 
thing. 

Wearied  of  the  fruitless  voting,  Guise  agreed  with  this  idea, 
and  proposed  to  elect  Cervini.  To  this,  however,  Sforza 
could  not  give  his  assent,  and  thereupon  Guise  happened,  as 
if  by  accident,  to  speak  of  del  Monte.  Sforza  at  once  ac- 
quiesced in  this,  but  begged  him  first  of  all  to  get  the  consent 
of  Farnese,  as  nothing  could  be  arranged  without  the  latter's 
approval.1 

On  February  6th,  as  Guise  was  walking  up  and  down  one  of 
the  corridors  after  dinner  in  conversation  with  Ranuccio 
Farnese  and  Sforza,  they  were  joined  by  Alessandro  Farnese. 
After  some  time  Ranuccio  and  Sforza  withdrew,  and  the  two 
leaders  could  freely  interchange  their  ideas.  Contrary  to  all 
expectation,  they  were  quickly  of  one  mind  with  regard  to  the 
elevation  of  del  Monte.2 

They  at  first,  as  it  appears,  fixed  the  election  for  February 
8th,  but  already  on  the  morning  of  February  7th,  there  were 
rumours  in  the  conclave  concerning  the  candidature  of  del 
Monte.  In  the  afternoon,  when  the  Cardinals,  as  was  custom- 
ary, deliberated  in  the  Pauline  Chapel,  these  formed  the  chief 
topic  of  conversation  and  found  little   opposition.     At  the 


1Ibid.,  II.,  136. 

2  See  Gaulterius  in  Merkle,  II.,  139  n.  2.  Massarelli  had 
most  likely  been  obliged  to  leave  the  conclave  on  February  5 
with  the  superfluous  conclavists.  His  report  of  the  events 
that  followed  is  taken  from  Petrus  Paulus  de  Brevibus  (see 
Merkle,  II.,  Proleg.,  xli.  seq.)  Cf.  concerning  the  attitude  of 
A.  Farnese,  and  his  letter  to  Prospero  Santa  Croce,  in  Cugnoni, 
Prose  ined.  di  A.  Caro,  145. 


ELECTION     OF     DEL     MONTE.  41 

approach  of  darkness,  the  Cardinals  withdrew,  but  the  negotia- 
tions concerning  del  Monte  still  continued. 

The  three  relatives  of  Paul  III.  assembled  in  the  cell  of 
Cardinal  Maffei,  with  Crescenzi,  Medici,  Cornaro  and  Savelli ; 
they  all  urged  speed  and  counted  the  votes  at  their  disposal. 
Guise  had  offered  twenty-one,  which,  with  the  votes  of  de 
Silva,  Gaddi  and  the  eight  assembled  in  Maffei's  cell,  formed 
the  two- thirds  majority,  which,  with  the  forty-seven  electors 
then  present,  was  thirty-one.1  It  was  extremely  advisable 
to  set  about  the  winning  of  further  votes  especially  as  the 
Spaniards  did  not  wish  for  del  Monte's  election,  and  Pacheco 
and  Mendoza  had  already  gone  to  Toledo  to  deliberate  on 
counter-action.  Cardinal  Maffei,  sent  by  the  adherents  of 
Farnese,  now  joined  them  and  Farnese  soon  arrived  himself, 
and  later  on  de  Silva.  Their  united  endeavours  were  at  last 
successful  in  winning  over  Toledo  and  Mendoza,  but  Pacheco 
persisted  in  violent  opposition  and  demanded  at  least  a  delay 
long  enough  to  enable  him  to  consult  Gonzaga  and  Madruzzo. 
The  chief  difficulty  for  the  Spaniards  lay  in  the  fact  that  del 
Monte  was  considered  to  be  excluded  by  the  Emperor.  To 
this  Farnese  successfully  opposed  the  Imperial  letter  of  which 
he  was  aware,  and  in  which  no  objection  was  made  to  del 
Monte.  Medici  was  now  sent  to  Gonzaga,  and  Maffei  to  Pole, 
who  was  at  that  moment  deliberating  with  Truchsess.  Pole 
and  Truchsess  gave  their  agreement,  provided  that  del  Monte 
reached  the  full  number  of  votes,  while  Gonzaga  raised  no 
objections.  When  Medici  left  him  he  also  stood  up  and  joined 
Madruzzo,  where  he  found  Pacheco  and  Cueva. 

The  French,  who  had  in  the  meanwhile  been  working  for 
del  Monte,  now  sent  Sermoneta  and  Capodiferro  to  the  Car- 
dinals assembled  in  Maffei's  cell,  and  made  the  proposal  that 
del  Monte  should  now  be  elevated  to  the  Papal  throne  by  a 
general  rendering  of  homage.  Farnese  agreed,  and  sent  a 
message  to  the  French  to  assemble  in  the  Pauline  Chapel, 
where  he  and  the  others  would  join  them. 

1  Thus  according  to  Massarelli,  141.  Reckoned  truly  the  two- 
thirds  majority  was  32. 


42  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

On  the  way  to  the  chapel,  Farnese  entered  Madruzzo's  cell, 
where  he  met  Gonzaga,  Pacheco  and  Cueva.  His  attempt  to 
induce  them  to  join,  was,  however,  without  success.  With  the 
exception  of  the  four  named,  and  apart  from  del  Monte  himself, 
and  the  sick  Cardinal  Carpi,  who  agreed  to  del  Monte's  election, 
all  the  others,  forty-one  in  number,  assembled  in  the  Pauline 
Chapel.  As  they  all  unanimously  and  in  a  loud  voice  called 
for  del  Monte  as  Pope,  Guise  and  Farnese,  clasping  hands, 
hurried  to  del  Monte  and  brought  him  into  the  chapel,  where 
he  was  embraced  and  kissed  by  all  present.  Some  acclaimed 
him  in  a  loud  voice  and  others  more  quietly,  but  the  noise  was 
so  great  that  no  one  could  hear  his  own  voice.  Then  the 
Cardinal-Dean  ordered  them  to  be  quiet  ;  noisy  proceedings 
must  be  avoided  and  they  must  proceed  to  pay  homage  in  a 
proper  manner. 

The  Papal  throne  was  now  erected  in  front  of  the  altar,  and 
Cardinal  del  Monte  took  his  place  thereon.  The  Cardinals 
occupied  their  accustomed  seats  and  the  names  of  all  present 
were  then  read  over  by  the  master  of  ceremonies.  They 
voted  unanimously  for  del  Monte  as  Pope.  In  order  to 
demonstrate  this,  they  advanced  to  the  throne  and  showed 
him  the  manifestations  of  respect  customary  in  the  case  of 
the  Pope.  Del  Monte  then  declared  that  he  accepted  the 
election,  and  ordered  that  an  official  deed  should  be  drawn  up 
concerning  it.  He  emphasized  the  fact  that  a  subsequent 
scrutiny  could  not  affect  the  election,  which  was  already 
accomplished.  By  now  it  was  already  night,  and  del  Monte, 
led  by  de  Cupis  and  Salviati,  withdrew  to  his  cell.  To  the 
inquiry  of  de  Cupis  as  to  what  name  he  should  assume,  he 
answered  that  he  would  assume  the  name  of  Julius  III.  out 
of  gratitude  to  Julius  II.  who  had  first  conferred  lustre  on  his 
family  by  the  elevation  of  Antonio  del  Monte  to  the  cardinal- 
ate.1  Lastly  Madruzzo,  Gonzaga,  Pacheco  and  Cueva  came 
to  del  Monte's  cell  and  also  paid  him  homage. 

Meanwhile  the  great  event  had  become  known  outside  the 

1  His  motto  was  :  Vias  tuas,  Domine,  demonstra  mihi. 
Ciaconius,  III.,  746. 


END     OF     THE     CONCLAVE.  43 

conclave.  All  the  walls,  doors  and  windows  were  already 
being  broken  open,  and  the  nobles,  prelates  and  intimates  of 
the  new  Pope  were  streaming  in  and  would  not  allow  them- 
selves to  be  turned  out  either  by  threats  or  commands. 
Neither  supper  nor  the  night's  rest  were  to  be  thought  of  in 
the  conclave. 

The  next  day,  February  8th,  a  last  ballot  took  place  early 
in  the  morning,  merely  as  a  matter  of  form.  Del  Monte's 
voting  paper  bore  the  name  of  Toledo,  all  the  others  that  of 
del  Monte.  All  the  Cardinals  paid  him  homage.  Then  the 
election  was  announced  to  the  people,  the  new  Pope  being 
carried  into  St.  Peter's,  where  his  foot  was  kissed  by  everyone.1 

Del  Monte's  elevation  was  so  unexpected  that  even  on  the 
day  on  which  it  took  place,  a  letter  from  Rome  announced 
that  no  one  was  thinking  of  the  election,  or  speaking  about  it.2 

The  issue  of  the  conclave  surprised  everyone,  foreign  diplo- 
matists as  well  as  the  Romans.3  The  inhabitants  of  the 
Eternal  City  rejoiced  more  at  the  fact  that  they  again  had  a 
Pope,  than  because  the  majority  of  votes  had  been  given  to 
Cardinal  del  Monte.  Endimio  Calandra,  however,  said,  even 
on  February  8th,  that  he  believed,  from  the  knowledge  he 
possessed  of  the  new  Pope,  that  his  reign  would  be  a  good  one.4 
In  fact,  the  universal  opinion  was  favourable  to  Julius  III.5, 

1  Massarelli,  143  seq.  Cf.  J.  V.  Meggens'  report  in  the  Archiv 
fur  schweiz.     Reform.-Gesch.,  III.,  507. 

2  See  the  above  mentioned  (p.  36,  n.  2)  *letter  of  E.  Calandra 
of  February  7,  1550.  On  the  8  he  wrote  :  "  *Questa  notte 
passata  quando  manco  se  vi  pensava  o  hier'  sera  s'e  fatto  il 
papa."     (Gonzaga  Archives,   Mantua). 

3  See  Dandolo,  347. 

4  See  the  *letter  in  Appendix  No.  1  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Man- 
tua). 

5  So,  *  write  the  Bolognese  ambassadors,  Giorgio  Magio  and 
Lod.  de'  Rossi  on  February  8,  1550,  there  is  universal  joy  in 
Rome  at  the  "  ottimo  principe  dal  valor  et  integrita  del  quale  si 
spera  ogni  bene."  (State  Archives,  Bologna).  See  also  Michel- 
angelo, Lettere,  ed.  Milanest,  527  (wrongly  dated  ;  cf.  Thode, 
L,  450  seq.) 


44  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

although  there  were  not  wanting  those  who  judged  him  in 
quite  a  different  manner.1 

The  Emperor,  as  well  as  the  French  king,  whose  endeavours 
to  procure  the  tiara  for  a  pronounced  adherent  had  not  been 
crowned  with  success,  could  not  be  pleased  with  the  issue  of 
the  conclave.  Cosimo  de' Medici,  to  whom  the  elevation  of 
del  Monte  was  chiefly  attributed2  in  Rome,  endeavoured  to 
soothe  Charles  V.3  Cardinal  F'arnese  apologized  to  the  Em- 
peror and  the  French  king  for  the  result  of  the  election, 4  while 
Guise  also  did  his  best  to  make  the  issue  of  the  election  pro- 
ceedings agreeable  to  his  master.5 

In  the  college  of  Cardinals  there  was  a  general  feeling  of 
satisfaction,  especially  as  Julius  III.  was  very  generous  in 
giving  proofs  of  his  clemency,  even  in  these  early  days.6  The 
reform  party  had  the  fewest  reasons  for  being  satisfied,  seeing 
that  they  had  not  been  successful  with  any  of  their  candidates, 
and  that,  not  from  want  of  zeal,  but  owing  to  the  machinations 
of  the  princes.  Those,  however,  who  were  of  a  strictly  eccles- 
iastical bias,  did  not  despair,  because  they  knew  from  the 
Council  of  Trent,7  that  the  new  Pope,  if  he  did  not  belong  to 
their  party,  had  so  much  understanding  of  the  position  of  the 
Church  that  they  might  hope  from  him  for  a  furtherance  of 
their  strivings  after  reform. 

1  Muzio,  Lettere,  152,  who  is,  however,  very  soon  of  a  much  more 
favourable  opinion  (156  seq.)  Brosch  (I.,  191)  lays  great  stress  on 
the  first  opinion,  but  completely  ignores  the  later  changed  view. 

2  *"  II  grido  di  questa  corte  e  ch'il  duca  nostro  sa  fare  Papi 
non  si  potria  dire  facilmente  il  gran  nome  c'ha  aquistato  doppo 
la  promotione  di  S.  St6,  predicando  ciascuno  S.E.  da  infinitissime 
ottime  parti  che  si  trovano  in  lei."  B.  Buonanni,  dated  Roma 
22  febbr.   1550.     (State  Archives,  Florence). 

3  Petrucelli,  II.,  62.  Cosimo  also  reported  it  to  Henry  II.  ; 
see  Palandri,  66. 

4  Cf.  Cugnoni,  Prose  ined.  di  A.  Caro,  131  seq.,  144  seqq. 

5  See  Druffel,  I.,  350-358. 

6  *"  Insomma  sivede  una  comune  contentezza  in  tutti  li  cardi- 
nali,  cosi  dell'  una  come  dell'  altra  fattione,  e  S.  St&  mostra  una 
eguale  buona  volunta  verso  tutti,  essendo  con  ciascuno  larghissimo 
di  gratie  ...  A.  Serristori,  Rome  February  12,  1550.  (State  Ar- 
chives,   Florence).  7  Cf.  Ehses,  Cone.  Trid.,  V.,  780,  n.  314. 


CHAPTER    II. 

Previous  Life,  Character  and  Beginning  of  the  Reign 
of  Julius  III. 

The  family  of  the  Ciocchi  del  Monte1  bore  the  name  of  their 
original  seat,  Monte  San  Savino,  a  small  town  in  the  district 
of  Arezzo,  beautifully  situated  on  a  hill  in  the  lovely  Chiana 
Valley,  not  far  from  Lucignano  ;  it  is  known  as  the  birthplace 
of  the  celebrated  sculptor,  Andrea  Sansovino.  The  grandfather 
of  Julius  III.,  Fabiano,  was  a  distinguished  advocate  in  the 
town  2,  and  to  this  day  in  the  principal  church  a  beautiful  tomb 
may  be  seen,  which  his  son,  Antonio,  afterwards  Cardinal, 
erected  to  his  beloved  father,  who  died  in  1498.     A  second 

1  See  R.  Restorelli,  *Notizie  delle  famiglie  di  Monte,  Bor- 
gognonio,  Guidalotti  e  Simoncelli  (written  1771),  in  the  Arch, 
com.  at  Monte  San  Savino.  Cf.  Tesoroni,  32  seq.  and  Litta 
f.   16. 

2  Cf.  for  what  follows  O.  Panvinius,  De  Julii  vita  ante  ponti- 
ficatum,  in  Merkle,  II.,  146  seq.  ;  Dandolo,  353  seqq.  ;  Litta, 
f.  16,  where  there  is  an  illustration  of  the  tomb  at  Monte  San 
Savino.  Concerning  the  arms  of  Julius  III.  (a  splendid  example 
at  Todi ;  Alinari,  5225)  see  Pasini  Frassoni,  36  seq.,  and 
Orlandini  hi  the  Riv.  del  collegio  araldico,  V.,  Rome,  1907. 
The  large  coat  of  arms  of  Julius  III.  in  the  courtyard  of  the 
Palazzo  Pubblico  at  Viterbo,  with  the  inscription  :  "  Julio 
III.  P.M.  c  [ivitas]  Viterb.  erexit  provinciam  patrimonii  guber- 
nante  Rodolpho  Pio  card,  de  Carpo  legato  1552,"  was  on  the 
Porta  di  S.  Luca,  destroyed  in  1705,  which  was  embellished  under 
Julius  III.  (see  Reformat.,  XLVI I.,  118.  City  Archives,  Viterbo). 
The  present  Porta  Fiorentina  was  built  on  the  site  of  the  Porta 
di  S.  Luca. 

45 


46  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

son  of  Fabiano,  Vincenzo,  had  embraced  the  study  of  juris- 
prudence, and  became  consistorial  advocate  in  Rome  and  one 
of  the  most  respected  lawyers  in  the  city.  Two  daughters, 
Ludovica  and  Jacopa,  were  born  of  his  marriage  with  Christ- 
ofora  Saracini  of  Siena,  the  former  of  whom  married  Roberto 
de'  Nobili,  the  latter  Francia  della  Corgna,  and  three  sons, 
Giovan  Maria,  Baldovino  and  Costanzo. 

Giovan  Maria  del  Monte  was  born  on  September  10th,  1487, 
in  Rome,  in  the  Rione  di  Parione,  in  which  his  parents'  house 
was  situated,  not  far  from  the  Mellini  palace.  As  he  lost  his 
father  as  early  as  1504,  his  uncle,  Antonio  del  Monte,  Auditor 
of  the  Rota  and  Archbishop  of  Siponto  (Manfredonia),  took  the 
promising  youth  under  his  care.  He  gave  him  a  most  excellent 
tutor1  in  the  person  of  the  humanist,  Raffaello  Brandolini, 
and  sent  him  to  study  law  in  Perugia  and  Siena, 2  afterwards 
bringing  him  to  Rome,  where  he  obtained  tor  the  talented 
young  man  the  position  of  chamberlain  to  Julius  II.  When 
the  Pope  invested  Antonio  del  Monte  with  the  purple,3  on 
March  10th,  151 1,  he  resigned  the  archbishopric  of  Siponto 
in  favour  of  his  nephew.4  Giovan  Maria  del  Monte  received 
the  flattering  offer  of  preaching  the  opening  sermon5  at  the 
fifth  sitting  of  the  Lateran  Council,  on  February  16th,  1513, 

1  Concerning  R.  Brandolini  see  Vol.  VI.,  of  this  work,  p.  94. 

2  Here  Ambrosius  Catharinus  was  his  teacher  ;    see  Lauchert 

31- 

3  Cf.  our  statements  concerning  this,  as  well  as  the  confidential 
relations  between  Antonio  and  Julius  II.,  in  Vol.  VI.,  pp.  274, 
344  of  this  work.  The  picture  of  Antonio  in  the  Stanze  is  not 
authenticated  ;    ibid. 

4  In  the  year  1520  Giovan  Maria  also  received  the  bishopric 
of  Pavia,  through  the  resignation  of  his  uncle  ;  this  he  retained 
until  1530,  and  then  again  from  1544  onwards  (for  this  cf.  Ehses, 
Cone.  Trid.,  IV.,  570  n.  1  and  Carcereri  in  the  Arch.  Trid., 
XVIII.,  83  n.)  While  archbishop  of  Siponto  Giovan  Maria 
del  Monte  completed  the  building  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore  there. 
Schultz,  Denkmaler  Suditaliens,  I.,  Dresden,   i860,  216. 

5  Printed  in  Hardouin,  Coll.  Cone,  IX.,  1664  seq.  Cf.  Hefele- 
Hergenrother,  Konziliengeschichte,  VIII.,  533. 


GIOVAN     MARIA     DEL     MONTE.  47 

and  acquitted  himself  of  his  task  to  the  satisfaction  of 
everyone. 

The  honoured  name  which  del  Monte  had  gained  under 
Julius  II.,  he  retained  under  the  Medici  Popes,  Leo.  X.  and 
Clement  VII.  During  the  reign  of  Clement  VII.  he  occupied 
the  position  of  Governor  of  Rome  on  two  occasions,  during 
which  he  proved  himself  to  be  a  strong  upholder  of  justice, 
winning  at  the  same  time  the  good-will  of  everyone  by  his 
pleasant  manners.  Even  then,  however,  his  tendency 
towards  pleasure  was  remarked,  although  this  in  no  way 
interfered  with  the  carrying  out  of  his  duties.  The  failings 
of  Clement  VII.,  and  his  vacillating  policy,  were  reflected  in 
the  Archbishop  of  Siponto  in  a  most  marked  manner,  even  as 
early  as  1525. 1  The  sack  of  Rome  was  the  consequence  of  this 
attitude.  Giovan  Maria  del  Monte  very  nearly  lost  his  life 
on  this  occasion  ;  he  was  among  the  hostages  whom  Clement 
VII.  was  obliged  to  provide  at  his  capitulation  on  June  5th, 
1527,  for  the  security  of  his  payments.  As  the  Pope  had  not 
succeeded,  in  spite  of  all  his  efforts,  in  producing  the  full 
amount,  the  mercenaries  seized  the  hostages.  These  unfor- 
tunates were  twice  led  in  chains  to  a  gallows  erected  in  the 
Campo  de'  Fiori,  and  threatened  with  death.  They  only 
succeeded  at  the  end  of  November,  on  St.  Andrew's  day,  in 
making  their  keepers  drunk  and  thus  escaping  from  them.2 
Del  Monte  never  forgot  the  agony  he  endured  in  those  terrible 
days,  and  when  he  became  Pope,  he  erected  a  church  in  front 
of  the  Porta  del  Popolo,  to  the  saint  on  whose  feast  he  had 
been  saved. 

Under  Paul  III.  the  Archbishop  of  Siponto  now  became 
vice-legate  of  Bologna,  and  also  held  the  office  of  an  auditor 
of  the  Apostolic  Chamber  ;  he  fulfilled  the  duties  of  both 
offices  to  the  perfect  satisfaction  of  the  Pope,  who  rewarded 
him  by  investing  him  with  the  purple  in  the  celebrated  creation 
of   December   22nd,    1536. 3 


1  Cf.  Vol.  IX.  of  this  work,  p.  286  n.  3. 

2  Cf.  Vol.  IX.  of  this  work,  pp.  422,  461,  465. 

3  Cf.  Vol.  XI.  of  this  work,  p.  159. 


48  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

The  Cardinal  of  San  Vitale,  as  del  Monte  was  now  generally 
named,  after  his  titular  church,  deserved  this  distinction, 
because,  as  Panvinio  points  out,  few  men  had  laboured  at  the 
Curia  so  steadfastly,  faithfully  and  honestly,  and  with  such 
diligent  zeal  as  he,  while  neither  pride,  avarice  nor  covetousness 
were  to  be  found  in  him,  nor  any  neglect  nor  want  of  care."1 
Indeed,  he  distinguished  himself  to  such  an  extent,  both  in  the 
Reform  Commission  and  elsewhere,  that  Paul  III.  appointed 
him  as  his  representative  at  the  Council  of  Trent,  together 
with  Cervini  and  Pole.2  He  devoted  himself  in  this  capacity 
almost  exclusively  to  questions  of  ecclesiastical  law,  as  he  was 
really  more  a  canonist  than  a  theologian  ;  he  also  showed  the 
greatest  zeal  in  the  campaign  for  reform.3  He  defended  the 
rights  of  the  presidents,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Holy  See,  with 
great  energy,  but  his  excitable  temperament  was  the  cause  of 
several  sharp  discussions  which  arose  between  him  and  the 
members  of  the  Council.  On  the  whole,  however,  no  one  can 
deny  to  his  management  of  business,  the  tribute  of  impar- 
tiality and  objectivity.4 

The  appearance  of  Julius  III.  was  so  unsympathetic  that  it 
was  difficult  for  artists  to  paint  his  portrait.5     His  face,  which 

1  Panvinio  in  Merkle,  II.,  147. 

2  Cf.  Vol.  XI.  of  this  work,  p.  198,  and  Vol.  XII.,  pp.  154, 
209  seqq. 

3  Cf.  supra  p.   44. 

4  Cf.  Hefner,  30  seq.,  and  the  evidence  quoted  there. 

5  Cf.  the  *  Reports  of  B.  Buonanni,  Rome,  April  9,  1550  (  .  .  . 
Fra  otto  giorni  mi  dice  il  Cecchi  che  si  stampera  delle  monete 
di  S.S1^  ;  ha  detto  che  mi  vuole  far  havere  quel  ritratto  che 
fa  mr  Giorgio,  et  e  cosa  da  non  credersi,  che  non  si  sia  trovato 
sino  a  qui  pittore  c'habbi  saputo  corre  la  vera  effigie  et  profilo 
del  naso  di  S.S^,  la  quale  fa  il  piu  bel  ridersene  del  mondo)  and 
April  14.  Not  until  August  9  did  Buonanni  announce  :  *M. 
Prospero  pittore  fini  un  ritratto  di  S.Sta<  in  tela,  il  quale  sta  assai 
bene.  See  also  the  *report  of  Serristori  of  March  27,  1550, 
in  the  State  Archives,  Florence,  according  to  which  they  wished 
to  apply  to  Titian.  The  commission  given  to  Vasari  to  paint 
the  portrait  of  Julius  III.,  appears  not  to  have  been  executed ; 
see   Kallab,   84. 


PORTRAIT  OF  THE  NEW  POPE.       49 

was  framed  by  a  long  grey  beard,  gave  the  impression  of  a 
rough  coarse  peasant.  The  sharply  bent  aquiline  nose  was 
disproportionately  large,  the  lips  closely  pressed  together, 
the  eyes  sharp  and  piercing.1  This  tall,  powerful  man  was  a 
heavy  eater,  but  was  not  partial  to  the  delicacies  favoured 
by  the  gourmets  of  the  Renaissance  period.  The  vegetable 
he  preferred  to  all  others  was  the  onion,  and  these  were 
delivered,  expressly  for  him,  in  immense  quantities  from  Gaeta. 
It  was  in  keeping  with  the  peasant  traits  of  Julius  III.  that 
he  should  often,  in  moments  of  expansion,  have  behaved  in  a 
manner  little  in  keeping  with  his  dignity.  Not  only  did  he 
disregard  all  ceremonial,2  but  he  also  gave  offence  by  his 
demeanour.     The   free   and   unseemly  jests   with   which    he 

1  See  Panvinius  in  Merkle,  II.,  147.  Concerning  the  portraits 
of  Julius  III.  see  Kenner  in  the  Jahrb.  der  kunsthistor.  Samm- 
lungen  des  Allerhochsten  Kaiserhauses,  XVII.,  147  ;  that 
from  the  Ambraser  collection  in  Vienna  is  illustrated  in  Litta 
f.  16,  where  there  is  also  an  illustration  of  the  bronze  statue  of  the 
Pope,  more  than  life  size,  in  front  of  the  Cathedral  in  Perugia, 
executed  by  Vincenzo  Danti  (cf.  A.  Rossi  in  the  Giorn.  della 
erudiz.  art.,  I.,  and  Giorn.  stor.  della  lett.  Ital.  Suppl.,  III., 
25>  93).  which  has  been  much  spoken  of  lately,  as  its  mantle 
(celebrated  on  account  of  the  beautiful  manner  in  which  the  folds 
of  the  drapery  fell,  and  the  representation  of  the  Triumph  of 
the  Faith  depicted  thereon)  was  stolen  from  it  in  February, 
191 1.  A  second  statue  of  Julius  III.,  in  marble,  is  in  the  Palazzo 
Saraceni  in  Siena  (see  Histor.-polit.  Blatter,  LXXXIV.,  51  seq.) 
also  a  good  likeness  in  the  council  chamber  of  the  Castle  of  Capra- 
rola.  A  portrait  of  Julius  III.  (mentioned  infra  Chap.  XIII.)  by 
Fabrizio  Boschi,  has  not  yet  been  published.  The  coarse  features 
of  the  Pope  are  specially  noticeable  in  his  medals  (see  Ciaconius, 
III.,  755,  Venuti,  89  seq.)  Complete  collection  in  the  cabinet 
of  coins  in  the  Vatican.  Very  beautiful  medals  of  Julius  III. 
are  also  to  be  found  in  the  Kaiser  Friedrich  Museum,  Berlin, 
Hall  16,  case  3.  Illustration  of  the  medal  by  Cavino  in  Muntz, 
III.,  240.  Concerning  the  medals  of  Julius  III.  see  Serafini, 
247  seq. 

2  Cf.  in  Appendix  No.  4  the  *  report  of  Buonanni  of  February 
23>   I55°  (State  Archives,  Florence). 

VOL.    XIII.  4 


50  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

spiced  his  feasts  often  caused  great  embarrassment  to  his 
guests  i1  many  of  the  anecdotes  related  of  him,  however,  are 
not  founded  in  fact.2 

The  Pope  lessened  the  respect  in  which  he  was  held,  as  much 
by  his  want  of  refinement  in  manners,  as  by  the  sudden  out- 
bursts of  anger  in  which  he  indulged.  These,  however,  were 
as  quickly  over  as  they  had  broken  out,  and  it  was  an  easy 
matter  to  bring  him  again  to  a  state  of  tranquillity.3  As  is 
the  case  with  persons  of  the  sanguine  temperament  which  the 
Pope  undoubtedly  possessed,  his  moods  changed  with  un- 
expected rapidity,  expressing  themselves  in  unpremeditated 
words  and  premature  declarations.  He  was  completely 
wanting  in  steadfastness  and  firmness.  All  correspondents 
praise  his  goodness  and  mildness,  but  also  deplore  his  weakness, 
and  his  inconstant  and  changeable  behaviour.4  Nervous  and 
easily  dispirited,5  he  was  in  no  way  capable  of  dealing  with 

1  Panvinius,  148.  P.  Olivo  reports  to  S.  Calandra  concerning 
Julius  III.,  on  February  15,  1550  :  *Giovedi  disenando  gli  si 
portarono  inanzi  certe  polpette  di  vitello,  le  quali  subito  ch'egli 
vidde  disse  evi  dentro  aglio  ?  Rispose  lo  scalco  :  Padre  santo 
no  ;  all'hora  mezo  sdegnato  disse  levatele  adesso,  come  se  fosse 
giovane  de  XV.  anni  et  havesse  lo  stomaco  di  struzzo."  (Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua).  The  joke  which  Besso  quotes  (Romanei  pro- 
verbi,  Rome,  1889,  141)  is  quite  free  from  anything  objectionable. 

2  See  the  collection  in  Bayle,  Dictionnaire  hist,  et  crit.,  II., 
Amsterdam,  1730,  775  seqq.  Cf.  Wolf,  Lect.  mem.,  II.,  638, 
812  seq.  ;  see  also  Buchmann,  Geflugelte  Worte,  Berlin,  1905,  548. 

3  See  besides  Dandolo  and  Panvinius  loc.  cit.  Andreas  Masius 
in  Lacomblet,  Archiv.,  VI.,  156  ;  Legaz.  di  Serristori,  272,  275, 
280.  Cf.  also  the  careful  characterization  of  Julius  III.  by 
Pallavicini  (ii,  7,  4  and  13,  10,  8). 

4  See  besides  Panvinius  and  Masius  loc.  cit.  especially  Legaz. 
di  Serristori,  278.  A  code  *  Report  of  Serristori  of  December 
23»  x552»  is  characteristic,  in  which  he  states  :  "  et  in  fatto 
con.  S.S1^  chi  vuole  haver  buono,  vinca,  perche  si  vede  in  lei 
sempre  qualche  mutatione  secondo  l'evento  delle  cose  "  (State 
Archives,  Florence). 

5  See  Mendoza  in  Dollinger,  I.,  192.  Cf.  Tournon  in  Romier, 
239  and  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  xliv. 


CHARACTER     OF     JULIUS     III.  51 

difficult  situations,  while  his  actions  were  always  hampered  by 
a  want  of  decision.  He  wished  to  be  on  good  terms  with 
everyone,  liked  to  see  contented  faces  about  him,  and  pre- 
ferred the  outward  lustre  of  power  to  the  actual  possession  of 
it.  As  he  was  difficult  to  fathom,  diplomatic  negotiations 
were  not  easily  carried  on  with  him  ; 1  whoever  tried  to  induce 
him  to  do  anything  by  means  of  cunning  found  they  had  spoilt 
matters  entirely. 2  A  German  correspondent,  Andreas  Masius, 
emphasizes  the  fact  that  he  liked  to  be  respected  and  looked 
upon  as  one  who  had  risen  from  modest  circumstances  to 
unexpected  heights.3 

In  spite  of  all  his  eloquence  and  the  versatility  of  his  culture, 
his  mind  was  more  fitted  to  seek  out  that  which  was  desirable, 
than  to  keep  a  firm  hold  of  what  was  already  in  his  possession. 
He  was  especially  fond  of  music,4  as  well  as  of  jurisprudence, 
by  which  his  father  and  his  uncle  had  made  their  fortunes. 
He  fulfilled  his  religious  duties  conscientiously.  Panvinio, 
who  is  by  no  means  prejudiced  in  his  favour,  testifies  that  he 
said  Mass  frequently  and  with  great  devotion  ;5  Massarelli 
also  repeatedly  praises  the  piety  which  characterized  the  Pope.6 
His  love  of  pomp  and  his  worldly  nature  offer  a  violent  con- 
trast to  this  piety.  As  in  the  case  of  his  predecessor,  the 
Farnese  Pope,  whom  in  other  respects  he  in  no  way  resembled, 
there  was  always  a  struggle  going  on  in  Julius  III.  between  the 
old  and  new  order  of  things.  He  remained,  however,  in  many 
respects,  a  true  child  of  the  Renaissance,  during  which  period 
he  had  grown  up.     This  showed  itself  also  in  the  careless 


1  See  Cosimo  I.'s  criticism  in  Desjardins,   III.,   317. 

2  *Bisogna  usar  gran  destrezza  et  andar  con  molta  adver- 
tentia  con  S.Stdp  et  chi  la  vuol  tirar  con  arte  a  una  cosa 
rumpe  il  tutto.  Buonanni  on  November  16,  1550  (State  Archives, 
Florence) . 

3  Lacomblet,  Archiv,  VI.,   162. 

4  See  ibid.   156. 

6  In  Merkle,  II.,  148. 

6  Cf.  Massarelli,  155,  158,  160,  161,  164,  199,  202,  206,  210, 
212,  213,  215,  220. 


52  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

prodigality  which  he  displayed  even  at  the  beginning  of  his 
reign.1 

The  Romans  rejoiced  when  the  new  Pope  at  once  abolished 
the  flour-tax,2  introduced  by  Paul  III.,  and  distributed  gifts 
and  benefits  on  all  sides  with  a  generous  hand.  He  limited 
the  Spoli urn  law,  and  the  heirs  and  servants  of  the  Cardinals 
could,  for  the  future,  inherit  legacies  from  them.  It  was 
specially  noted  at  the  bestowal  of  gifts  and  benefits  that  those 
Cardinals,  such  as  Gonzaga  and  Madruzzo,  who  had  been  most 
active  in  opposing  the  election  of  Julius  III.  were  chosen  for 
particular  distinction.  Gonzaga  received  the  bishopric  of 
Pavia,  and  was  so  graciously  treated  in  other  respects,  that 
Pirro  Olivo  of  Mantua  considered  that  it  went  too  far.  When 
he  took  leave  of  the  Pope  on  his  departure,  Julius  III.  pre- 
sented him  with  a  valuable  antique  emerald.3  Madruzzo  was 
at  once  paid  20,000  ducats  for  his  expenses  in  Trent.  A 
Mantuan  correspondent  tells  us  that  as  early  as  February  15th, 
there  was  not  a  Cardinal  in  the  Curia  who  was  not  deeply 
indebted  to  the  generosity  of  the  Pope.4     Julius  III.  also  gave 

1  Cf.  for  what  follows,  besides  Massarelli,  151  seq.,  the  report 
to  Ferdinand  I.  in  Druffel,  I.,  358  seq  403  ;  Dandolo's  letter 
in  de  Leva,  V.,  138  seq  ;  Baumgarten,  Sleidan,  230  ;  Muzio, 
Lettere,  156  seq  ;  the  *letter  of  E.  Calandra,  dated  Rome,  Feb- 
ruary 11,  1550,  and  that  of  P.  Olivo  of  February  12,  in  the  Gon- 
zaga Archives  Mantua  (see  Appendix  No.  2)  as  well  as  the  *report 
of  Serristori  of  February  26,  1550,  in  the  State  Archives,  Florence. 

2  The  Bulla  gratiosa  of  March  8,  1549  (stil.  Flor.)  concerning 
the  repeal  of  the  tax  on  imported  corn,  in  the  Casanatense 
Library,  Rome. 

3  See  Olivo's  *letter  of  February  12,  1559,  in  Appendix  No. 
2,  and  Serristori's  report  of  February  26,  1550,  in  which  he  says  : 
"  II  carle  di  Mantua  and 6  a  espedirsi  da  S.S^  et  oltre  alle  gratie 
concesseli  come  per  l'ultime  si  scrisse  a  V.E.  gli  fu  liberale  S.Bne 
d'uno  smeraldo  bellissimo  che  fu  trovato  agl'anni  passati  nella 
sepoltura  d'Honorio,  con  intaglio  d'una  testa  d'un  imperatore, 
che  valeva  3  mila  scudi."     (State  Archives,  Florence). 

4  *Roma  si  contenta  assai  del  elletione  et  n'e  cardinale  che  non 
sia  obligatissimo  alia  liberalita  di  Giulio  III.  G.  Fr.  Arrivabene, 


SATISFACTION     AT     THE     ELECTION.  53 

lavishly  in  all  directions  quite  regardless  of  the  very  unsatis- 
factory financial  situation.1  The  dignitaries  of  the  Curia 
declared  in  delight  that  the  Golden  Age  had  returned.  The 
gay  temperament  of  Julius  III.  soon  dissipated  all  the  fore- 
bodings to  which  his  impetuous  disposition  had  given  rise. 
The  new  sovereign,  who  at  once  gave  permission  for  the  Carni- 
val amusements  to  take  place,  became  popular  with  extra- 
ordinary rapidity.2  The  general  satisfaction  was  increased 
by  the  conciliatory  and  peaceful  policy  which  the  Pope 
adopted.  Girolamo  Sauli,  Archbishop  of  Bari,  was  at  once 
sent  to  Parma  with  orders  to  give  up  the  town  to  Ottavio 
Farnese.  In  order  to  hasten  the  restoration,  the  Pope  appeased 
the  Commandant,  Camillo  Orsini,  by  paying  him  out  of  his 
own  money,  giving  him  the  increased  amount  of  30,000  gold 
scudi,  instead  of  the  20,000  originally  demanded.3  Ascanio 
Colonna  received  pardon  and  restoration  as  early  as  February 
17th.  The  Baglione  were  also  again  put  in  possession  of  their 
rights,  and  part  of  their  municipal  freedom  was  restored  to  the 
people  of  Perugia.4     Julius  III.  adopted  adequate  measures 

dated  Rome,  February  15,  1550  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua). 
Cf.  also  Lanciani,  III.,  177. 

1  Cf.  Massarelei,  160  ;  Carte  Strozz.,  I.,  432  ;  *report  of 
Serristori  of  March  4,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence),  and  the 
Instruction  in  Pieper,  143.  During  the  conclave  the  nuncios 
could  not  be  paid  ;  see  Lett,  dei  princ,  XVI.,  n.  242-243  (Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

2  Se*e  in  Appendix  No.  3,  the  "report  of  Olivo  of  February 
I5>  I55°-     (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua). 

3  *Domandando  il  card.  Farnese  S.Sta  20,000  scudi  da  pagare 
le  spese  fatte  in  Parma  per  far  uscire  il  s.  Camillo,  risposono 
alcuni  :  Padre  santo,  non  si  fara  niente,  perche  la  somma  non 
e  gran  fatto  meno  di  25,000.  Disse  all  hora  il  papa  :  dienghesi 
30,000  .  .  .  et  cosi  fu  espedito  con  lettere  di  cambio  di  30,000 
scudi  d'oro.  Queste  cosi  fatte  dimostrationi  fanno  stupire  il 
mondo  et  concludere  ognuno  che  costui  ha  da  farsi  schiavo  il 
mondo,  writes  P.  Olivo  on  February  15,  1550  (Gonzaga  Archives, 
Mantua)'. 

4  See  Massarelli,  155  ;  **Letter  of  Lod.  Strozza  to  S.  Calan- 
dra,    dated    Bologna,    February    16,    1550    (Gonzaga    Archives, 


54  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

for  the  settlement  of  the  dissensions  and  troubles  which  had 
arisen  in  several  parts  of  the  Papal  dominions  during  the  long 
conclave.1  He  forbade  all  expatriated  persons  to  seek  a 
residence  in  the  States  of  the  Church.  To  the  Conservatori  he 
gave  the  most  binding  assurances  of  the  strict  administration 
of  justice,  and  of  the  provision  of  Rome  with  grain,  and 
earnestly  enjoined  them  to  fulfil  their  duty,  especially  with 
regard  to  speculators  in  corn.2 

Above  all,  the  new  Pope  made  it  his  business  to  assure  the 
rulers  of  the  two  great  powers,  now  facing  each  other  in  fierce 
enmity,  of  his  good  dispositions  and  honourable  intentions. 
It  was  on  their  assent  and  co-operation  that  the  solution  of  the 
two  problems,  which  Julius  III.  had  received  unsolved  from 
the  pontificate  of  his  predecessor,  was  dependent.  These 
were  :  the  confirmation  of  the  Farnese  in  Parma,  and  the 
continuance  of  the  Council  of  Trent.  It  was  extremely 
difficult  to  win  over  Charles  V.  and  Henry  II.  on  these  two 
matters,  for  what  the  one  agreed  to  the  other  immediately 

Mantua)  ;  *Reports  of  Serristori  of  March  3,  9,  and  10,  and 
April  4,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence)  ;  Muzio,  Lettere  156, 
161.  The  *  Briefs  concerning  the  restoration  of  the  ancient 
privileges  of  Perugia  and  of  the  magistrates  there,  are  dated 
February  28  and  April  21,  1553  (Library,  Perugia).  The  fact  is 
perpetuated  by  a  fresco  in  the  Palazzo  Communale,  and  is  in- 
scribed on  the  statue  mentioned  before  (p.  49,  n.  1).  See 
the  inscription  in  Ciaconius,  III.,  769. 

1  See  the  *briefs  to  P.  A.  de  Angelis,  epic.  Nepesino,  dated 
February  26,  1550  (ad  inquirendum  contra  Firmanos)  ;  to  Sebast. 
Rutilonus  (Commissary-court  against  the  disturbers  of  the  peace 
in  Terni,  "  cupientes  statum  nostrum  facinorosis  hominibus 
expurgare  "),  dated  March  3  ;  B.  Saccho  (against  Count  of 
Pitigliano),  March  26;  Communitati  Iteramne,  dated  March  26; 
Gubernatoribus  Spolet.,  Interamni  et  Reat.  (against  Seb. 
Arronius,  guilty  of  high  treason)  dated  April  15  ;  Rutilio  Troilo 
(against  Ct.  of  Pitigliano),  dated  April  22  (Arm.  44,  t.  55,  n.  71, 
106,  221,  224,  305,  338.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

2  See  in  Appendix  No.  6  the  *  report  of  Serristori  of  February 
26,  1550.     (State  Archives,  Florence). 


THE  POPE  S  EFFORTS  FOR  PEACE.     55 

repudiated.  Besides  this  there  was  the  fact  that  the  elevation 
of  Cardinal  del  Monte  to  the  Papacy  had  not  been  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wishes  of  either  the  Emperor  or  the  King  of 
France.1  Julius  III.  was  therefore  all  the  more  determined  to 
win  over  the  two  princes.  He  confided  this  difficult  task,  111 
a  very  shrewd  manner,  not  to  the  usual  nuncios,  but  to  the 
adherents  and  confidants  of  the  respective  monarchs.  The 
mission  to  the  Emperor  was  entrusted  to  Pedro  de  Toledo  as 
early  as  February  16th,  1550,  and  that  to  Henry  II.  to  the 
Abbot  Rosetto.2  The  Pope  himself  drew  up  the  instructions 
for  both  ;  in  order  that  these  should  be  effective  it  was  essen- 
tial that  the  documents  to  be  communicated  to  both  princes 
should  be  carefully  decided. on.  Everything,  therefore,  which 
might  give  offence  was  scrupulously  avoided.  Both  rulers 
were  exhorted  to  unity  and  peace,  as  only  in  this  manner  could 
the  grievous  wounds  inflicted  on  the  Church  be  healed.  Toledo 
was  to  assure  the  Emperor  that  the  Pope  intended  to  pursue 
at  all  times  an  honourable,  open  and  free  policy  in  all  matters, 
and  that  he  was  prepared  to  co-operate  with  him  for  the 
restoration  of  peace  in  the  Church  by  the  continuance  of -the 
Council  of  Trent,  taking  it  at  the  same  time  for  granted  that 
the  difficulties  in  the  way  would  be  removed,  which  could 
easily  be  accomplished  with  the  help  of  the  Emperor. 

In  the  instructions  for  Rosetto,  express  mention  of  the 
Council  is  carefully  avoided,  and  stress  is  only  laid  on  the 
readiness  of  the  Pope  to  do  everything  necessary  to  promote 
the  glory  of  God,  the  extirpation  of  heresy,  and  to  secure  peace 
and  unity  among  Christian  nations.  The  transference  of 
Parma  to  Ottavio  Farnese,  the  son-in-law  of  Charles  V., 
required  no  justification  as  far  as  the  latter  was  concerned,  but 
in  the  case  of  Henry  II.  the  Pope  brought  forward  a  number  of 
weighty  reasons  for  this  measure.     Besides  the  promise  of  the 

1  The  above  historical  facts  are  fully  brought  out  by  Pieper 

(P-   4)- 

2  See  Massarelli,i55.  The  instructions  for  both  ambassadors 
in  Druffel,  I.,  364  seq.,  368  seq.  Cf.  Pieper,  4  seq.,  139  seq., 
where  there  are  also  emendations  of  the  text. 


56  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

election  capitulation,  he  laid  special  stress  on  the  fact  that  this 
was  the  only  way  of  depriving  the  Emperor  of  an  excuse  for 
taking  up  arms,  and  thus  of  preserving  the  peace  of  Italy. 

While  both  ambassadors  were  on  their  way,  the  coronation 
of  Julius  III.  took  place  with  great  pomp  on' February  22nd, 
1550,  amid  a  mighty  concourse  of  people.1  Two  days  later 
the  Jubilee,  proclaimed  by  Paul  III.,  was  solemnly  inaugurated 
by  the  opening  of  the  Holy  Door.  Countless  pilgrims,  mostly 
from  Italy,  had  assembled  for  the  celebrations,  which  were  to 
last  till  the  Christmas  Eve  of  the  current  year.  Among  those 
who  endeavoured  to  gain  the  Jubilee  indulgence  was  to  be 
found  Michael  Angelo.  The  crowd  at  the  bestowal  of  the 
Papal  Benediction  on  Easter  Day  consisted  of  50,000  persons.2 
The  Confraternity  of  the  Most  Holy  Trinity,  founded  shortly 

1  See  besides  Massarelli,  156  and  the  *Diario  di  Cola  Coleine 
Romano  (Cod.  N.  II.,  32,  Chigi  Library)  the  pamphlet  La  sontuosa 
festa  con  Vapparato  fatto  per  la  coronatione  di  N.S.  lulio  III. 
(Copy  in  State  Library,  Munich),  the  *report  of  the  Bolognese 
ambassadors  of  February  22,  1550  (State  Archives,  Bologna), 
and  that  of  Buonanni  of  February  23,  1550,  with  the  inscription 
of  the  "  palco  "  (State  Archives,  Florence).  The  coronation 
cost  15,000  aurei ;   see  Massarelli,  262. 

2  See  J.  v.  Meggens'  report  in  the  Archiv  fur  schweiz.  Reform., 
Gesch.,  III.,  511  ;  Massarelli,  157,  166  ;  ibid.  173,  174,  177,  198 
206  concerning  the  crowds  of  pilgrims.  Cf.  also  Arch,  per 
l'Umbria,  III.,  53  ;  Lett,  al  Aretino,  II.,  408,  and  *Diario  di 
Cola  Coleine  (Chigi  Library).  Serristori  describes  the  opening 
of  the  Holy  Door,  at  which  a  great  crowd  was  present,  in  spite  of 
the  rain,  in  a  *report  of  February  26,  1550,  (State  Archives, 
Florence).  Cf.  there  also  the  *report  of  Vine.  Ricobaldis  of 
February  24,  1550.  The  hammer  used  by  the  Pope  at  this 
ceremony,  a  magnificent  specimen  of  the  goldsmiths'  art,  falsely 
attributed  to  Benvenuto  Cellini  (Plon,  Cellini,  314  seq.,  393)» 
is  now  in  the  National  Museum,  Munich  (see  Thurston,  51,  and 
85  with  Illustration).  Concerning  the  celebration  of  the  Jubilee 
of  1 55 1  in  Florence,  see  Riv.  delle  bibl.,  XVII.,  94  seq.  Concerning 
the  Jubilee  see  Manni,  116;  de  Waal,  Campo  Santo,  86; 
Das  heilige  Jahr,  Munster,  1900,  41  seq.  With  regard  to  Michael 
Angelo  see  Vasari,  VII.,  228. 


FIRST     CONSISTORY     OF     JULIUS     III.  57 

before  at  S.  Salvatore  in  Campo,  by  a  Florentine  layman,  Philip 
Neri,  took  charge  of  the  poor  and  sick  pilgrims  ;  this  Con- 
fraternity developed  later  into  a  large  institution  of  world-wide 
fame,  for  the  help  of  the  needy  and  indigent.1 

The  Pope  declared,  even  at  his  first  consistory,  which  took 
place  on  February  28th,  1550,  his  firm  intention  of  labouring 
for  the  reform  of  the  Church  and  the  peace  of  Christendom.2 
He  announced  at  the  beginning  of  March  that  he  would 
nominate  a  Congregation  of  Cardinals,  who  would  confer  with 
regard  to  the  reform  of  the  clergy.3  In  a  secret  consistory  of 
March  10th,  Julius  III.  again  emphasized,  in  a  long  address, 
his  zeal  for  religion  and  his  desire  to  carry  on  the  Council,  as 
well  as  his  intentions  concerning  reform.  He  considered  there 
were  three  reasons  for  the  hatred  the  princes  felt  for  the  clergy  : 
the  avarice  of  the  heads  of  the  Curia,  the  thoughtless  bestowal 
of  benefices  and  the  exaggerated  luxury  of  the  clergy.  He 
intended  to  abolish  the  abuses  of  the  Curia,  chiefly  by  the 
reform  of  the  Dataria,  and  would  entrust  to  Cardinals  de  Cupis, 
Carafa,  Sfondrato,  Crescenzi,  Pole  and  Cibo  the  task  of  deliber- 
ating upon  the  best  measures  to  adopt  for  this  purpose.  He 
promised  to  give  the  orders  requisite  for  the  proper  distribution 
of  benefices  and  the  restriction  of  luxury  in  the  immediate 
future.4    The  Pope  accordingly,  on  March  19th,  1550,  again 

1  Cf.  Tacchi  Venturi,  I.,  356  seq.  ;  Thurston,  85,  260  seqq.  ; 
Kerr,  Pippo  Buono,  London,  1908,  58  seqq.  Further  details 
concerning  Filippo  Neri  will  be  found  in  the  continuation  of 
this  work.  [Cf.  Capecelatro.  Life  of  St.  Philip  Neri.  English 
translation  by  T.  A.  Pope.     (Editor's  Note).] 

2  See  Massarelli,  158  and  the  *letter  of  Serristori  of  March 
1,  1550.     (State  Archives,  Florence). 

3  *  Letter  of  Serristori  of  March  3,  1550.  (State  Archives, 
Florence) . 

4  See  *Acta  consist.  (Consistorial  Archives)  ;  letter  of  Cardinal 
Truchsess  in  Meichelbeck,  Hist.  Frising.,  II.,  2,  356  ;  *Report 
of  Serristori  of  March  10,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence)  ; 
Dandolo  in  Brown  V.,  n.  652.  Cf.  Schweitzer,  Gesch.  der 
Reform,  52-53,;  where,  however,  it  is  erroneously  stated  that 
the  consistory  of  March  10  was  the  first  (see  supra  n.  2)  Mas- 


58  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

laid  stress  on  the  decree  of  his  predecessor  forbidding  the 
accumulation  of  several  bishoprics  in  the  hands  of  one  Cardinal. 
A  Bull  of  February  22nd  had  already  regulated  the  power  of 
the  Penitentiary.1  The  commission  of  Cardinals  was  next 
engaged  with  the  issue  of  reform  decrees  for  the  Eternal  City 
during  the  time  of  Jubilee  ;  the  strictest  regulations  were  made 
with  regard  to  ecclesiastical  and  police  surveillance,  with  a  view 
to  putting  an  end  to  the  most  glaring  improprieties  during  such 
celebrations.2 

The  solemn  ceremony  of  taking  possession  of  the  Lateran 
had  to  be  deferred  on  account  oi  the  weather  ;  it  only  took 
place  on  June  24th,  1550. 3  The  Romans  had  previously 
witnessed  the  brilliant  spectacle  of  the  entry  of  the  numerous 
embassies  for  the  obedientia,  which  proved  that  the  various 
princes  of  Europe  still  held  fast  to  the  ancient  pious  union 
with  the  Holy  See,  in  spite  of  the  great  defection  in  the  north. 
On  March  25th  the  Pope  received  the  congratulations  of  the 
Emperor's  ambassador,  Luis  de  Avila,  and  on  the  following 
day  Claude  d'Urfe  rendered  him  the  obedientia  in  the  name  of 
the  French  king,  the  ambassador  of  Philip  II.  doing  the  same 
on  March  27th,  and  the  representative  of  the  King  of  the 
Romans,  Ferdinand  I.,  on  the  28th.  The  Dukes  of  Urbino 
and  Ferrara  had  come  to  Rome  in  person  in  order  to  swear 
allegiance  to  the  new  Pope.  Brilliant  embassies  had  also  been 
sent  by  the  Republic  of  Venice  and  by  Cosimo  I.4    The  repre- 

sarelli  wrongly  gives  March  5  as  the  date  of  the  appointment 
of  Cardinals  for  the  reform  of  the  Dataria,  and  makes  no  mention 
of  Cibo.  Merkle,  II.,  158. 

1  See  Acta  consist,  in  Gulik-Eubel,  34,  and  Bull.  VI.,  401  seq. 

2  See  the  *Capita  reformationis,  a  protocol  of  the  Congregation 
of  Cardinals,  in  the  Cod.  Barb.  XVI.,  42  of  the  Vatican  Library, 
from  which  Ehses  has  made  excerpts  in  the  Pastor  Bonus,  XL, 
572  seq. 

3  See  Massarelli,  162,  179;    cf.  Cancellieri,  105. 

4  Cf.  Massarelli,  162  seqq.  See  also  the  report  of  Masius  in 
Lacomblet,  Archiv.,  VI.,  159  seq.  The  obedientia  speech  of  the 
Florentine  ambassador  P.  Victorius  (Vettori)  was  much  admired 
and  was  at  once  printed  (Florence  1550)  ;  cf.  Manni,  120  seq. 


HEALTH     OF     THE     POPE.  59 

sentatives  of  Bologna,  where  Julius  had  been  Cardinal-Legate, 
were  honoured  with  special  distinction,  the  Pope  saying  to  them 
that  Julius  II.  had  granted  the  city  many  favours,  but  that 
the  third  Julius  would  do  still  more  for  it.1  On  May  4th  a 
brief  did  actually  reduce  the  three  years'  subsidy,  which  the 
city  had  to  pay,  by  half  the  amount.2 

Ottavio  Farnese  had  already  made  his  entry  into  Rome 
on  April  23rd  ;  he  could,  however,  only  take  his  oath  of  fealty 
on  May  21st,  as  the  Pope  was  suffering  from  a  bad  cold  at  the 
end  of  April,  and  was  soon  afterwards  seized  by  an  attack  of 
his  old  enemy,  gout.  Nevertheless  he  devoted  himself  to 
business  affairs,  and  took  part,  though  only  seated,  in  the 
procession  of  Corpus  Christi. 3  In  consequence  of  the  increasing 
crowds  of  those  seeking  an  audience,  and  the  early  setting  in  of 
the  hot  weather,  Julius  had,  since  June,  frequently  withdrawn 
into  the  cool  Belvedere  in  the  Vatican.  The  removal  to 
Viterbo  which  had  been  at  first  planned  for  the  summer,  had 
to  be  abandoned  owing  to  the  scarcity  of  funds,  which  was 
partly  a  consequence  of  the  excessive  liberality  of  the  Pope.4 

1  *Se  Giulio  II.  fece  molte  gratie  a  qualla  citta,  state  sicuri 
che  Giulio  III.  ne  fara  delle  molto  maggiori.  Report  of  the 
Bolognese  ambassadors  of  February  10,  1550  (State  Archives, 
Bologna) . 

2  *Brevia  Iulii  III.  in  Arm.  41,  t.  56,  n.  404  ;  cf.  ibid.,  n.  430 
the  *brief  of  May  10,  1550  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

3  See  Massarelli,  169  seqq.,  173,  176.  Concerning  the  illness 
of  the  Pope,  from  which  he  only  recovered  at  the  end  of  May, 
and  his  zeal  for  business,  ample  details  are  given  by  Girol.  Biagio 
in  his  *letters  of  April  30,  May  7,  14,  and  24,  1550  (State  Archives, 
Bologna).  Cf.  also  the  *letters  of  Serristori  of  May  7,  11,  and 
30,   1550   (State  Archives,   Florence). 

4  See  Massarelli,  177,  180  seqq.,  and  the  *reports  of  Serristori 
of  July  26  (*La  gita  di  S.B.  a  Viterbo  si  tien  per  esclusa  per 
questo  anno  poiche  saria  necessaria  una  spesa  almen  di  10,000 
scudi,  siche  Monte,  Perugia  et  Viterbo  si  riducono  a  Belvedere 
solo,  dove  in  vero  s'intende  et  si  conosce  che  fara  la  sua  stanza 
S.SU  tutta  Testate  et  parte  dell'  inverno)  and  of  August  1,  1550 
(State    Archives,    Florence).     On    October    10,    1550    Buonanni 


60  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

Only  in  the  autumn  did  he  make  several  excursions  to  the 
Campagna,  which  is  so  full  of  charm  at  this  season.  The 
health  of  the  Pope  at  this  time  left  a  good  deal  to  be  desired, 
but  in  spite  of  his  sixty-three  years,  he  recovered  from  the 
attacks  of  gout  which  frequently  seized  him,  in  an  astonish- 
ingly short  time.1  The  Romans  therefore  hoped  that  the 
prediction  of  an  astrologer,  who  prophesied  a  twenty  years' 
pontificate  for  the  new  Pope,  might  be  verified.2 

The  people  of  Rome  were  full  of  gratitude  for  the  measures 
which  Julius  III.  adopted  to  cope  with  the  scarcity  of  pro- 
visions with  which  the  city  was  threatened,  owing  to  the  great 
influx  of  pilgrims  and  the  failure  of  the  crops.3  The  Pope 
took  steps  in  all  directions  to  secure  so  great  an  importation  of 
corn,  as  to  be  really  wonderful  for  those  days.  To  effect 
this,  he  wrote  among  others  to  the  Emperor  and  to 
Henry  II.  of  France,4  and  succeeded  in  inducing  them 
to  give  permission  for  the  exportation  of  corn  from  Spain 

announces  :  "  *Torno  hier  S.S^  dalla  Magliona,  della  qual  non 
si  satisfece  punto  perche  il  suo  Belvedere  le  ha  tolto  il  gusto. 
Voleva  andar  attorno  8  o  10  giorni,  ma  perche  il  suo  maiordomo 
le  protesto  non  essersi  dinari  di  andar  in  volta  se  ne  torno  a 
dietro." 

1  Cf.  the  *report  of  Serristori  of  September  27,  1550  (State 
Arch.  Florence). 

2  A  *letter  of  Serristori  of  March  22,  1550  (State  Archives, 
Florence) . 

3  The  commissary  appointed  by  Paul  III.  for  the  Campagna, 
who  had  to  look  after  the  increase  in  the  price  of  corn,  had  his 
office  confirmed  as  early  as  July  1,  1550,  and  extended  to  the 
Patrimonium,  Corneto  and  Civitavecchia  (see  Brevia  Arm. 
41,  t.  57,  n.  604  :  Iulio  Bosio).  In  the  letter  it  says  :  "  *Nos, 
qui  nihil  magis  curae  habuimus  nee  etiam  habemus ;  quam  ut 
annonae  vilitas  semper  et  presertim  hoc  Iubilei  anno  in  terris 
nostris  vigeat."     (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

4  See  the  *briefs  of  August  2,  1550.  Brevia  Arm.  41,  t.  57, 
n.  725,  726.  Cf.  ibid.  n.  759  the  *brief  to  the  viceroy  of  Naples 
with  the  request  for  the  exportation  of  6,000  "  salmae  frumenti  " 
(Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 


THE  POPE'S  CARE  FOR  ROME.       6l 

and  Provence.1  Julius  III.  was  also  zealously  engaged,  in 
the  following  years,  in  providing  for  the  material  well-being 
of  his  capital.2 

It  is  characteristic  of  the  time  that  any  pretext  was  seized 
upon  for  the  arrangement  of  festivals.  The  arrival  of  a  large 
quantity  of  grain  procured  by  the  Commissary-General, 
Leonardo  Boccacio,  in  December,  1550,  developed  into  a 
brilliant  triumphal  procession,  which  was  much  talked  of.3 
The  festivities  of  the  Romans  at  the  election  celebrations  of 

1  See  the  *  briefs  for  lac.  et  Bened.  Nigroni  of  September  9 
and  mercatoribus  Parmensibus  of  October  12  concerning  the 
exportation  from  Spain,  and  for  Laurent.  Cenamo  mercatori 
of  November  16  with  regard  to  Provence.  Brevia  Arm.  41,  t. 
57,  n.  759,  800,  887,  954.  Ibid.  n.  986  Magistro  Rhodi,  to  further 
the  exportation  of  corn  from  the  east  to  Rome,  dated  December 
1,  1550.     (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

2  See  *Brevia  1551  Arm.  41,  t.  59,  n.  35:  *Duci  Florentiae 
dated  January  25  ;  n.  57  :  *Viceregi  Siciliae,  dated  January  31  ; 
n.  59  :  *Viceregi  Neapol.,  dated  February  1  ;  n.  79  :  *Ascanio 
Malatesta,  dated  February  18  ;  n.  80  :  *Reginae  Bohemiae 
gubernatrici  Hisp.,  dated  February  18  ;  n.  150  :  *Duci  et  gu- 
bernat.  Genuens.,  dated  March  11  ;  n.  154 :  *Gubernatori 
Messinae,  dated  March  11  ;  n.  168  :  *Viceregi  Siciliae,  dated 
March  14  ;  n.  192  :  *  Franc.  Albertino,  dated  March  20.  In 
the  Brevia  1551  t.  61  there  also  belong  to  this  place  :  11.  718  : 
*Regi  Romanorum,  dated  August  22  ;  n.  737  ;  *Duci  Sabaudiae 
and  Marchionissae  Montisferrati,  dated  August  27  (Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican) .  See  also  the  statements  in  Massarelli, 
181,  183,  204  seqq.  ;  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  75  ;  Benigni,  33 
seq.  ;  Pfeiffer-Ruland,  Pestilentia  in  nummis,  17,  183  ; 
Merkle,  I.,  ci  ;    de  Cutis,  142. 

3  See  L'ordine  della  festa  con  la  felice  entrata  et  il  gran  trionfo 
fatto  per  la  venuta  dei  grani  fatti  venir  per  terra  di  luoghi  assai 
lontani  dal  magnifico  signor  Leonardo  Boccaccio  commiss.  gener. 
di  N.S.  Papa  Giulio  III.  et  della  santa  abondantia  de  l'alma 
citta  di  Roma  prefetto  dignissimo.  Sotto  li  X.  di  Gennaro  MDLI. 
Roma  1 55 1.  Rare  pamphlet  ;  a  copy  in  the  State  Archives, 
Munich.  Cf.  *Diario  di  Cola  Coleine  (Chigi  Library)  and  the  **re- 
portof  Buonanni  of  December  23,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence). 


62  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

Julius  III.1  as  well  as  the  unbridled  extravagances  of  the 
Carnival,'  and  the  pomp  of  the  life  of  the  court,  had  shown 
that  the  worldly  tendencies  of  the  Renaissance  period  and  the 
preponderance  of  reminiscences  of  pagan  times  were  by  no 
means  overcome.  The  journals  of  Massarelli  and  others  give 
a  vivid  picture  of  the  doings  of  those  days,  which  in  many 
respects  remind  us  of  the  time  of  Leo   X. 

At  the  festival  processions  on  the  anniversary  of  the  Pope's 
election,  the  figures  of  pagan  gods  were  to  be  seen  on  the  state 
coaches,3  while  mythological  figures  and  emblems4  also 
frequently  appeared  on  the  medals  of  Julius  III.,  even  when 
these  were  intended  to  commemorate  purely  religious  events.6 
Things  went  particularly  far  at  the  Carnival,  for  the  celebration 
of  which  Julius  had  given  complete  freedom.  Races  on  the 
Corso  alternated  with  bull-fights  and  other  amusements,  at 
which  the  Pope  did  not  disdain  to  assist.6  He  was  also  present 
at  the  theatrical  representations  with  which  the  festivities 
closed,  while  women  were  also  invited  to  the  Vatican.  Mas- 
sarelli tells  us  of  a  feast  which  the  Pope  gave  on  Carnival 
Tuesday  to  the  ladies  of  his  family  in  the  Hall  of  Constantine.7 
From  the  reports  of  the  envoys  and  also  from  other  sources 
it  is  clear  that  the  Pope,  regardless  of  the  gravity  of  the  times, 
continued  to  follow,  in  this  respect,  the  path  on  which  his 
predecessors  of  the  Renaissance  had  entered. 

Julius  III.,  who,  although  devoted  to  business,  had  always 

1  Cf.  Cancellieri,  Possessi,  504  ;    Clementi,  206  seq. 

2  Rodocanachi  (Juifs,  209)  mentions  a  Bando  against  the 
abuses  during  the  Carnival.  Cf.  concerning  these  the  *report  of 
Ippolito  Capilupi  to  the  Duchess  of  Mantua,  dated  Rome,  Feb- 
ruary  14,    1 55 1    (Gonzaga   Archives,   Mantua). 

3  See  the  Diarium  in  MacSwiney,  Portugal,  III.,  226  n.  Cf. 
Clementi,   209. 

4  Cf.  Muntz,  III.,  119. 

5  A.  Cesati  engraved  two  prisoners  on  the  medal  for  the  Holy 
Year,  because  the  ancients  set  such  at  liberty  at  their  jubilee 
celebrations.     See  Vasari,  V.,  386. 

6  Massarelli,  213.     Cola  Coleine  in  Clementi,  209  seq. 

7  Massarelli,  214. 


THE  POPE'S  LOVE  OF  PLEASURE.      63 

had  a  great  love  of  pleasure,  was  specially  fond  of  magnificent 
banquets.  He  very  frequently  invited  the  Cardinals  to 
sumptuous  feasts  in  the  Vatican  ;  he  also  very  willingly 
accepted  invitations  himself,  and  very  often  did  not  return 
home  after  an  evening  passed  in  festivity,  but  spent  the  night 
at  the  house  of  his  host.1  Only  two  Cardinals  were  absent 
from  these  festivities,  Carafa  and  de  Cupis,  the  representatives 
of  the  strict  reform  party,  who  had  made  it  a  rule  never  to  dine 
out  of  their  own  houses.2  This  was  a  dumb  but  eloquent 
protest  against  the  unbounded  luxury  displayed  by  the  others 
on  such  occasions.3 

As  Julius  III.  followed  the  chase,4  gambled  with  friendly 
Cardinals   and   other  intimates  for  large   sums,5  and   kept, 

1  Besides  the  numerous  statements  in  Massarelli,  155  seqq. 
the  **reports  of  Buonanni  of  July  30  and  August  9  and  14, 
I55°  (S.S*^  e  hora  a  S.  Marco  et  in  poco  spazio  di  tempo  quando 
a  Araceli  et  quando  a  S.  Pietro  in  vincula),  are  also  of  interest 
(State  Archives,  Florence). 

2  *Report  of  Ipp.  Capilupi,  dated  Rome,  February  3,  1551  : 
"  Con  S.Sta  disenarono  tutti  i  cardinali  che  sono  in  Roma  da 
quattuor  infuori  cioe  Trani  et  Chieti,  che  non  mangiano  mai 
fuor  di  casa,  et  Salviati  et  Gaddi,"  who  are  ill.  (Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua. 

3  Cf.  in  Appendix  No.  11  the  *report  of  Serristori  of  January 
31,    1551    (State  Archives,    Florence). 

4  Cf.  Massarelli,   190,   193,   196. 

5  How  fond  the  Pope  was  of  playing  for  high  stakes,  especially 
at  the  favourite  primiera  {cf.  Rodocanachi,  Rome,  60),  is  shown 
even  more  clearly  than  in  the  *  reports  of  Buonanni  of  October 
8,  1550,  and  of  *Serristori  of  June  24,  1552  (S.StS/  vinse  a  tre 
dadi  1500  scudi  al  card.  S.  Agnolo.  State  Archives,  Florence) 
by  the  action  brought  against  Aless.  Pallantieri  in  the  time  of 
Paul  IV.,  on  account  of  his  alleged  unfaithful  administration  of 
the  Annona.  On  March  22,  1558,  the  accused  spoke  as  follows 
before  the  attorney  of  the  exchequer,  Sebastiano  Atracino  : 
Al  tempo  di  papa  Giulio,  e  Sua  Santita  e  i  cardinali  e  i  vescovi 
e  tutta  la  corte  vignava,  fui  messo  in  ballo  ancora  io  a  giocare 
insieme  agli  altri,  e  Sua  Santita  mi  mandava  a  domandare  quasi 
ogni  di,  perche  io  andassi  a  giuocare,  e  far  le  altre  volte,  essendo  io 


64  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

numerous  court  jesters,1  he  also  had  no  scruples  about  wit- 
nessing unseemly  theatrical  representations.  On  the  24th  of 
November,  1550,  the  Menaechmi  of  Plautus  was  played  before 

andato  alia  vigna  di  Sua  Santita  a  dolermi  di  certe  cose  che 
faceva  il  signor  Ascanio  Colonna  per  impedire  che  la  grascia  ven- 
isse  a  Roma,  Sua  Santita  non  mi  rispose  niente  a  questo,  se  non 
che  :  "  siate  il  benvenuto  !  a  punto  ci  mancava  il  quarto  !  " 
E  dicendogli  io  che  Sua  Santita  mi  aveva  dato  un  peso  sulle 
spalle,  il  peso  cioe  dell'  abbondanza,  e  chi  bisognava  attendere 
ad  altro  che  a  giuocare,  Sua  Santita  mi  replic6  :  "Mi  meraviglio 
di  voi  ;  manca  grano  in  Campo  di  Fiore  ;  restate  qui  a  magnare 
con  Michelangelo,  che  vi  mandero  qualche  cosa  di  buono  !  "  E 
un'  altra  volta  avendomi  fatto  chiamare  in  palazzo  per  giuocare 
e  dicendo  io  :  "  Padre  Santo,  io  ho  da  fare  ;  ho  vinto  certi  scudi 
non  vorria  perderli,"  Sua  Santita  disse  :  "  bisogna  giuocare 
benche  tu  perda  non  importa  ;  io  t'insegner6  a  trovare  qualche 
cosa  da  rubare  per  te  e  per  me."  E  cosi  giuocai  molte  volte 
e  con  Sua  Santita  e  in  presenza  sua  a  primiera.  II  signor  Baldoino, 
suo  fratello,  non  faceva  mai  altro  dopo  pranzo  che  questo,  e  io 
ero  quasi  sempre  delli  chiamati,  e  li  e  quando  andavo  a  qualche 
banchetto,  dove  io  giuocava  con  Sua  Eccellenza  e  con  cardinali 
e  con  altri  prelati,  e  la  sorte  mia  buona  voile  che  la  e  in  casa  di 
monsignor  di  Pavia,  che  era  governatore,  io  vincessi  parecchie 
migliaia  di  scudi,  come  sa  tutta  Roma,  e  mi  ricordo  che  l'ultima 
volta  quando  mori  il  papa,  primo  di  tre  o  quattro  di,  giuocando 
in  camera  del  sig.  Baldoino  io  vinsi  al  vescovo  di  Pavia  circa 
due  mila  scudi  ad  un  giuoco  che  si  dice  chi  non  ha  niente.  Papa 
Giulio,  per  la  causa  di  Vincenzo  Spada,  mi  fece  donare  in  un 
sachetto  mille  scudi  d'oro  e  per  certa  altra  causa  circa  cinque- 
cento  scudi,  e  con  questi  e  con  altri  guadagni  io  ho  comprato 
questi  uffizi  et  questa  casa  e  fabbricatola.  ...  Mi  scordavo 
di  dire  che  il  papa  fece  giuocare  spesse  volte  il  vescovo  di  Ascoli, 
che  era  governatore,  si  come  il  vescovo  di  Pavia,  che  era  governa- 
tore. .  .  .  State  Archives,  Rome,  Proc.  torn.  36,  communicated 
by  Bruzzone  in  the  Turin  newspaper  La  Stampa,  1900,  n.  51 ; 
this  being  very  difficult  to  obtain,  it  has  been  thought  useful  to 
print  the  extract  in  full. 

1  Expenditure  for  Buffoni  is  often  to  be  met  with  in  the  ^account 
books  of  Julius  III.  (State  Archives,  Rome)  ;  see  several  examples 
in  Erulei,    17. 


COMEDIES     AT     THE     VATICAN.  65 

the  Pope  in  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  and  a  few  days  later 
Ariosto's  Cassaria,  and  on  January  22nd,  1551,  the  Eunuchus 
of  Plautus,  which  had  been  translated  into  Italian.1 

Julius  III.  permitted  comedies  to  be  performed  in  the 
Belvedere,  especially  during  Carnival  time,  and  on  February 
3rd,  i^1*  the  Aulularia  of  Plautus  was  given  in  the  presence 
of  the  Pope  and  twenty-four  Cardinals.  The  Mantuan 
correspondent  praises  the  beauty  of  the  staging  and  the 
excellence  of  the  music,  which  had  given  great  pleasure  to 
everyone.2  A  comedy  which  was  also  given  in  the  Belvedere 
a  short  time  afterwards,  on  the  occasion  of  the  anniversary  of 
the  election  of  Julius,  was,  on  the  contrary,  a  complete  fiasco. 
As  usual  all  the  Cardinals  were  invited,  as  well  as  the  ambas- 
sadors of  France,  Portugal,  and  Venice.  This  piece,  composed 
by  a  native  of  Siena,  was  extremely  silly  and  rather  unseemly, 
and  it  was  only  the  presence  of  the  Pope  which  prevented  it 
from  being  hissed.  Julius  showed  his  displeasure  by  pretend- 
ing to  fall  asleep  ;  at  the  end  he  remarked  that  the  dramatist 
should  be  excused,  since  he  was  a  Sienese.  On  the  same 
evening  fifty  Roman  nobles  in  magnificent  antique  costumes 
set  up  a  carrousel  in  St.  Peter's  Square,  which  gave  great 
satisfaction.  On  the  following  day  there  was  a  bull-fight,  at 
which  the  Pope  and  many  Cardinals  were  present  ;3  comedies 
were  performed  in  the  Vatican  in  the  very  last  year  of  the 
reign  of  Julius  III.4  No  one,  however,  seems  to  have  realized 
how  very  unecclesiastical  all  this  was.5 

1  Massarellt,  202.  Bertolotti,  Artisti  Veneti,  54.  Art. 
Bolognesi,  Bologna  1885,  37  seq.  Erulei,  19.  Cf.  the  *report 
of  Ipp.  Capilupi  of  January  26,  1551,  *Gonzaga  Archives,  Man- 
tua). Buonanni  tells  of  a  performance  of  the  Cassaria  in  a 
♦♦report  of  December,  1,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence). 

2  See  in  Appendix  No.  12  the  ♦report  of  Ipp.  Capilupi  of  Febru- 
ary 3,  1551  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua).     Cf.  Massarelli,  213. 

3  See  besides  Massarelli,  214  in  Appendix  No.  13  the  ♦report 
of  Ipp.  Capilupi  of  February  14,  155 1  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua). 

4  See  Ancel  in  the  Rev.  Benedict,  XXV.,  50. 

5  Expenditure  for  the  performance  of  comedies  in  the  years 
1552  and  1555  in  Erulei,   19. 

VOL.    XIII.  K 


66  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

The  pernicious  tradition  of  the  Renaissance  Popes  was  also 
repeatedly  followed  by  Julius  III.  in  the  promotion  of  his 
relatives.1  At  first  he  resisted2  their  urgent  solicitations  for 
offices  similar  to  those  filled  by  the  Farnese  family  under  Paul 
III.,  but  his  opposition  weakened  only  too  quickly.  He  did 
not,  however,  go  as  far  as  his  predecessor  ;  he  gave  his 
relatives  no  principalities,  nor  did  they  enjoy  any  great 
political  influence.  As  the  general  feeling  and  circumstances 
of  the  time  were  unfavourable,  there  was  no  wholesale  nepotism 
in  this  reign,  and  the  relatives  of  the  Pope,  who  crowded  in 
vain  round  his  deathbed,3  urging  their  demands,  were  by  no 
means  satisfied,  though  they  had  considerable  reason  to  be 
so.4 

At  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  the  Pope  had  promoted  the 
interests  of  two  relatives  at  the  distribution  of  the  offices  in  the 
Curia.  One  of  these,  Pietro  del  Monte,  he  appointed  governor 
of  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  while  he  bestowed  on  his  sister's 
son,  Ascanio  della  Corgna,  a  clever  soldier,  the  command  of 
his  guard.5    The  Pope  had  always  loved  his  elder  brother, 

1  Cf.  concerning  this,  especially  Dandolo,  354  seqq.,  and 
de  Leva,  V.,   114  seq. 

2  On  February  23,  1550,  Buonanni  reports  :  *Sino  a  qui  non 
mostra  S.St^  animo  di  volere  levare  alcuno  dei  carichi,  che  desse 
la  s.  m.  di  Paolo,  il  che  preme  assai  a  questi  parenti  di  Iulio  et 
ne  mostrano  mala  contentezza  (State  Archives,  Florence). 

3  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  xliv.,  n.  4. 

4  His  proneness  to  nepotism  also  brought  Julius  III.,  into 
conflict  with  the  election  capitulation  (see  Quellen  und  Forsch- 
ungen  des  Preuss.  Histor.  Instituts,  XII.,  224  seq.),  concerning 
the  alteration  of  which  deliberations  were  held  as  early  as  May 
30,  and  again  on  June  13,  1550.     See  Massarelli,  177. 

5  See  Massarelli,  153  and  Pagliucchi,  121  seq.  Ascanio 
had  "  200  scudi  di  provisione."  Buonanni,  who  announces 
this  on  February  23,  1550,  adds  :  "  La  cavalleria  che  si  trova 
nello  stato  ecclesco  si  cassera  et  si  ridurra  a  200  cavalli,  che  staran 
qui.  I  Suizzeri,  che  son  200,  non  credo  che  s'accresceranno 
(State  Archives,  Florence).  On  December  18,  1550,  Asc.  della 
Corgna    became     "  gubernator    perpetuus  "     of    the    "  Castrum 


BALDOVINO     DEL     MONTE.  67 

"  Messer  Baldovino,"  as  the  ambassadors  always  called  him. 
Baldovino,  who  was  already  in  Rome  on  February  24th,  1550, 
received  the  Borgia  Appartments  as  a  lodging,1  and  later  on 
the  Palazzo  dell'  Aquila  in  St.  Peter's  Square.2  The  dignity 
of  Cardinal,  however,  was  not  bestowed  upon  him,  the  Pope 
considering  him  too  old  and  otherwise  unsuited.3  He  ap- 
pointed him  Governor  of  Spoleto  on  March  20th,  1550,  invest- 
ing him  with  rich  revenues  later  on,  and  also  giving  him 
Camerino,  for  his  life-time.4  Besides  all  this,  Julius  obtained 
for  him  from  Cosimo  de'  Medici,  as  early  as  July,  1550,  the 

Plebis  "  (see  *  Brief  to  him  [ut  status  quoque  nobis  sanguine 
intime  coniuncti  conditionem  decentius  tenere  valeas.]  Brevia 
Arm.  41,  t.  58,  n.  1022.  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican)  Cf. 
concerning  A.  della  Corgna,  the  Nonciat.  de  France  I  24. 

1  See  Massarelli,   157,   183. 

2  See  Ehrle,  Bufalini,   15. 

3  Cf.  Legaz.  di  Serristori,  243  seq.  Here  the  *letter  of  Serristori 
of  April  17,  1550,  is  wanting,  in  which  he  says  :  *A1  s.  Baldovino 
disse  che  provederebbe  di  stato  conveniente  a  lui  non  disegnando 
a  modo  alcuno  di  farlo  cardinale  per  esse  oltre  con  l'eta  et  perche 
non  havesse  a  mettersi  a  imperar  a  dir  l'ofntio  et  l'introito  come 
intervenne  a  Pucci  in  sua  vecchiezza  (State  Archives,  Florence). 
Cf.  in  the  same  place  the  *report    of    Buonanni  of    March   16, 

4  By  the  *brief  of  March  20,  1550,  he  separated  Spoleto  from 
Umbria  and  appointed  Baldovino,  "  quo  nee  sanguinis  coniunc- 
tiorem  nee  in  amore  magis  praecipuum  habemus  et  huic  regimini 
valde  idoneum  et  utile  fore  speramus,"  as  his  deputy  and  in  the 
city  and  district  of  Spoleto,  and  as  "  castellanus  arcis."  Brevia 
Arm.  41,  t.  55,  n.  202.  Ibid.  t.  56,  n.  731  the  *brief  to  Baldovino 
of  August  4,  1550  :  After  having  appointed  you  Collector- 
General  of  the  revenues  of  Camerino,  we  present  you  with  the 
same,  "  considerantes  congruum  esse,  ut  tibi,  qui  germanus 
frater  noster  existis,  unde  iuxta  convenientiam  gradus  et  con- 
ditionis  tuae,  presertim  apud  Nos  et  in  servitiis  nostris  existendo 
decenter  sustentari  valeas,  per  Nos  provideatur  "  (Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican).  Cf.  also  *Serristori's  reports  of  July  26,  August 
19  and  30,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence)  and  Tesoroni,  35. 
Concerning  Camerino,  cf.  Lilli,  Storia  di  Camerino,  359. 


68  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

newly  founded  lordship  of  Monte  San  Savino,  in  feudal  tenure.1 
Baldovino  had,  by  his  marriage  with  Giulia  Mancini,  two 
daughters,9  as  well  as  three  sons.  Of  the  latter,  only  one, 
Giovan  Battista,  was  still  alive.  Julius  entrusted  this  nephew 
with  the  government  of  Fermo  and  Nepi,  and  appointed  him 
Standard-Bearer  of  the  Church.3  When  Giovan  Battista  del 
Monte,  whose  whole  mind  was  fixed  on  the  pursuit  of  arms, 
fell  on  April  14th,  1552,  at  the  seige  oi  Mirandola,4  the  Pope 
entrusted  the  government  of  the  two  said  towns  to  Baldovino.5 

1  Cf.  Salvadori  in  the  Rassegna  Settimanale,  VI.,  n.  132  and 
Tesoroni,  34. 

2  Orsula  and  Cristina.  They  received,  like  the  other  relations, 
monthly  revenues.  See  *Intr.  et  Exit.  1554-1555  in  the  Cod. 
Vat.  10605  of  the  Vatican  Library.  , 

3  Cf.  The  *reports  of  Serristori  of  July  26  (*N.S.  dette  il  governo 
di  Fermo  a  beneplacito  al  s.  Giov.  Battista)  and  August  30, 
1550  (bestowal  of  Nepi).  State  Archives,  Florence.  See  also 
Legaz.  di  Serristori,  244,  257  ;  de  Leva,  V.,  116  and  Histor. 
Zeitschrift,  XXIX.,  316.  The  interest  the  Pope  took  in  his 
nephew  was  shown  when  the  latter  fell  ill  in  1551.  The  Duke  of 
Ferrara  sent  his  physician  to  him  at  that  time  ;  Julius  III. 
begged  him  to  give  him  an  exact  account  of  the  course  of  the 
illness.  See  brief  for  Ant.  Brasaulae  medico  of  August  9,  1551 
(Arm.  41,  t.  61,  n.  673.     Secret  Arch,  of  the  Vatican). 

4  Cf.  Balan,  Mirandola,  45  seq. 

5  See  the  *  briefs  to  Baldovino  of  April  29  and  May  6,  1552 
(Arm.  41,  t.  64,  n.  275  and  298).  The  *letter  of  thanks  to  Duke 
Ercole  of  Ferrara  for  his  condolences,  on  April  25,  1552,  sounds 
very  resigned  (We  always  endeavour  to  submit  to  the  Divine 
Will,  "  ut  omnia  quae  nobis  eveniunt,  sive  prospera  sive  ilia 
sint  adversa,  ad  nostram  eruditionem  et  inscrutabili  Dei  iudicio 
provenire  existimenus)  and  to  the  Viceroy  of  Naples  on  the  same 
day  (non  ignorantes,  humanam  naturam  et  res  bellicas,  quas 
ipse  noster  nepos  sua  electione,  non.  nostra  voluntate  sequebatur, 
huiusmodi  saepe  casus  parere  consuevisse.")  Arm.  41,  t.  64, 
n.  265  and  266  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).  The  weight  of 
this  loss  is  emphasised  by  Serristori  in  an  interesting  *letter  of 
March  23,  1552  (State  Archives,  Florence).  Baldovino  died  in 
August,  1556 ;  see  *letter  of  Navagero  of  August  22,  1556 
(Library  of  St.  Mark's,  Venice). 


THE     DEL     MONTE     FAMILY.  69 

Baldovino's  natural  son,  Fabiano,  had  already  been  legiti- 
matized at  the  beginning  of  the  reign,  and  though  he  was  only 
a  child,  the  household  of  a  prince  was  now  bestowed  on  him. 
As  Giovan  Battista  had  left  no  children,  the  hopes  of  the  family 
had  been  centred,  even  before  Giovan's  untimely  death,  on 
Fabiano.1  Cosimo  de'  Medici,  who  was  extremely  anxious 
to  attach  the  Pope  to  himself,  gave  his  daughter  Lucrezia,  in 
1554,  after  long  negotiations,  to  this  nephew  in  marriage.  The 
Pope  joyfully  agreed,  but  was  most  careful  to  withhold  any 
political  significance  from  this  marriage,  to  the  great  disgust 
of  the  Medici.2 

Of  the  two  sisters  of  the  Pope,  the  younger,  Jacopa,  married 
to  Francia  della  Corgna,  had  two  sons,  Ascanio,  already  men- 
tioned, and  Fulvio,  who  was  first  made  Bishop  of  Perugia, 
and  then  became  Cardinal,  in  December,  1551.3  Roberto, 
the  son  of  Ludovica,  the  elder  sister  of  the  Pope,  and  married 
to  Roberto  de'  Nobili,  also  became  a  Cardinal.  This  Roberto 
was  a  youth  of  such  a  holy  disposition,  that  it  could  be  said 
of  him  that  he  was  an  example  of  that  childlike  piety  in  which 
heaven  is  reflected  on  earth.4 

The  inconsistencies  of  Julius  III.  are  shown  in  nothing  so 
much  as  in  the  fact  that  he  bestowed  the  Cardinal's  hat  on 
another  youth,  who  was  as  vicious  as  Roberto  de'  Nobili  was 
virtuous. 

The  Venetian  ambassador  Dandolo  relates  how  Julius  III., 
when  he  was  legate  in  Piacenza,  took  a  boy  of  low  extraction, 
from  the  streets,  as  it  were,  and  made  him  keeper  of  his  ape, 
because  he  had  shown  great  courage  when  the  animal  caught 

1  Cf.  Massarelli,  161  and  de  Leva,  V.,  115.  The  legitimatiza- 
tion  of  Fabiano  in  Tesoroni,  81  seq. 

2  Cf.  Legaz.  di  Serristori,  302  seq.,  309  seq.,  332  seq.,  ;  Firman  us, 
502-503  ;  *Brief  to  Cosimo  of  April,  11,  1554  ("  Mirifice  gaud- 
emus  "  at  the  conclusion  of  the  family  alliance.  Arm.  41,  t. 
70,  n.  199.  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican)  ;  Nonciat.  de  France, 
I.,  xliv.,  26  ;    Pallavicini,  13,  10,  8  ;   Tesoroni,  84  seq. 

3  See  Massarelli,  158  and  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  62. 

4  See  Reumont,  III.,  2,  505  ;  cf.  Ciaconius,  III.,  784  scqq., 
and  infra  chap. 


yo  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

hold  of  him.  The  keeper  of  the  ape  learned  in  a  short  time 
how  to  insinuate  himself  into  the  favour  of  his  master,  to  such 
an  extent,  that  the  latter  grew  fond  of  him  and  prevailed  upon 
his  brother  to  adopt  him.  To  the  name  of  Innocenzo  del 
Monte,  which  he  now  bore,  he  brought  nothing  but  dishonour.1 
In  spite  of  this  he  received  a  provostship  in  Arezzo,  for  the 
Cardinal  clung  to  him  with  a  love  which  was  as  inexplicable 
as  it  was  incredible.  Massarelli,  who  testifies  to  this,  adds  : 
"  As  soon  as  Giovan  Maria  del  Monte  became  Pope,  nothing 
was  nearer  to  his  heart  and  intentions  than  to  raise  his 
brother's  adopted  son  to  the  highest  dignities  and  to  heap 
upon  him  honours  and  riches.  Up  till  now — three  months 
have  passed — he  has  given  him  an  income  of  12,000  crowns, 
and  has  at  last  elevated  him,  with  the  greatest  satisfaction, 
to  the  high  dignity  of  Cardinal."2 

There  was  no  want  of  opposition  to  this  shameful  abuse  of 
Papal  power  ;  Cardinal  Pole  reminded  the  Pope  of  the  canoni- 
cal decrees  and  the  gravity  of  the  times,3  while  Carafa  made 
still  more  urgent  remonstrances.     As  he  had  had,  for  a  long 

1  See  Dandolo,  355  and  Merkle,  I.,  177 ;  Massarelli, 
174  seq.  ;  Masius  in  Lacomblet,  Archiv,  VI.,  163  ;  Ciaconius, 
III.,  759  ;  Arch.  stor.  Ital.,  Ser.  4,  XIII.,  420.  Cf.  Pallavicini, 
11,  7,  4  and  the  deservedly  sharp  criticism  of  Raynaldus,  (1550. 
n.  50).  Grimm  (Michelangelo,  II.,  423)  makes  Innocenzo  the 
son  of  Julius  III.  without  any  proof  whatever. 

2  Massarelli,  175.  Buonanni  announces  the  impending 
appointment  of  Innocenzo  as  Cardinal  as  early  as  February 
23  (see  Appendix  No.  4).  Cf.  the  report  of  Dandolo  of  March 
16  in  de  Leva,  V.,  117.  On  April  17,  1550,  Serristori  says  : 
*Disse  S.S^  al  Buonanni  che  al  primo  o  secondo  consistorio 
al  piu  lungo  voleva  crear  cardinale  il  proposto,  suo  nepote  et 
che  su  questo  principio  harebbe  13,000  scudi  d'entrata.  Cf. 
Buonanni's  *report  of  April  18,  1550.  On  April  30  Serristori 
announces  :  *S.Sta'  mando  per  il  proposto,  il  qual  se  ne  verra 
a  Bagnaia,  where  the  red  hat  was  sent  to  him.  (State  Arch. 
Florence) . 

3  See  *dispatch  of  Dandolo  of  April  18,  1550  (State  Archives, 
Venice),  in  part  in  de  Leva,  V.,  118  ;  cf.  Druffel,  L,  398  ; 
Brown,  n.  662. 


INNOCENZO     DEL     MONTE.  71 

time,  close  and  friendly  relations  with  Julius  III.,  he  hoped 
to  be  able  to  prevent  the  nomination.  The  old  Cardinal, 
therefore,  did  everything  that  lay  in  his  power  ;  he  went 
personally  to  the  Pope  and  explained  to  him  with  all  the  powers 
of  his  eloquence,  the  reasons  which  should  prevent  him  from 
taking  such  an  unfortunate  step.  He  represented  the  shame 
which  would  attach  to  the  perpetrator  of  such  a  deed,  the  talk 
of  the  people,  which  should  be  avoided,  above  all  by  a  prince, 
as  well  as  the  evil  suppositions  to  which  the  elevation  of  a 
fatherless  and  vicious  young  man  would  give  rise.1  It  was  all 
in  vain.  On  May  30th,  1550,  Julius  III.,  in  a  secret  consistory, 
elevated  the  seventeen  year  old  Innocenzo  del  Monte  to  the 
cardinalate.  On  July  1st  the  latter  made  his  solemn  entry 
into  Rome,  and  on  the  following  day  he  received,  not  in  public, 
as  was  customary,  but  again  in  a  secret  consistory,  the  red 
hat.2  Cardinal  Carafa  kept  away  from  both  consistories,  in 
order  not  to  have  even  the  appearance  of  approving  by  his 
silent  presence  this  unhappy  incident.  Instead  of  doing 
so,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Pope,  in  which  he  once  more 
expressly  declared  that  he  would  not  agree  to  such  a 
nomination.3 

What  Carafa  and  many  others4  had  foreseen,  was  verified 
only  too  soon.  The  nomination  gave  the  greatest  scandal, 
and  far  and  wide  Julius  was  declared  to  be  the  father  of 
Innocenzo  ;  indeed,  the  accusation  was  by  no  means  the 
worst  of  the  crimes  of  which  his  enemies  at  once  pronounced 
him  guilty.  The  accusation,  however,  of  the  gravest  im- 
morality has  never  been  proved  against  him,  either  at  that 

1  See  *  Apologia  alia  relat.  del  Navagero  (National  Library, 
Naples  ;    cf.  Appendix  Nos.  6i,  62).     Bromato,  II.,  158  seq. 

2  vSee  Acta  consist,  in  Gulik-Eubel,  35  ;  Massarelli,  174- 
175  ;  the  reports  in  Druffel,  I.,  406;  de  Leva,  V.,  118  seq.  ; 
Arch.  d.  miss,  scientif.,  Ser.  2,  V.,  98. 

3  Bromato,  II.,  159.  The  *  Apologia  mentioned  supra 
n.  1,  says  that  copies  of  the  letter  of  Carafa  were  circulated 
everywhere. 

4  Cf.  in  Appendix  No.  4  the  *report  of  Buonanni  of  February 
23>    I55°   (State  Archives,  Florence). 


72  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

time  or  afterwards.  Julius  himself  was  to  blame  that  such  an 
idea  should  have  arisen  and  been  believed,  as  his  attitude 
towards  Innocenzo  del  Monte  must  have  given  rise  to  the 
gravest  suspicions,  especially  at  a  time  of  such  unbridled 
license.1 

Julius  III.  hoped  against  all  hope  that  Cardinal  Innocenzo 
would  lead  a  life  in  accordance  with  his  dignity.2  The  up- 
start, however,  only  made  more  insolent  by  his  unexpected 
good  fortune,  gave  himself  up,  even  more  than  before,  to  a 
perfectly  scandalous  life.  He  not  only  received  rich  benefices, 
such  as  the  abbey  of  St.  Michael  in  Normandy  and  that  oi 

1  It  is  well  known  how  prevalent  it  was  in  the  time  of  the  Re- 
naissance to  affix  the  stigma  of  perversity  to  one's  enemies.  This 
mode  of  attack  was  still  being  carried  on  (see  especially  the  lam- 
poon against  Card,  del  Monte  in  the  Giorn.  stor.  della  lett.  Ital., 
XLIII.,  242  seq.),  and  even  Panvinio  allowed  himself  to  be 
led  into  making  such  implications  against  Julius  III.  (puerorum 
amoribus  implicitus).  See  Merkle,  II.,  147  ;  cf.  cxxxiv.  Had 
there  been  any  proof  for  this  accusation  Sarpi  would  not  have 
failed  to  have  put  it  forward.  The  accusation  of  the  reformers 
is  therefore  justly  repudiated  (see  Rose  in  Ersch-Gruber, 
2,  section  XXVIII.,  351  ;  Aschbach,  Kirchenlexicon,  III., 
656,  and  Bruzzone,  La  vigna  di  papa  Giulio  :  Messagero,  191 1, 
n.  51).  Ciaconius  (III.,  759)  has  already  shown  that  the  in- 
scription in  the  Villa  Giulia  does  not  prove  that  Innocenzo  del 
Monte  was  a  son  of  Julius  III. 

2  Cf.  the  *  brief  to  the  Doge  of  Venice  of  June  21,  1550  :  Your 
letter  concerning  the  elevation  of  Cardinal  Innocenzo  del  Monte 
and  the  speech  .of  your  ambassador  have  informed  us  of  your 
good  will.  "  Nos  quidem,  f.  d.  (for  what  is  crossed  out  read 
"  domestice  res  ac  rationes  nostre  ad  id  impulerunt  ")  privata 
quedam  ob  paucitatem  gentilium  nostrorum  necessitas  ad  id 
impulit,  speramus  tamen  aliquem  defectum  eius  aetatis  ma- 
turitate  ingenii  ab  eo  esse  supplendum."  In  any  case  he  will 
always  be  for  you.  Arm.  41,  t.  56,  n.  568.  Ibid.  t.  63,  n. 
117  a  *Brief  of  February  20,  1552,  in  which  Julius  III. 
thanks  the  Doge  for  having  bestowed  the  freedom  of  the  city 
on  his  brother  and  the  latter's  sons  (Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican) . 


THE     SECRETARIATE     OF     STATE.  73 

St.  Zeno  in  Verona,1  as  well  as  the  legation  of  Bologna,  in 
June,  15522  but  also  a  position  similar  to  that  which  Cardinal 
Alessandro  Farnese  had  enjoyed  under  Paul  III.  At  the  end 
of  November,  1551,  the  nuncios  were  requested  to  address 
their  letters  in  future  to  Cardinal  Innocenzo  del  Monte,  in- 
stead of,  as  formerly,  to  the  first  Secretary  of  State,  Girolamo 
Dandino,  or  to  the  Pope  himself.  This  change  was  due  to 
Baldovino,  who  gave  his  brother  this  fatal  advice.3  Innocenzo 
del  Monte,  who  did  not  possess  the  slightest  aspiration  towards 
a  higher  life,  had  neither  the  wish  nor  the  capacity  to  devote 
himself  to  business  ;  his  activities  as  secretary  of  state  con- 
sisted in  affixing  his  signature  to  the  dispatches  drawn  up  in 
his  name,  and  in  pocketing  the  revenues  of  his  high  office. 

The  direction  of  affairs  lay  in  the  hands  of  the  Pope,  of  his 
brother  Baldovino,  and  of  the  experienced  secretary  of 
state,  Girolamo  Dandino.4  Dandino  had  been  trained  in  the 
chancery  of  Paul  III.,  which  was  a  good  school,  and  had  be- 
come intimately  acquainted  with  the  position  of  affairs  in 
France  and  Germany,  through  numerous  diplomatic  missions.5 

1  *Serristori  announces  the  conveyance  of  the  abbey  S.  Michael 
Rotomag.  dioc.  by  Henry  II.  (val.  2500  due.)  on  July  21,  1550 
(State  Archives,  Florence).  Concerning  S.  Zeno  see  Massarelli, 
218.  Julius  III.  also  requested  a  pension  for  Cardinal  del  Monte 
from  the  Emperor  (see  Druffel,  I.,  416).  Concerning  the  be- 
stowal of  the  bishopric  of  Mirepoix  in  the  year  1553  see  Thomas, 
III.,  198. 

2  *Brief  to  the  Forty  of  Bologna,  dated  June  4,  1552  (Arm, 
41,  t.  64,  n.  391  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).  Cf.  Belluzzi. 
180. 

3  See  Pieper,  122  and  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  xxxiii.,  107, 
n.  2.  During  an  absence  of  Dandino  G.  Ricci  had  taken  his 
place  ;    cf.  ibid.,  55,  n.  5. 

4  See  Richard  in  the  Rev.  d'hist.  eccles.,  XL,  520  ;  cf.  Nun- 
tiaturberichte, VIII.,   12  seq. 

5  For  Dandino  cf.  Dandolo,  357  ;  Pieper,  121  ;  Nuntiatur- 
berichte, VIII.,  12-13  >  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  n.  2.  Dandino 
died  in  Rome  in  1559  ;  his  grave  is  in  S.  Marcello  (see  Forcella, 
II.,  308).  The  correspondent  of  Cosimo  I.  in  Rome,  Buonanni, 
was  not  pleased  with  the  appointment  of  Dandino.     He  writes  on 


74  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

There  were  three  other  secretaries  besides  him,  employed  as 
assistants  in  the  chancery  :   Giulio  Canano,  Angelo  Massarelli, 

and  Trifone  Bencio,  the  latter  also  having  charge  of  the  cypher 
codes.1  The  office  of  secretary  of  Latin  letters,  which  had 
been  filled  during  the  whole  reign  of  Paul  III.  by  Blosius 
Palladius,2  still  remained  in  the  hands  of  this  distinguished 
stylist  under  Julius  III.  When  Blosius  died  in  August,  1550, 
Julius  divided  this  lucrative  post,  which  had  formerly  been 
filled  by  two  officials.  His  choice  fell  on  the  two  able  human- 
ists, Galeazzo  Florimonte,  Bishop  of  Aquino,  and  Romolo 
Amaseo,  of  Bologna,  who  was  recommended  by  Cardinal 
Alessandro  Farnese.  After  the  death  of  Amaseo,  in  the 
summer  of  1552,  the  eminent  Bishop  of  Carpentras,  Paolo 
Sadoleto,  took  his  place.3 

March  21,  1550  :  *  Parse  buona  la  resolutione  che  presse  S.StA 
di  non  servirsi  del  Cavalcante  per  quel  ch'el  conclave  fini  di 
chiarirlo.  Ma  il  continuare  di  servirsi  del  Dandino  et  di  lassargli 
la  sottoscritione  in  mano,  non  e  lodato  da  alcuno,  massime  da 
chi  sa  l'inclinatione  di  detto  Dandino  al  servitio  del  Re,  quel 
ch'egli  rivelo  al  caral  di  Ferrara  dei  negocii  secreti  di  Paulo  et  i 
dinari  et  la  pensione  c'hebbe  sotto  mano  da  S.S.  illraa  et  revma. 
(State  Archives,  Florence). 

1  Massarelli,  154.  Pieper,  121  seq.  Nonciat.  de  France, 
I.,  72,  n.  2. 

2  See  Vol.  XII.  of  this  work,  p.  539.  Cf.  concerning  Blosius, 
Maffei  in  the  Rassegna  per  la  storia  di  Volterra,  I.  (1898),  8  seqq. 
82  seqq. 

3  See  Massarelli,  185  ;  Caro-Farnese,  Lettere,  I.,  260  ; 
Druffel,  II.,  '660  ;  Lauchert,  685  ;  Grella,  G.  Florimente, 
S.  Maria  Sapua  Vetera,  1909  ;  the  *reports  of  Buonanni  of 
August  14  and  15,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence)  and  the  *letter 
of  Gir.  Biagio  of  August  16,  1550  (State  Archives,  Bologna). 
P.  Sadoleto  had  at  once  welcomed  the  election  of  Julius  III. 
in  a  **letter  to  Card.  Farnese  dated  Carpent.  IV.,  Id.  April 
I55°  (Vat.  4103,  p.  107  seq.  Vatican  Library).  The  *brief  of 
his  appointment,  dated  July  25,  1552,  in  Min.  brev.  65,  n.  519 
(Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).  In  the  last  year  of  the  reign 
of  Julius  III.  there  appeared  in  the  *Intr.  et  Exit.  (Cod.  Vat. 
10605)   payments  (70  sc.  per  mese)  for  the  following  four  secretarii  : 


THE      POPE'S     DEVOTION     TO     BUSINESS.         75 

Dandino,  whom  Julius  justly  valued  highly,  was  the  real 
head  of  the  Chancery.  When  he  became  Cardinal  on  Novem- 
ber 20th,  1 55 1,  he  bequeathed  his  official  duties  to  his  secretary, 
the  talented  Canano.  These  two  conducted  the  corres- 
pondence with  the  nuncios,  while  Cardinal  Innocenzo  del 
Monte  enjoyed  the  advantages  and  honours  of  the  office, 
although  he  only  wrote  the  signatures.1  The  Pope  superin- 
tended ecclesiastical  as  well  as  political  affairs  ;  he  had  taken 
up  an  independent  attitude  from  the  beginning  and  hardly 
ever  consulted  with  anyone.2  The  zeal  with  which  Julius  III. 
devoted  himself  to  business,  especially  in  the  first  years  of  his 
reign,  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  in  the  case  of  important 
official  documents,  he  not  only  suggested  the  matter  himself, 
but  also  the  form  in  which  it  should  be  expressed.  Even 
though  these  documents  are  not  headed  "  Dictated  by  the 
Pope  himself,"  they  can  nevertheless  easily  be  distinguished 
from  others  ;  they  bear  a  stamp  which  is  quite  their  own  and 
surprise  as  much  by  their  vigour  and  wealth  of  imagery,  as  by 
the  striking  originality  of  their  mode  of  expression.3     The 

Canano,  Massarelli,  Sadoleto,  and  Bencio  ;  Cesare  Grolierio 
appears  here  specially  for  briefs  ;  he  had  been  a  secretary  since 
1552.     See  Ancel,  Secret,  pontif.,  51. 

1  Cf.  Pieper,  123  ;  Richard,  loc.  cit.  ;  Torne,  P.  Gallio 
card,  de  Come,  Paris,  1907,  38.  Concerning  the  lasting  influence 
of  Dandino,  see  not  only  Masius,  Lacomblet,  Archiv,  V.,  195 
and  Lossen,  123)  but  also  Serristori  in  his  *letters  of  May,  29, 
1551  (Dandino  is  the  "  spirito  di  S.St&  et  carissimo  al  s.  Baldo- 
vino  ")  and  February  15,  1553.      (State  Archives,  Florence). 

2  Cf.  Dandolo,  357  ;  Legaz.  di  Serristori,  276,  278  ;  Mendoza 
in  Dollinger,  I.,  189. 

3  Pieper  brings  this  into  special  prominence  (pp.  123-124). 
Ibid.  (pp.  124-129),  see  exact  account  of  the  instructions  of 
Julius  III.,  which  are  to  be  found  in  almost  all  European  libraries, 
and  (pp.  129-139)  concerning  his  diplomatic  correspondence. 
Cf.  also  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  iv.  seq.  concerning  the  supplements 
in  the  "  Fonds  Borghese  "  to  which  Kupke  had  already  drawn 
attention  in  the  Histor.  Vierteljahrsschrift,  1898,  I.,  143  ;  see 
also  Kupke's  preface  to  the  Xllth  Volume  of  the  Nuntiaturber- 
ichte.     Concerning    the    "  Archivio    Dandini  "    in    the     Secret 


j6  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

journal  of  Massarelli  testifies  to  the  great  assiduity  with  which 
the  Pope  prepared  and  worked  out  the  instructions  for  his 
nuncios.1  The  Pope's  very  confidential  friends,  Cardinal 
Crescenzi2  and  Angelo  Massarelli,  as  well  as  Dandino,  were 
called  upon  to  assist  in  this  work.  Massarelli  was,  however, 
specially  chosen  on  account  of  his  experience  in  the  question 
of  the  Council. 

Archives  of  the  Vatican,  see  also  Wirz,  Akten,  xl.  seq.  and  Bullen, 
L.  ;  cf.  ibid.,  xxvi.  concerning  the  Brief  Register  of  Julius  III. 
The  Regesta  of  the  Pope  are  inventoried  in  Palmieri,  82  seq., 
the  Ruoli  in  Ancel,  Secret,  pontif.,  49. 

1  See  Massarelli,  177,  179,  182. 

2  Cf.  Dandolo,  357  ;  Massarelli  passim.  Buonanni  speaks 
very  badly  of  Crescenzi.  He  reports  on  July  7,  1550  :  *Di  qua 
va  lunghissima  ogni  espeditione  poiche  S.StA  cedendo  pochi 
negocii  gli  remette  tutti  a  Crescentio,  che  per  natura  et  accidente 
va  cosi  tardo  nelle  espeditioni  ch'e  uno  stento  il  cavargliene 
una  delle  mani.  He  again  complains  on  July  19  of  the  "  long- 
hezze  "  of  Crescenzi.  On  August  9  he  reports  :  *S.Std>  non 
puo  star  senza  lui  [Crescenzi]  et  quand'  e  seco  devon  trattar 
d'ogni  altra  cosa  che  de  negocii  perche  di  nessun  si  sentono 
espeditioni.  **Buonanni  emphasizes  Crescenzi's  influence  on 
October  7,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence).  Besides  Crescenzi 
Cardinal  Maffei  was  much  favoured  by  the  Pope  ;  see  Caro- 
Farnese,  I.,  133,  and  Masius  in  Lacomblet,  Archiv,  VI.,  r57. 


CHAPTER    III. 

Preparations  for  the  reassembling  of  the  Council 
in  Trent. — The  Dispute  concerning  the  Duchy  of 
Parma. 

Among  the  points  of  the  election  capitulation  to  which 
Julius  III.  had  pledged  himself  in  the  conclave,  the  re-opening 
of  the  General  Council  for  the  extirpation  of  heresy  and  the 
reform  of  the  Church  stood  in  the  first  place.  For  the  pro- 
motion of  this  matter  the  Pope  had  entered  upon  diplomatic 
negotiations  with  Charles  V.  and  Henry  II.  immediately  after 
he  ascended  the  throne.1 

Even  before  Pedro  de  Toledo,  the  appointed  envoy  to  the 
Emperor,  entered  upon  his  mission,  well-informed  people 
believed  that  the  Head  of  the  Church  was  prepared,  not  only 
to  continue  the  Council  in  Trent  but,  under  certain  circum- 
stances, even  in  another  place,  in  the  centre  of  Germany  ; 
it  was,  however,  to  be  a  real  and  free  Council.2  Toledo, 
indeed,  declared  by  word  of  mouth,  that  he  believed  His 
Holiness  would  make  such  a  concession,  should  he  think  Trent 
unsuitable,  but  only  if  security  should  be  given  him  that 
there  should  be  no  undue  interference  in  the  matter  of  reform 
or  of  the  authority  of  the  Holy  See.3 

1  Cf.  supra  p.  55. 

2  *A11'  imperatore  ha  promesso  di  dare  il  concilio  (ma  che  sia 
concilio  secondo  i  canoni  et  non  fatto  solo  per  interesse  di  S.MtA 
come  voleva  fare  al  tempo  di  papa  Paulo)  in  mezo  '1  corpo  dell' 
Alemagna.  *OUvo  to  S.  Calandra,  dated  Rome,  February  15, 
1550  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua).  See  also  the  letter  of  Masius 
of  February  17,  1550,  in  Lacomblet,  Archiv,  VI.,  156. 

3  See  Charles  V.  to  Mendoza,  translated  in  Maynier,  592  n. 
with  wrong  date,  May   18  instead  of  March   18.     Cf.  Mauren- 

BRECHER,  228. 

77 


78  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

The  Imperialists  had  not  expected  such  complaisance. 
Had  not  Diego  de  Mendoza  been  so  taken  aback  at  first  at 
del  Monte's  election  that  the  Pope  had  to  call  out  to  him  : 
"  Don't  be  so  terrified,  ambassador  !  nl  Charles  V.  was  most 
pleasantly  surprised.  His  answer  to  Pedro  de  Toledo  was 
exceedingly  gracious  ;  Toledo  was  to  beg  the  Pope  respectfully 
in  his  name  to  summon  the  Council  as  soon  as  possible  and 
to  hold  it  in  Trent.  With  regard  to  the  guarantees  required 
by  Julius  III.  the  Emperor  assured  him  that  he  only  wished  to 
promote  what  was  most  advantageous  to  the  Apostolic  See 
and  agreeable  to  His  Holiness,  in  so  far  as  this  depended  on 
him  and  was  not  contrary  to  his  duty.2  On  March  16th,  1550, 
Charles  V.  informed  his  brother  Ferdinand,  that  he  had  thought 
it  right  at  once  to  inform  the  Papal  ambassador  of  his  agree- 
ment with  the  offer  regarding  the  Council,  and  that  he  would 
now,  in  order  to  take  the  Pope  at  his  word,  summon  the 
Imperial  Diet  for  June  25th,  at  Augsburg.3 

Before  the  arrival  of  Toledo,  Charles  V.  had  already  sent  his 
confidant,  Luis  de  Avila,  to  Rome,  to  convey  his  congratula 
tions,  bearing  a  letter  in  which  he  assured  the  Pope  of  his 
perfect  readiness  to  protect  the  Church.  Julius  III.  received 
the  ambassador  on  March  25th,  1550,  and  also  declared  his 
intention  of  proceeding  in  the  matter  of  the  Council,  as  in  all 
else,  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Emperor.4 

In  April,  1550,  the  Pope  entrusted  a  commission  of  seven 
Cardinals  :  de  Cupis,  Carafa,  Morone,  Crescenzi,  Sfondrato, 
Pole  and  Cervini  with  the  deliberations  concerning  the  Council, 
at  the  same  time  recalling  Sebastiano  Pighino  from  Germany  to 
Rome,  for  the  purpose  of  furnishing  reports.  Morone  set 
forth  the  by  no  means  unimportant  difficulties  which  stood  in 
the  way  of  a  renewal  of  the  Council  at  Trent,  and  these  were 
carefully   considered   by   the    commission.     The    result   was 

1  Dandolo,  347.     De  Leva,  V.,  93.     Brown,  V.,  n.  643. 

2  See  the  letter  to  Mendoza  cited  supra  p.  77,  n.  3. 

3  Lanz,  III.,  1  seqq. 

4  See  Raynaldus,  1550,  d.  5  and  8;  Massarelli,  162  seq.  ; 
Druffel,  I.,  384. 


OBJECTIONS     TO     TRENT     OVERCOME.  79 

the    approval    of    the    decision    to    reopen    the    Council   at 
Trent.1 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  two  principal  objections  to  the 
Council  being  again  held  in  Trent  were  no  longer  in  existence. 
The  danger  of  interference  on  the  part  of  the  Council  in  the 
Papal  election  appeared  to  be  over,  as  the  new  Head  of  the 
Church  was  no  longer,  as  had  been  the  case  with  Paul  III., 
a  broken  old  man,  but  one  who  was  still  in  possession  of  great 
bodily  vigour.  The  other  difficulty,  which  concerned  the 
validity  of  the  removal  of  the  Council  to  Bologna,  which  had 
taken  place  with  the  consent  of  His  Holiness,  was  overcome 
by  the  fact  that  almost  all  the  Spanish  bishops  had  left  Trent 
after  the  departure  of  Cardinal  Pacheco  to  the  conclave,  so 
that  it  could  hardly  be  maintained  that  the  assembly  was  still 
in  existence.  It  was  therefore  possible  again  to  take  up  the 
work  of  the  Council  in  Trent,  without  detriment  to  the  reputa- 
tion of  Julius  III.  and  his  predecessor.  This  was  the  aim  of 
the  election  capitulation,  of  the  nuncios  in  Germany,  and  also 
of  the  Emperor,  who  was  joined  by  the  King  of  Poland.  A 
continuance  of  the  Council  in  Bologna  was  therefore  impossible, 
if  only  for  the  reason  that  in  such  a  case  a  judgment  concerning 
the  suspension,  originated  by  Julius  III.,  as  legate,  and  warmly 
advocated  by  him,  would  have  had  to  be  expressed.  This 
would  again  have  given  rise  to  the  old  disputes  and,  moreover, 
the  Emperor  had  only  received  the  consent  of  the  German 
States  for  Trent  as  the  seat  of  the  Council.2 

1  Cf.  Massarelli,  168  seq.  ;  the  opinion  of  Morone  in  Ray- 
naldus,  1550,  n.  9  and  in  Le  Plat,  IV.,  164  ;  Nuntiaturberichte, 
XII.,  xxxiv.,  where,  erroneously,  only  five  Cardinals  are  given  ; 
♦letter  of  Serristori  of  April  24,  1550.  Concerning  the  dispatch 
of  the  nuncios  Serristori  had  already  reported  on  February  26  : 
*A1  Pighino  mi  disse  S.Bne  che  disegnava  dare  il  carico  di  Nuntio 
appre[sso]  all'  impre.  In  Francia  disegna  di  mandare  monsr 
della  Casa,  ancora  ch'ei  mostri  non  contenta[rsi].  In  Portogallo 
il  vescovo  Giambeccaro,  et  in  Venetia  il  Beccatello  (State  Archives, 
Florence) . 

2  Cf.  the  "  Discorso  mandato  in  Francia  "  in  Pallavicini, 
11,   8,  4. 


80  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

Immediately  after  the  decision  of  the  commission  the  Pope 
informed  the  Imperial  ambassador  Mendoza  of  his  intention 
to  open  the  Council  in  Trent  and  to  appoint  Pighino  as  nuncio 
to  Charles  V.  for  the  carrying  out  of  the  preliminary  negotia- 
tions. He  begged,  however,  that  the  matter  might  not  in  the 
meantime  be  openly  discussed  ;  first,  because  it  had  still  to 
be  considered  in  the  consistory,  and  also  to  prevent  the  French 
from  having  an  opportunity  of  prematurely  putting  diffi- 
culties in  the  way.  The  nuncio  at  the  court  of  the  Emperor, 
Pietro  Bertano,  also  received  a  corresponding  intimation  and 
was  enjoined  to  keep  the  matter  secret  for  the  time  being.1 

Now  that  the  agreement  between  the  Pope  and  the  Em- 
peror appeared  to  guarantee  the  speedy  reopening  of  the 
Council,  the  most  dangerous  intrigues  against  it  were  again 
being  carried  on  by  the  French  sovereign,  as  had  formerly 
been  the  case  in  the  time  of  Francis  I. 

The  French  King  acquiesced  in  the  election  of  Julius  III.,2 
but  not  in  the  friendly  overtures  ot  the  new  Pope  to  the 
Emperor.  The  former,  indeed,  did  everything  in  his  power 
to  consider  the  susceptibilities  of  France,3  but  the  French 
politicians  greatly  feared  the  revival  of  religious  unity  in 
Germany  through  the  Council ;  they  considered  it  much  more 
advantageous  that  the  religious  division  and  consequent  loss 
of  vital  power  in  Germany  should  continue.4 

It  was  in  vain,  therefore,  that  Julius  III.  showed  the  French 

1  See  Mendoza's  report  in  Druffel,  I.,  393,  and  the  *letter  al 
vescovo  di  Fano  [Bertano]  per  via  di  Don  Diego,  dated  Rome, 
April  25,  1550  (Secret  Archives,  of  the  Vatican). 

2  See  Henry's  letter  to  Cosimo  I.  in  Desjardins,  III.,  233  seq. 

3  *I1  card,  di  Ferrara  ha  desiderate  stanze  in  palazzo  afin  che 
fra  tanti  imperiali  (Alvarez  de  Toledo  and  Carpi  had  received 
lodgings  in  the  Vatican  ;  see  Ribier,  II.,  264)  si  mostri  pur  che 
vi  stia  un  di  fazione  Franzese  et  ha  ottenute  quelle  che  soleva 
tenere  il  camerlengo  a  tempo  di  Paulo  disegnate  per  il  s.  Balduino 
da  Iulio.  Serristori  on  March  17,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence). 
The  French  Cardinals  could  not  gain  any  influence,  as  they  were 
very  much  at  variance  with  one  another.     See  Romier,  236  seq. 

4  Cf.  Raynaldus,  1550,  n.  10  ;    Maurenbrecher,  228. 


THE     INSTRUCTIONS     FOR     PIGHINO.  8l 

King  the  most  extreme  complaisance  in  an  endeavour  to 
break  down  at  least  his  direct  opposition  ;  nor  did  it  improve 
matters  when  the  Pope,  in  his  conferences  with  Cardinals 
Tournon  and  d'Este,  exerted  all  his  diplomatic  skill  to  remove 
the  objections  of  the  French.1  The  direct  negotiations  were 
to  be  dealt  with  by  Antonio  Trivulzio,  who  was  well  known 
and  very  popular  at  the  French  court,  and  who  was  destined 
to  succeed  the  present  nuncio,  Michele  della  Torre.2  His 
departure  was  delayed,  however,  as  well  as  that  of  Pighino, 
in  consequence  of  an  attack  of  gout  which  seized  the  Pope, 
and  it  was  not  until  the  beginning  of  July,  1550,  that  the  two 
envoys  could  at  last  set  out  upon  their  journey.3 

Pighino,4  who  was  appointed  Archbishop  of  Siponto,  and 
was  to  replace  Bertano,  who  had  been  nuncio  till  then,  re- 
ceived in  the  instructions  prepared  for  him  on  June  20th, 
orders  to  lay  four  considerations  before  the  Emperor,  not  so 
as  to  raise  impediments,  but  with  a  view  to  getting  rid,  by  a 
mutual  understanding,  of  certain  difficulties  which  still  stood 
in  the  way.  The  first  consideration  was  with  regard  to  the 
Frenchmen  who  were  destined  to  take  part  in  the  Council 
of  the  Church,  so  that  in  the  endeavour  to  win  back  Germany 
she  might  not  lose  France,   or  the  King  set  up  a  national 

1  Cf.  Ribier,   II.,  275  seq. 

2  The  *brief  recalling  M.  della  Torre  dated  April  25,  1550, 
in  Arm.  41,  t.  55,  n.  360  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

3  See  Mendoza  in  Druffel,  I.,  401,  and  Massarelli,  181. 
Cf.  supra  chap.  II. 

4  In  Druffel,  I.,  423  seqq.  and  in  Laemmer,  Melet.,  156  seq. 
Emendations  in  the  text  in  Pieper,  140  seq.  Cf.  Dandolo's 
report  of  June  14,  1550,  in  de  Leva,  V.,  101.  The  Briefs  of 
June  23,  given  to  Pighino,  "  ad  ducem  Saxoniae,  march.  Branden- 
burg, et  comitem  Palat.  Rheni  "  in  Le  Plat,  IV.,  165  ;  *  Brief 
of  June  22,  1550,  for  the  "  princ.  Hisp."  and  the  German  princes 
with  regard  to  the  mission  of  Pighino  in  Arm.  41,  t.  56,  n.  574 
(Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).  The  departure  of  Pighino 
which,  according  to  Massarelli,  181,  took  place  on  July  2,  is 
announced  by  *Serristori  as  having  already  taken  place  on  July 
1,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence). 

VOL.    XIII.  () 


82  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

schismatical  council.  In  order  to  overcome  the  distrust  of 
the  French  King  for  the  city  of  Trent,  which  was  situated  in 
Imperial  territory,  Julius  111.  was  prepared  to  promise  that 
the  Council  should  only  occupy  itself  with  questions  con- 
cerning the  faith  and  the  reform  of  morals,  but  in  no  way 
with  political  matters  or  with  the  special  privileges  accorded 
to  the  French  kings.  The  second  consideration  concerned 
the  poverty  of  the  Apostolic  See  and  of  the  Italian  prelates, 
in  consequence  of  which  it  appeared  impossible  to  bear  for  a 
long  period  the  expenses  entailed  by  the  upkeep  of  the  Council 
and  the  residence  thereat.  In  order,  therefore,  to  avoid  un- 
necessary delay,  the  Emperor  was  to  undertake,  as  far  as  lay 
in  his  power,  that  the  Council  should  begin  punctually  and 
fulfil  its  duties  expeditiously.  In  order  to  do  so  Charles  V. 
would  have  to  secure  the  acceptance  of  the  Council  by  the 
Catholics  as  well  as  the  Protestants  in  the  Imperial  Diet, 
because  the  acquiescence  of  the  Germans  had  been  the  principal 
supposition  upon  which  the  commission  of  Cardinals  had 
consented  to  hold  the  Council  at  Trent.  The  third  considera- 
tion related  to  the  dogmatic  decisions  which  had  been  already 
fixed  at  the  Council  of  Trent  and  at  other  Councils,  and  con- 
cerning which  the  Pope  insisted,  from  the  Catholic  point  of 
view,  and  with  perfect  right,  that  they  must  not  again  be 
called  in  question.  In  connection  with  this  the  difficult 
question  arose,  as  to  how  the  Protestants  were  to  be  heard 
should  they  appear  in  the  Synod.  Finally,  the  fourth  con- 
sideration was  with  regard  to  the  supreme  authority  of  the 
Pope  and  of  the  Apostolic  See,  in  the  Council  and  out  of  it, 
which  was  not  to  be  impugned.  An  appendix  to  the  in- 
structions, which  was  sent  after  the  nuncio,  dealt  with  the 
dispute  concerning  the  possession  of  Piacenza. 

The  instructions,  also  drawn  up  on  June  20th,  for  Trivulzio,1 

1  In  Druffel,  I.,  434  seqq.  with  wrong  date,  omissions  and 
errors  (see  Pieper,  141  seq.)  The  Discorso  sent  after  Trivulzio 
(see  Massarelli,  182  ;  Pallavicini,  ii,  8,  4)  is  certainly  not 
identical  with  the  instructions,  as  Druffel  believes  (see  Merkle 
with    regard    to    Massarelli,    loc.    at.)      Probably,    however,    the 


TRIVULZIO     SENT     TO     HENRY     II.  83 

who  left  Rome  on  July  5th,1  emphasized  the  fact  that  the 
Pope  would  take  no  decisive  steps  before  he  received  the 
answer  of  Henry  II.  Among  the  reasons  which  made  the 
re-opening  of  the  Council  at  Trent  advisable,  the  first  and  most 
important  was  the  fact  that  at  the  last  Diet  at  Augsburg,  all 
the  States,  Catholic  as  well  as  Protestant,  had  submitted  to 
the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent  ;  therefore,  as  the  Germans 
were  precisely  the  people  who  were  most  in  need  of  such 
medicine,  the  Pope  would  be  acting  against  his  duty  and  the 
dictates  of  his  conscience,  were  he  not  prepared  to  summon 
the  Council  again  in  the  said  city.  The  question  as  to  the 
validity  of  the  removal  of  the  Council  to  Bologna  under  Paul  III 
was,  in  the  meantime,  to  remain  undecided.  Trivulzio  was 
also  instructed  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that,  in  the  event 
of  the  refusal  by  the  King  to  accept  the  Council,  the  Em- 
peror would  come  to  an  understanding  with  the  Protestants 
on  his  own  responsibility  and  could  then  accuse  the  Pope  of 
neglect  of  duty.  The  four  considerations  in  the  instructions 
of  Pighino  are  almost  the  same  as  those  of  Trivulzio,  who  was 
also  specially  enjoined  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  Cardinal 
Guise.2 

When  Pighino,  whose  journey  occupied  more  than  a  month, 
reached  the  Emperor  at  Augsburg,   on  August  3rd,   1550, 3, 

supposition  of  Pieper  (p.  14,  n.  2)  is  correct,  that  the  ragione 
sottile  quoted  by  Pallavicini,  ii,  9,  2,  belongs  to  this  Discovso, 
and  that  the  Emperor  was  anxious  to  promote  the  Council, 
but  not  to  succeed  in  getting  it,  because,  instead  of  being  a 
political  advantage,  it  might  bring  him  into  serious  complications 
with  Germany.  Henry  II.  was  also  to  be  turned  by  this  con- 
sideration from  the  idea  that  Charles  V.  would  gain  an  advantage 
from  the  Council  to  the  prejudice  of  France. 

1  Massarelli,  181. 

2  Julius  III.  had  already  addressed  a  special  brief  to  Cardinal 
Guise,  regarding  the  question  of  the  Council  on  June  16,  1550 
(see  Raynaldus,  1550,  n.  10  ;  Le  Plat,  IV.,  165).  *Briefs 
of  June  16,  1550,  to  the  "  Card,  de  Borbonio,  de  Chatillon,  de 
Vandomo,  ducissae  Valent,"  regarding  the  mission  of  Trivulzio, 
in  Arm.  41,  t.  56,  n.  552  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican), 

3  See  Marillac  in  DRUFFEL,  J.,  469. 


84  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

the  Diet,  in  spite  of  a  poor  attendance — none  of  the  secular 
Electors  appeared  in  person — had  already  opened.  The 
French  ambassador,  Marillac,  was  of  opinion  that  Charles  V. 
had  an  object  in  not  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  Pighino,  and 
that  by  opening  the  Diet  quite  unexpectedly  on  July  26th, 
although  the  date  for  so  doing  had  been  postponed  till 
August  10th,  1550,  he  wished  to  anticipate  by  a  proposition 
of  his  own,1  any  obstacles  which  might  arise  from  the  con- 
ditions of  the  nuncio.  This  proposition  was  to  the  following 
effect  :  the  States  of  the  last  Diet  had  agreed  that  no  better 
means  could  be  found  for  the  discussion  and  settlement  of 
religious  matters  than  a  Christian  General  Council,  and  as  the 
present  Pope  had  graciously  assented,  and  promised  that  the 
Council  should,  in  accordance  with  the  desire  of  the  Emperor 
and  the  sanction  of  the  States  of  the  Diet,  be  continued  and 
brought  to  an  end  at  Trent,  there  was,  in  his  opinion,  nothing 
to  be  done  in  the  matter,  except  to  keep  on  urging  the  Pope  to 
fulfil  his  promise.2  The  authorized  agents  of  the  two  great 
Protestant  princes,  Maurice  of  Saxony  and  Joachim  of 
Brandenburg,  protested,  however,  against  this.  They  ex- 
pressly demanded  that  the  Pope,  as  an  interested  party  in  the 
Council,  should  not  preside,  and  that  the  Articles  of  Faith, 
which  had  already  been  defined,  should  again  be  discussed  ; 
a  declaration  to  that  effect  was,  however,  not  taken  as  being 
contrary  to  the  decisions  of  the  former  Diet.  The  majority  of 
the  States,  Catholic  as  well  as  Protestant,  declared  on  August 
20th,  their  agreement  to  the  Emperor  urging  the  Pope  to 
continue  the  Council.3 

Pighino  had  nothing  but  favourable  reports  to  give  of  his 
reception  by  the  Emperor,  and  of  his  deliberations  with  the 
chancellor,  Granvelle,4  no  essential  differences  having  arisen 
between  them.     With  regard  to   the   Protestants,   however, 

1  See  ibid.,  459. 

2 See  ibid,.  454  seq.,  and  Jannsen-Pastor,  III.,  707  seq. 

zCf.  Druffel,  I.,  467,  477,  485,  494. 

4  See  Pighino's  reports  of  August  10  in  de  Leva,  V.,  106  and 
August  12  in  Laemmer,  Melet.,  165  seq.,  emendations  in  Pieper, 
10  ;    ibid,  a  report  of  August  15.     Cf.  Pallavicini,   ii,  10,  1  seq. 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  CHARLES  V.  AND  HENRY  II.     85 

Pighino  could  have  no  illusions.1  It  must  have  given  him 
matter  for  serious  consideration  when,  in  the  reply  of  the 
States  to  the  Imperial  counter-plea  of  October  8th,  the  demand 
of  the  Protestants  that  their  representatives  in  the  Council 
should  also  be  heard  concerning  the  points  already  decided, 
was  once  more  repeated.2 

The  Emperor,  however,  sent  the  Pope  a  reassuring  ex- 
planation of  this  incident,  through  his  ambassador,  Mendoza, 
telling  him  that  they  would  listen  to  the  Protestants,  but 
alter  nothing  in  the  decisions  already  adopted,  which  they 
would  simply  repeat.  Mendoza  also  gave  assurances  regard- 
ing Charles  V.'s  stay  in  Germany.3  In  this  manner  perfect 
unity  was  established  between  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor,  on 
this  point  at  least,  and  nothing  further  now  stood  in  the  way 
of  the  Council  being  summoned. 

The  negotiations  with  France,  however,  were  more  difficult 
to  carry  through.  The  nuncio  who  was  there  at  this  time, 
Michele  della  Torre,  spared  no  efforts  to  win  over  Henry  II. 
to  the  plan  of  the  Council.  He  was  told,  however,  that  no 
decision  could  be  arrived  at  until  after  the  arrival  of  Trivulzio. 
That  the  King  was  opposed  to  the  plan  is  clear  from  his  cor- 
respondence with  his  ambassador,  Marillac,  who  was  at  that 
time  at  Augsburg.4 

Trivulzio  next  received  a  polite  letter  from  the  King,  in 
which  he  committed  himself  to  nothing.5  Henry  II.  was  en- 
deavouring to  defer  a  decision,  but  finally  declared  to  the  two 
representatives  of  the  Pope,  with  brutal  candour,  that  he  had 
no  interest  in  prolonging  the  Council,  that  his  subjects  did  not 
require  it,  being  good  Catholics  ;  should  any  fall  away,  they 
would  be  punished  in  such  a  manner  that  they  might  serve 
others  as  an  example.     He  added  that  there  was  a  sufficiency 

1  Cf.  his  reports  of  August  10  in  de  Leva,  V.,  105,  of  August 
21  in  Laemmer,  Melet.,  165  seq.,  and  of  September  5,  1550,  in 
Pieper,    11    seq.     Cf.   Pastor,    Reunionsbestrebungen,    422. 

2  Druffel,  I.,  512  seq. 

3  Cf.   Maurenbrecher,  230  seq.,   152*  ;  Maynier,  594. 

4  Cf.   Druffel,  I.,  431  seqq.,   451. 

5  Cf.  Massarelli,  187  ;   Pallavicini,  ii,  10,  1. 


86  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

of  worthy  prelates  in  France,  who  could  carry  out  the  reform  of 
the  clergy,  without  its  being  necessary  to  summon  a  General 
Council.  With  regard  to  the  safety  of  Trent  the  King  re- 
minded  the  nuncios  that  the  Pope,  when  he  was  Legate  of  the 
Council  there,  had  feared  for  the  safety  of  his  own  person,  and 
had  therefore  undertaken  the  removal  of  the  Council  to 
Bologna.  It  seemed  clear  from  this  fact  that  Trent  could  not 
be  so  safe  as  His  Holiness  maintained  ;  if,  however,  all  the 
other  princes  declared  themselves  agreeable,  then  would  he, 
the  Most  Christian  King,  do  as  his  predecessors  had  done  in 
similar  circumstances.1  This  was  all  that  the  most  earnest 
entreaties  of  the  nuncios  could  draw  from  him.  The  French 
ambassador  in  Rome,  d'Urfe,  was  instructed  to  speak  to  the 
Pope  in  the  same  fashion.  Henry  II.  at  once  put  forward 
the  rights  of  the  Gallican  Church,  ordered  the  observance 
of  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Basle,  and  vigorously  opposed 
the  Pope's  intended  bestowal  of  the  bishopric  of  Marseilles 
on  his  relative,  Crist  of  oro  del  Monte.2  To  the  brief  addressed 
to  the  King  by  Julius  III.,  on  September  22nd,  there  came 
an  answer  as  vague  and  disobliging  as  possible.3 

The  Pope  did  not  allow  himself  to  be  disconcerted  by  the 
unfriendly  attitude  of  France.     However  greatly  he  may  have 

1  See  Henry  II.  to  d'Urfe  on  August  5,  1550,.  in  Ribier,  II., 
279.     Cf.  Maurenbrecher,  231  seq. 

2  See  the  reports  of  d'Urfe  and  Cardinal  Ipp.  d'Este  from  Rome 
on  August  29,  1550,  in  Druffel,  I.,  495  seqq.  Concerning  the 
Marseilles  affair  (see  Massarelli,  187),  in  which  Julius  III. 
eventually  attained  his  object,  see  Ruffi,  Hist,  de  Marseille, 
II.,  35.  Julius  III.  had  already  approached  Henry  II.  regard- 
ing this  matter  in  a  *  Brief  of  April  15  (Arm.  41,  t.  55,  n.  303. 
Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).  Serristori  speaks  of  the  in- 
dignation of  the  Pope  on  account  of  the  king's  opposition  in 
his  *letter  of  August  23,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence). 

3  Cf.  Raynaldus,  1550,  n.  16;  Le  Plat,  IV.,  167;  Nuntiatur- 
berichte,  XII.,  xxxvi.  Cf.  the  report  of  Cardinal  Tournon  in 
Druffel,  I.,  511  seq.,  to  see  how  Julius  III.  sought  to  win  over 
Henry  II.  in  the  question  of  the  Council  through  the  said  Car- 
dinal. 


THE     BULL     SUMMONING     THE     COUNCIL.        87 

regretted  the  conduct  of  Henry  II.  he  was  still  of  opinion  that 
after  his  recent  negotiations  with  the  Emperor,  he  might  take 
steps  to  summon  the  Council.  On  October  3rd,  1550, 
Julius  III.,  who  just  at  the  moment  was  highly  delighted  by 
the  news  of  the  conquest  of  Mehadia,1  on  the  north  coast  of 
Africa,  announced  to  the  consistory  his  intention  of  publishing 
a  Bull  to  carry  out  this  decision.2  Animated  by  a  most  lively 
desire  to  arrange  this  important  matter,3  he  worked  personally 
at  the  drafting  of  this  official  document.4     It  was  to  be  in  the 

1  Acta,  consist,  in  Raynaldus,  1550,  n.  26.  Letter  of  the 
postmaster  Taxis  in  Lacomblet,  Archiv.,  VI.,  166  seq.  On 
October  5  a  Mass  of  thanksgiving  was  celebrated  in  St.  Peter's 
pro  expugnata  Africa  a  christianis  (Massarelli,  194).  Cf.  the 
♦letters  of  Gir.  Biagio  of  September  20  and  22,  and  October  4, 
1550  (State  Archives,  Bologna)  and  the  *report  of  Serristori  of 
October  30,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence).  A  *brief  of  con- 
gratulation of  October  8,  1550,  to  Jo.  de  Vega,,  viceroy  of  Sicily, 
in  Arm.  41,  t.  58,  n.  880  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).  The 
viceroy  afterwards  sent  Turkish  trophies  to  Rome  (see  Raynal- 
dus, 1550,  n.  27).  Concerning  this  matter  see  Zinkeisen,  II., 
875,  and  Guglielmotti,  II.,  237  seq.  ;  see  also  ibid,  concerning 
the  help  given  by  the  Pope  in  the  expedition. 

2  See  Acta  consist,  in  Laemmer,  Melet.  206,  and  the  *report  of 
Serristori  mentioned  in  previous  note. 

3  In  opposition  to  the  groundless  suspicions  of  Druffel,  who 
follows  the  lead  of  the  apostate  Vergerio,  whose  heart  was  rilled 
with  hatred  (concerning  his  polemic  cf.  Hubert,  50  seqq.,  and  the 
Archiv  fur  Reformationsgesch.,  VIII. ,  325  seqq.)  is  a  *report 
of  September  27,  1550,  of  Serristori,  who  is  by  no  means  over 
favourable  to  Julius  III.  ;  in  this  he  says  :  *Vedesi  che  S.S^ 
va  d'ottime  gambe  in  dette  cose  del  concilio  et  ch'ella  piglia  gran 
dispiacer  di  veder  chel  Christianissimo  non  condescende  sin  qui 
a  mandar  i  suoi  prelati  a  Trento,  et  per  il  modo  [con]  che  vengono 
i  Francesi  in  questa  et  in  ogni  altra  cosa  che  hanno  di  trattar  con 
S.S^  si  mostra  da  piu  cose  che  la  dice  in  qualche  ristretto  molto 
sdegnata  contra  di  loro,  et  quanto  biasima  Vattitudinc  di  qncsti, 
tanto  loda  et  inalza  quella  di  S.M^  (the  italics  in  cypher). 
State  Archives,  Florence. 

4  Dandino  to  the  nuncio  at  Venice  on  October  18,  1550,  in 
Pallavicini,  11,  11,  3. 


88  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

hands  of  the  nuncio  by  the  middle  of  October.  This,  however, 
proved  to  be  impossible,  as  it  was  desired  to  await  the  arrival 
of  Cardinals  Cervini,  Pole  and  Morone,  who  were  to  be  the  first 
to  examine  the  draft.1  On  November  ioth,  it  reached  the  hands 
of  the  ottier  Cardinals  who  were  deputed  to  act  in  the  matter 
of  the  Council,  viz.  :  de  Cupis,  Carafa,  Tournon,  Juan  Alvarez, 
de  Toledo,  and  Crescenzi.2  In  order  to  avert  all  difficulties, 
they  at  once  agreed  to  avoid  the  expression  "  continuance  of 
the  Council  "  in  the  official  document.3 

The  text  of  the  Bull  was  considered  once  more  on  Novem- 
ber 1 2th,  by  a  meeting  of  the  eight  Cardinals,  in  the  presence 
of  Julius  III.,  and  the  Pope's  draft  was  unanimously  approved. 
On  the  following  day  the  Pope  and  Cervini  again  went  through 
the  important  document  for  the  last  time,  and  on  November 
14th  it  was  read  and  sanctioned  in  a  secret  consistory.4  The 
decision  gave  universal  satisfaction,  and  it  was  also  reported 
that  the  Pope  would  repair  to  Bologna  in  the  spring  in  order 
to  be  nearer  to  the  seat  of  the  Council.5 

1  *Report  of  Serristori  of  September  27,  and  **letter  of  Buon- 
anni  of  October  13,   1550.      (State  Archives,  Florence). 

2  Massarelli,  199.  Cf.  Buonanni's  *report  of  October  25, 
1550  (State  Archives,  Florence).  Later  (February  24,  1551) 
Massarelli  (p.  216)  names  Verallo  instead  of  Morone  as  a  member 
of  the  commission. 

3  See  the  **report  of  Buonanni  of  October  13,  1550  (State 
Archives,  Florence). 

4  See  Massarelli,  200  and  two  "reports  of  Buonanni  of  Nov- 
ember 14  in  the  State  Archives,  Florence.  In  the  *letter  of 
Dandino  to  Ricci^  then  in  Portugal,  dated  Rome,  November  13, 
1550,  he  says  :  *La  qual  bolla  e  stata  fatta  tutta  da  Sua  Beatne 
propria  senza  che  sia  stata  bisogno  mutarne  pure  una  parola 
non  ostante  che  sia  stata  vista  diligentemente  considerata  dalli 
principali  del  collegio  et  ultimamente  da  tutti.  (Ricci  Archives, 
Rome) . 

5  *Letter  of  G.  Biagio  of  November  15,  1550  (State  Archives, 
Bologna).  Julius  III.  had  already  spoken  of  a  journey  to  Bologna 
in  the  interests  of  the  Council  (see  the  *report  of  Buonanni  of 
September  25,  1550.  State  Archives,  Florence).  The  plan  of 
such  a  journey  also  played  a  great  part  during  the  summer  and 


THE  BULL  SENT  TO  THE  EMPEROR.    89 

In  the  Bull,  which  did  in  fact  avoid  the  expression  "  con- 
tinuance," Julius  III.  announced  his  intention  of  labouring 
for  the  peace  of  the  Church,  the  spread  of  the  Christian  Faith 
and  true  religion,  and  of  providing,  as  far  as  lay  in  his  power, 
for  the  tranquillity  of  Germany.  As  it  was  his  right,  in  virtue 
of  his  office,  to  summon  and  direct  General  Councils,  the  Pope 
addresses  to  the  patriarchs,  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots  and 
all  upon  whom  it  may  be  incumbent  to  assist  at  a  General 
Council  of  the  Church,  the  earnest  admonition  and  invitation 
to  repair  to  the  city  of  Trent  on  the  coming  1st  of  May,  the 
day  fixed  for  the  re-opening  of  the  Council  begun  under 
Paul  III.  ;  the  Papal  Legates,  through  whom  he  intended  to 
preside  at  the  Council,  should  he  be  prevented  from  doing  so  in 
person,1  would  also  be  there. 

The  Bull  was  sent  at  once  in  the  original  to  Pighino,  on 
November  15th,  so  that  he  might  hand  it  to  the  Emperor. 
In  the  letter  which  accompanied  it,  the  nuncio  received  in- 
structions to  beg  Charles  V.  to  have  the  document  published 
as  quickly  as  possible,  as  it  was  only  to  be  made  known  in 
Rome  after  its  publication  in  Germany.  It  was  also  explained 
at  the  same  time  why  May  1st  had  been  chosen  for  the  opening 

autumn  of  1551  (see  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  52,  67  seq.,  71  seq., 
74,  78  ;  Druffel,  III.,  241,  251  seq.)  According  to  the  entry  of 
September  14,  1550,  in  the  Tesor.  seg.  (State  Archives,  Rome) 
the  journey  was  then  decided  ;  on  September  25,  1551,  on  the 
other  hand,  Ipp.  Capilupi  writes  :  *La  partita  di  S.S**  per 
Bologna  e  quasi  in  tutto  esclusa,  il  vice  Re  di  Napoli,  il  sr  duca 
di  Firenze  et  tutta  la  corte  di  Roma  disuadono  a  S.S^  il  partirsi, 
resta  solo  che  s'intenda  quel  che  S.Mtd>  consiglia,  et  domani  che 
sera  qui  il  sr  Don  Diego  col  sr  Gio.  Marrique  si  intendera  l'opinione 
di  S.M^  con  la  risolutione  di  S.S^  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua). 
Julius  III.  still  cherished  the  idea  of  undertaking  the  journey, 
in  January,  1552  (see  Druffel,  II.,  8,  18  seq.)  but  did  not  succeed 
in  doing  so. 

1  Raynaldus,  1550,  n.  21.  Bull.  VI.,  430  seq.  Concerning 
a  proclamation  of  the  Council  composed  by  the  Protestants, 
which  is  in  reality  a  satire,  see  Menzel,  III.,  364  n.  ;  cf.  Hubert, 
78  seq. 


go  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

date  instead  of  Laetare  Sunday  as  originally  fixed.  The 
reason  given  for  this  was  that  the  prelates  should  not  be  absent 
from  their  churches  during  Lent  and  at  the  festival  of  Easter, 
and  also  the  high  cost  of  provisions  prevailing  at  that  season, 
which  would  disappear  at  the  approaching  harvest.  On  the 
same  date,  November  15th,  copies  of  the  Bull  were  sent  to 
Venice,  Spain  and  Portugal.1 

The  messenger  who  carried  the  document  arrived  at  Augs- 
burg on  November  21st,  and  on  the  following  day  Pighino 
handed  the  Bull  to  the  Emperor.  The  latter  praised  it  as  a 
most  admirable  document,  but  was  not  quite  in  agreement 
with  the  drafting,  as  he  feared  that  the  manner  in  which  the 
points  already  deliberated  upon  and  decided  in  former  sessions 
of  the  Council,  were  alluded  to,  would  give  rise  to  an  inimical 
attitude  on  the  part  of  the  Protestants.  It  was  not  until 
December  15th  that  Pighino  could  report  to  Rome  that  the 
Bull  had  been  made  public.2  Thereupon  Julius  III.  ordered, 
on  December  27th,  that  it  should  be  read  during  mass  at 
St.  Peter's  and  at  the  Lateran,  and  generally  made  known  to 
the  public  by  being  affixed  to  the  church  doors.  This  took 
place  on  January  1st,  1551,  the  Bull  being  then  printed  and 
sent  in  the  course  of  January  to  all  the  bishops  of  the  world. 
The  Pope  had  invited  the  Polish  episcopate  to  the  Council  as 
early  as  December  20th,  1550,  in  a  brief  of  tha,t  date  informing 
them  of  the  immediate  dispatch  of  the  Bull.3 

Charles  V.  as  was  characteristic  of  him,  had  a  secret  protest 
drawn  up  on  January  3rd,  1551,  in  which  he  took  precautions 
against  any  possible  disadvantages  which  might  arise  from  his 
consent  to  a  Bull  which  did  not  altogether  satisfy  him  ;  he 
required  in  particular  that  the  position  he  had  taken  up  with 
regard  to  the  transference  of  the  Council  to  Bologna  should 
not  be  affected.4 

1  See  Massarelli,  200  seq.  ;    Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  xxxvii. 

2  Cf.  Raynaldus,  1550,  n.  19  ;  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII., 
xxxvii.  ;  Maurenbrecher,  231,  n.  14  ;  Druffel,  I.,  550  n.  ; 
de  Leva,  V.,  in  seq. 

3  Raynaldus,  1550,  n.  42;  Massarelli,  209,  211  ;  Le  Plat, 
IV.,  169. 

4  Maurenbrecher,   152*,  seqq. 


CHARLES  V.  AND  THE  COUNCIL.      91 

In  the  "  Farewell  to  the  Diet  "  published  on  February  13th, 
155 1,  the  Emperor  gave  expression  to  his  views  on  the  Council 
in  the  following  terms  :  he  had  considered  the  Council  the 
best  manner  of  regulating  religious  questions  satisfactorily, 
and  through  his  negotiations  with  the  Pope,  he  had  succeeded 
in  having  the  Synod  summoned  to  Trent  on  the  following 
1st  of  May  ;  the  Bull  in  connection  with  this  had  been  com- 
municated to  the  States  of  the  Diet.  As  these  had  declared 
that  they  accepted  the  Council  and  submitted  themselves 
to  it,  the  Emperor  expected  that  this  would  now  be  held, 
and,  now  that  the  announcement  had  been  made,  that  the 
Princes  would  support  the  Council  in  every  way.  He,  on  his 
side,  would  do  everything  incumbent  on  him,  as  patron  of  Holy 
Church  and  protector  of  the  Council.  He  expressly  assured, 
by  his  Imperial  might  and  power,  to  all  who  wished  to  attend 
the  Council,  a  free  and  unhindered  journey,  freedom  of  speech, 
and  a  free  and  safe  return  home.  He  also  declared  that  he 
would  remain  within  the  confines  of  the  Empire,  and,  as  far 
as  possible,  in  the  neighbourhood,  in  order  that  his  assistance 
might  be  granted  to  the  Council,  so  that  it  might  be  brought 
to  a  good  and  just  conclusion,  conducive  to  the  well-being 
of  the  whole  of  Christendom,  but  particularly  to  a  settled 
peace  and  to  the  tranquillity  and  union  of  the  German  nation. 
He  therefore  requested  the  Electors,  the  Princes,  and  the  States 
of  the  Empire,  and  above  all,  the  ecclesiastical  Princes  and 
the  adherents  of  the  Protestant,  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness 
for  the  Council,  in  accordance  with  the  Papal  proclamation.1 

On  March  4th,  1551,  Julius  III.,  in  consistory,  appointed 
the  eminent  Cardinal  Marcello  Crescenzi,  a  man  of  strictly 
ecclesiastical  views,  as  Legatus  de  latere  and  first  president  of 
the  Council,  Archbishop  Sebastiano  Pighino  of  Siponto,  and 
Luigi  Lippomano,  Bishop  of  Verona,  as  apostolic  nuncios, 
who  were  to  take  their  places  as  presidents  at  the  side  of  the 
Legate.2     The   brief  of   the   same   date   authorizes   the   said 

1  Le  Plat,  IV.,  170  seq.  ;  cf.  Pastor,  Reunionsbestrebungen, 
422  seq. 

2  See  Theiner,  I.,  473  seq.  ;  Massarelli,  217  ;  Pallavicini, 
11,    13,    1  ;     Maynier,    599   seq.     Crescenzi's    appointment   had 


92  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

bishops,  in  the  name  of  the  Pope,  to  preside  at  the  Council, 
as  he  cannot  proceed  in  person  to  Trent  on  account  of  his  age, 
his  shaken  state  of  health  and  other  obstacles.1  On  March  8th, 
the  Pope,  who  was  confined  to  bed  with  an  attack  of  gout, 
bestowed  on  the  Cardinal  legate,  Crescenzi,  the  legate's  cross, 
in  his  bed-chamber,  in  the  presence  of  all  the  Cardinals.  Two 
days  later  Crescenzi  left  Rome  and  proceeded  to  Bologna, 
there  to  await  further  developments.2  A  political  question 
which  had  most  urgently  engaged  the  attention  of  Julius  III. 
ever  since  his  elevation  to  the  Papal  throne,  threatened  at 
this  time  to  prove  fateful  to  the  Council  now  in  course  of 
preparation. 

In  accordance  with  the  election  capitulation,  the  Pope  had, 
very  soon  after  his  accession,  given  Parma,  as  a  fief  of  the 
church,  to  Ottavio  Farnese,  and  he  endeavoured  to  obtain  the 
assent  of  Charles  V.  and  Henry  II.  to  this  step.3  In  the  long 
wearisome  discussions  concerning  this  matter,  the  question  as 
to  the  possession  of  Piacenza  came  up  for  consideration.  The 
Emperor's  answer  to  Pighino  on  this  point  was  not  very 
gratifying  ;  the  lawful  claims  of  the  church  and  the  state, 
he  said,  must  first  be  debated  in  detail,  and  the  question  of 
possession  afterwards  decided.  This  meant,  in  other  words, 
that  the  right  of  the  stronger  was  to  prevail.4  It  soon  came 
to  light  that  Charles  was  also  stretching  out  his  hand  for 
Parma.  He  proposed  to  the  Pope  that  the  latter  should 
invest  him  with  Parma  and  Piacenza,  and  that  he  should 
indemnify  Ottavio  Farnese  from  another  quarter.5  Although 
Julius  III.  declared  such  a  solution  to  be  impossible,  the 
Farnese  family  despaired  more  and  more  of  any  successful 
result  of  the  Pope's  mediation.  To  the  realization  that  an 
amicable  return  of  Piacenza  could  not  be  reckoned  on,  was 

already  been  expected  on  February  25  ;  see  *report  of  Serristori 
of  February  26,  155 1  (State  Archives,  Florence). 

1  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  4.     Le  Plat,  IV.,  210  seq. 

2  Theiner,  I.,  474.     Massarelli,  218. 

3  Cf.  supra  p.  55. 

4  See  Pallavicini,  ii,  10,  4;    de  Leva,  V.,  120  seq. 

5  Cf.  Druffel,  I.,  416. 


OTTAVIO     FARNESE     AND     PARMA.  93 

added  the  fear  of  their  mortal  enemy,  Ferrante  Gonzaga,  the 
Viceroy  of  Milan.  In  order  to  maintain  their  rights  in  Parma, 
the  Farnese  began  negotiations  with  France,  always  willing 
to  interfere  in  Italian  affairs  and  to  resist  the  preponderance 
of  the  Emperor  there.1 

The  danger  to  the  peace  of  Italy  and  the  renewal  of  the 
Council  which  would  result  from  these  proceedings  was  obvious 
to  everyone.  The  Bishop  of  Fano,  Pietro  Bertano,  was  sent 
to  the  Emperor  as  plenipotentiary  at  the  end  of  January, 
155 1,  to  discuss  the  measures  to  be  taken.  It  unfortunately 
happened,  however,  that  Bertano  fell  ill  on  the  journey,  and 
only  reached  Charles  V.  at  the  beginning  of  April  2  ;  by  this 
time,  however,  the  Farnese  were  already  deeply  engaged  with 
Henry  II. 

The  Pope  made  the  greatest  efforts  to  prevent  this  dangerous 
turn  of  affairs.  On  February  16th,  1551,  he  had  sent  his 
chamberlain,  Pietro  Camaiani,  to  Ottavio  Farnese,  with 
instructions  to  dissuade  his  vassal  from  his  dangerous  purpose, 
either  by  threats  or  promises.3  On  February  27th  a  very 
earnest  brief  was  addressed  to  Ottavio,  reminding  him  that  as 
Standard-Bearer,  Captain-General  of  the  Church,  and  vassal 
of  the  Holy  See,  he  could  not  serve  any  foreign  prince  without 
the  consent  of  the  Pope,  or  receive  any  foreign  garrison  in 
Parma  ;  the  Pope  forbade  any  such  proceedings  under  threats 
of  the  penalties  incurred  by  rebels  ;  should  he  have  already 
undertaken  any  engagements  contrary  to  his  fealty,  he  must 

1  Cf.  de  Leva,  V.,  122  seqq. 

2  See  Druffel,  I.,  563  seq.  ;  Pieper,  17,  143  ;  here  (p.  17, 
n.  4)  are  particulars  concerning  the  letter  to  Pighino  of  March 
12,  1551,  on  which  de  Leva  (V.,  126)  lays  too  much  stress. 
♦Briefs  concerning  the  mission  of  Bertano,  dated  January  26, 
1551,  addressed  to  Charles  V.,  Philip  II.,  Ferdinand  I.  and 
others  in  Arm.  41,  t.  59,  n.  36-38.  Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican. 

3  See  Druffel,  I.,  576  ;  Pieper,  18.  Ipp.  Capilupi  announced 
on  February  14,  155 1  :  *S.StA'  mostra  di  haver  molto  a  male 
queste  pratiche  che  tengono  Farnesi  con  Francia  (Gonzaga 
Archives,   Mantua). 


94  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

at  once  free  himself  from  them.1  A  monitoriiim  of  March  5th 
repeated  this  menacing  admonition.2  It  proved,  however, 
as  vain  as  the  representations  which  the  Pope  made  to  the 
French  king,  through  his  nuncio.3  On  March  12th  Philippe 
de  Sipierre  left  Lyons  for  Parma  with  a  treaty  of  alliance, 
which  Ottavio  signed.  His  enemies,  as  he  wrote  to  his  brother 
Alessandro  on  March  24th,  sought  to  poison  him  and  wrest 
Parma  from  him  ;  he  had  resolved,  however,  to  defend  the 
city  to  his  last  breath.4 

The  Pope  was  all  the  more  indignant  at  this  revolt  on  the 
part  of  his  vassal,  as  he  had.  hitherto,  overwhelmed  theFarnese 
family  with  favours.  What  was,  however,  to  be  done  ?  If 
he  interfered,  the  French  king,  who  was  already  threatening 
a  National  Council,  would  definitely  refuse  him  obedience  ; 
should  he  on  the  other  hand  tolerate  the  behaviour  of  Ottavio, 
then  he  would  not  only  break  with  the  Emperor,  but  would 
also  lose  the  respect  of  the  other  princes,  of  the  Cardinals, 
and  of  his  vassals.  In  addition  to  all  this  the  lamentable 
state  of  the  papal  finances  had  to  be  considered.5  Punishment 
of  the  rebel  was  out  of  the  question  without  the  help  of  the 
Emperor.  In  order  to  assure  himself  of  this  assistance, 
Julius  III.  resolved  to  send  the  cleverest  diplomatist  of  the 

1  *Brevia  Iulii  III.  in  Arm.  41,  t.  59,  n.  95;  ibid.,  n.  96  to 
Paulus  de  Vitellis,  dated  February  27,  1550  :  if  Ottavio  Farnese 
did  not  obey,  he  was  to  leave  him  at  once  (Secret  Archives  of 
the  Vatican).  The.  *original  brief  appointing  him  Standard 
Bearer  of  the  Church,  dated  March  8,  1550,  is  in  the  State  Archives, 
Carte  Fames. 

2  See  Pallavicini,  ii,   13,  2. 

3  Cf.  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  xli.  P.  Camaiani  returned  to 
Rome  on  March  7,  and  reported  to  the  Pope,  who  was  confined 
to  his  room  with  an  attack  of  gout.  *Letter  of  Buonanni  of 
March  8,  1551  (State  Archives,  Florence). 

4  See  Cugnoni,  Prose  ined.  di  A.  Caro,  118  seq.  ;  de  Leva, 
V.,  130  seq.  Concerning  the  French  threats  of  a  National  Council 
see  Desjardins,  III.,  250. 

5  Cf.  Legaz.  di  Serristori,  259-260  ;  de  Leva,  in  the  Riv. 
stor.,  I.,  645. 


THE     POPE     STANDS     FIRM.  95 

Curia,  his  secretary  of  state,  Dandino,  to  the  Imperial  court 
at  Augsburg. 

In  the  instructions  for  Dandino,  personally  drawn  up  by  the 
Pope  on  March  31st,  the  situation  with  the  Farnese  family 
was  once  more  explained,  and  the  desire  to  form  an  alliance 
with  the  Emperor  most  strongly  emphasized.  It  was  his  wish, 
Julius  III.  continued,  to  sail  in  the  same  ship  with  the  Em- 
peror, and  to  share  the  same  fate  as  his,  for  he  knew  how 
closely  his  interests,  especially  those  concerning  religion,  were 
bound  up  with  those  of  Charles  ;  should  an  appeal  to  arms, 
in  spite  of  all  efforts,  become  inevitable,  it  being  intolerable 
that  a  miserable  creature  like  Ottavio  Farnese  should  defy 
at  once  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope,  then  Charles,  as  the 
more  powerful  and  the  more  experienced  in  the  art  of  war, 
must  decide  what  was  to  be  done.1 

This  resolve  of  the  Pope  to  make  a  stand  against  Ottavio 
Farnese,  in  close  alliance  with  the  Emperor,  was  still  further 
strengthened  when,  on  the  day  of  the  departure  of  Dandino 
(April  1st,  1551),  the  ambassador  of  Charles,  on  his  return  to 
Rome  from  Siena,  assured  Julius  of  the  support  of  his  master. 
However  urgently  the  Imperialists  insisted  on  the  immediate 
opening  of  the  Council,  it  will  easily  be  understood  that 
Julius  III.  shrank  from  so  doing.2  On  April  2nd,  the  newly 
appointed  representative  of  France,  Termes,  openly  declared 
the  intention  of  his  king  to  summon  a  National  Council,  and 
announce  the  withdrawal  of  his  allegiance  to  the  Pope,  should 
the  latter  take  steps  against  Ottavio  Farnese.3  This  was  the 
very  way  to  drive  such  a  passionate  man  as  Julius  III.  to 
extremes. 

1  The  *Registro  originale  of  the  Instructions  of  Julius  III., 
signed  by  G.  Canano,  in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican, 
begins  with  those  for  Dandino  (Polit.  78,  p.  55  seq.)  For  this  see 
Pieper,  143  seq.,  with  the  emendations  to  the  text  of  Druffee, 
I.,  602  seq.  A  *letter  of  introduction  for  Dandino  to  Cardinal 
Madruzzo,  dated  Rome,  March  31,  155 1,  in  the  vice-regal  Archives, 
Innsbruck. 

2  See  Legaz.  di  Serristori,  261  seq. 

8  See  Lasso's  report  in  Druffel,  I.,  609. 


g6  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

In  a  consistory  of  April  6th,  the  Pope  declared  that  if  his 
admonitions  and  threats  remained  without  effect,  he  would 
force  his  rebellious  vassal  to  submission  by  the  power  of  arms. 
He  then  bitterly  complained  of  the  attempt  of  the  French 
king  to  stand  in  the  way  of  the  meeting  of  a  General  Council 
of  the  Church,  by  summoning  a  National  Council.  His  plan, 
however,  would  not  succeed  ;  he  was  determined  to  open  the 
Council  at  Trent,  even  in  face  of  the  danger  that  he  might  be 
forced  to  proceed  to  the  excommunication  and  deposition  of 
a  ruler  who  sought  to  prevent  an  assembly  so  necessary  for  the 
well-being  of  Christendom.1 

The  French  had  not  expected  such  an  uncompromising 
speech.  It  appeared  that  the  threats  of  their  king  had  only 
hastened  the  decision  to  declare  the  Council  open,  at  least 
formally.  Termes,  as  well  as  Cardinals  d'Este  and  Tournon, 
therefore  did  everything  in  their  power  to  minimize  the 
significance  of  the  summoning  of  a  French  National  Council. 
This  very  attempt  to  excuse  a  proceeding  which  was  in  itself 
inexcusable  irritated  Julius  III.  still  more  ;  he  expressed  him- 
self in  the  strongest  language  against  Ottavio  Farnese,  as 
against  Henry  II.2  On  April  nth,  1551,  a  monitorktm  poenale 
was  issued  against  Ottavio,  who  had  made  himself  guilty  of 
rebellion  by  the  reception  of  foreign  troops.3 

1  Concerning  the  consistory  of  April  6,  cf.  the  letter  of  Este 
in  Ribier,  II.,  317  seq.  and  that  of  Lasso  in  Druffel,  I.,  609  seq., 
as  well  as  the  detailed  "report  of  Serristori  of  April  6,  155 1  (State 
Archives,  Florence).  See  also  the  *letter  of  Julius  III.  to  Dan- 
dino  of  April  io,  1551,  in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican, 
Borghese  II.,  465,  p.  9  seqq.  Copies  in  the  Royal  Library,  Berlin, 
Inf.  polit.  XIX.,  336-343,  and  in  the  Barberini  Library,  LVIIL,  12. 

2  Besides  the  reports  of  Cardinals  d'Este  and  Tournon  of  April 
8,  1551,  in  Ribier,  II.,  319  seq.,  and  the  detailed  *letters  of  Ser- 
ristori of  April  8  and  10  (State  Archives,  Florence)  see  the  state- 
ment of  the  Pope  himself  in  his  "letter  to  Dandino  of  April  10 
(Barberini  Library,  LVIIL,  12),  from  which  de  Leva  quotes  a 
sentence  (V.,  136). 

3  Monitorium  poenale  contra  ill.  dom.  Oct.  Farnesium.  Romae 
apud  A.  Bladum,  1551.     Cf.  Chiesi,  221, 


THE     BREAK     WITH     OTTAVIO     FARNESE.        97 

After  these  outbursts  of  anger,  there  followed  days,  as  is 
frequently  the  case  with  those  of  a  sanguine  temperament, 
when  the  state  of  affairs  appeared  in  quite  a  different  light.1 
The  break  with  Ottavio  Farnese  naturally  entailed  that  with 
Henry  II.,  who  could  put  the  greatest  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  the  Council  and  perhaps  even  bring  about  a  schism.  Be- 
sides this,  was  the  needful  help  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor 
certain  ?  Another  consideration  as  far  as  Italy  was  concerned 
also  weighed  even  more  heavily  in  the  scale.  How  was  it 
possible  to  carry  on  a  war,  when  the  money  chests  were  empty, 
and  an  unproductive  year  threatened  the  States  of  the  Church 
with  famine  ?  Powerful  voices  were  also  raised  in  earnest 
warning  against  precipitation  in  beginning  the  hostilities, 
which  the  Emperor  was  urging.  A  letter  from  Cardinal 
Crescenzi,  who  stood  high  in  the  Pope's  estimation,  was  speci- 
ally urgent  in  advising  caution.2  To  all  this  was  added  the 
hostile  attitude  towards  this  war  of  the  people  of  Rome, 
where  it  was  said,  to  the  great  vexation  of  Julius  III.,  that 
the  Pope  was  nothing  but  a  weak  tool  in  the  hands  of  the 
Spaniards.3  It  is  not,  therefore,  to  be  wondered  at  that  the 
Pope  wavered  to  the  last  moment  and  made  new  attempts 
to  settle  this  unhappy  strife  about  Parma.4  All  endeavours, 
however,  proved  vain,  and  on  May  22nd  Ottavio  Farnese 
was  declared,  in  a  secret  consistory,  to  have  forfeited  his  fief  ; 

1  How  quickly  Julius  III.  changed  his  moods  is  shown  by 
the  second  *letter  which  he  sent  to  Dandino  on  April  10,  155 1 
(Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.  Borghese  II.,  465,  p.  13  seq.) 
A  passage  from  it  in  Romier,  242. 

2  See  the  passage  from  the  letter  of  Julius  III.  of  April  io, 
1551,  in  de  Leva,  V.,  191,  n.  2. 

3  Cf.  Legaz.  di  Serristori,  274  seq.  Concerning  the  feeling  in 
Rome  see  the  report  of  Niccol6  da  Ponte  in  de  Leva,  V.,  152. 

4  Cf.  the  detailed  description  of  the  vacillation  of  Julius  III. 
in  de  Leva,  V.,  136  seqq.  Concerning  the  mission  of  Cardinal 
Medici  to  Ott.  Farnese  and  of  Ascanio  della  Corgna  to  France 
see  Cugnoni,  Prose  ined.  di  A.  Caro,  89  seq.  ;  Pieper,  20  seq., 
144  seq.  ;  Romier,  242  seqq.  Romier  has  explained  the  mission 
of  Jean  de  Monluc  (p.  246  seqq.) 

VOL.    XIII.  7 


98  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

five  days  later  Henry  II.  pledged  himself  to  supply  Farnese 
with  money  and  equipment.1  The  question  was  to  be  decided 
by  the  force  of  arms. 

1  See  Legaz.  di  Serristori,   274  ;    Fontanini,   388  seq.  ;    Pal- 

LAVICINI,    II,    l6,    2  ;     ROMIER,   245. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

Second  Period  of  the  Council  of  Trent. 

Regardless  of  the  political  situation,  which  was  from  day  to 
day  growing  darker,  Julius  III.  continued  his  preparations 
for  the  General  Council,  which  he  determined  to  open  at  the 
appointed  time  in  spite  of  every  .difficulty.1  On  April  15th, 
1551,  he  again  entrusted  Angelo  Massarelli  with  the  post  of 
secretary  to  the  Council.  Massarelli  started  on  the  following 
day  for  Bologna,  which  he  reached  on  the  19th.  On  the  part 
of  the  Pope  he  announced  to  the  Legate,  Crescenzi,  who  was 
staying  there,  that  the  Council  was  in  any  case  to  be  opened  on 
May  1st,  but  only  by  the  Legate  himself  if  news  should  have 
by  that  time  have  come  from  Dandino  that  such  was  the  wish 
of  the  Emperor  ;  otherwise  the  opening  ceremony  was  to  be 
undertaken  by  the  second  and  third  presidents,  Pighino  and 
Lippomano.  On  April  23rd  Massarelli  was  in  Trent,  where  the 
final  preparations  were  being  made  for  the  opening  of  the 
Council.  The  Palazzo  Ghiroldi,  where  the  Legate  was  also  to 
reside,  was  being  fitted  up  for  holding  the  congregations,  while 
the  sessions  were  to  take  place  in  the  venerable  Cathedral  of 
St.  Vigilius.2 

Dandino  arrived  in  Trent  from  his  legation  on  April  24th, 
and  announced  that  the  Emperor  agreed  to  the  opening  ;   he 

1  *Su  Sad  esta  bueno,  a  Dio  gracias,  y  muy  determinado  que 
el  concilio  se  encomience  para  el  dia  determinado.  Cardinal 
Pacheco  to  Cardinal  Madruzzo,  dated  Rome,  April  9,  1551  (Vice- 
regal Archives,  Innsbruck). 

2  See  Massarelli,  223-224.  By  a  *Brief  of  April  22,  1551, 
Massarelli  received  authority  to  enjoy  the  revenues  of  the  priory 
S.  Severini  dioec.  Camarac.  (Arm.  41,  t.  60,  n.  291.  Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

99 


100  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

only  desired  that  they  should  proceed  slowly,  until  more 
prelates,  and  especially  the  Germans,  should  have  arrived.1 

The  presidents  of  the  Council,  Crescenzi,  Pighino  and 
Lippomano,  made  their  solemn  entry  into  Trent  on  April  29th, 
1 551.  Cardinal  Madruzzo,  four  archbishops  and  nine  bishops 
welcomed  them  there.  On  the  following  day  Francisco  de 
Toledo  arrived  as  ambassador  of  the  Itmperor,  and  the  first 
General  Congregation  was  held  on  April  30th.  Cardinal 
Crescenzi  declared  that  in  accordance  with  the  will  of  the  Pope, 
the  Council  must  be  opened  on  the  following  day.  This  was 
unanimously  agreed  to,  but  a  second  proposal  of  Crescenzi, 
that  the  next  session  should  take  place  after  four  months,  on 
September  1st,  met  at  first  with  lively  opposition.  In  answer 
to  this  Pighino  maintained  that  a  Council  could  not  be  held 
with  Spaniards  and  Italians  alone,  the  presence  of  German 
prelates  was  also  necessary  ;  they  should  not,  moreover,  give 
the  Protestants  a  valid  reason  for  refusing  to  acknowledge 
the  Council.  In  view  of  these  reasons,  the  second  proposal 
was  then  accepted.2 

On  the  following  day,  May  1st,  1551,  the  eleventh  Session 
of  the  Council  of  Trent,  the  first  under  Julius  III.,  took  place, 
with  a  very  poor  attendance.  After  solemn  high  mass  by 
Cardinal  Crescenzi,  the  conventual  Franciscan,  Sigismondo 
Fedrio  of  Diruta  preached  a  sermon.  After  that  the  secretary 
of  the  Council,  Massarelli,  read  aloud  the  Bull  summoning 
the  Council,  and  the  brief  nominating  the  presidents,  and 
Alepo,  the  Archbishop  of  Sassari,  the  decree  for  the  re-opening 
of  the  Council, -as  well  as  making  the  announcement  that  the 
next  session  would  not  take  place  till  September  1st,  so  that 
the  Germans  might  have  time  to  appear  in  Trent.  On  the 
same  May  1st,  the  Pope,  in  Rome,  had  gone  in  solemn  pro- 
cession from  S.  Marco  to  the  church  of  SS.  Apostoli,  where  a 
mass  of  the  Holy  Ghost  was  celebrated  for  the  happy  issue  of 

1  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  5.     Massarelli,  224. 

2  Massarelli,  225  seq.  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  475  seqq.  Letter 
of  Crescenzi  to  Dandino  of  May  1,  1551,  in  Druffel,  I.,  632  seq.  ; 
cf.  also  Pieper,  33,  n.   1. 


HENRY     II.     OPPOSES     THE     COUNCIL.  IOI 

the  Council,  while  at  the  same  time,  the  Jubilee  indulgence, 
already  proclaimed,  was  extended  throughout  the  whole 
world.1 

In  the  course  of  the  month  of  May,  several  other  Spanish 
bishops  arrived  in  Trent.  On  April  24th,  in  consistory,  the 
Pope  had  already  called  upon  the  eighty-four  prelates  then 
resident  in  Rome  to  repair  at  once  to  Trent.  As  this  had  had 
no  effect,  the  dilatory  prelates  were  once  more  requested  to 
be  there  by  September  1st.  A  number  of  letters  of  summons 
were  also  issued  during  the  same  month  of  May.2 

Although  the  Emperor  also  showed  great  zeal  for  the 
furtherance  of  the  Council,3  the  prospects  for  the  assembly 
still  looked  very  gloomy,  for  Henry  II.,  determined  to  employ 
every  means  to  turn  the  Pope  from  his  proceedings  against 
Ottavio  Farnese,  worked  his  very  hardest  against  the  Council. 
He  broke  off  diplomatic  relations  with  the  Pope  at  the  begin- 
ning of  July,  and  his  ambassador,  Paul  de  Labarthe,  Sieur  de 
Termes,   made  a  formal  protest  against  the  Council,  in  the 

1  See  Massarelli,  227-229 ;  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  480.  At 
this  session,  in  which  Crescenzi  avoided  the  use  of  the  word 
"  continuation,"  there  were  present,  besides  the  three  Presidents, 
Cardinal  Madruzzo,  four  archbishops,  ten  bishops,  eleven  theo- 
logians and  the  Imperial  ambassador.  The  Indulgence  Bull 
of  April  26,  1 551,  in  Le  Plat,  IV.,  217  seqq.  The  Pope  approved 
of  what  had  been  done  in  the  opening  session,  and  arranged 
the  place  to  be  offered  to  Cardinal  Madruzzo  in  a  manner  agreeable 
to  the  latter  ;   see  Massarelli,  230  seq. 

2  Cf.  Massarelli,  229  seqq.  ;  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  9  and  10  ; 
Le  Plat,  IV.,  220  seq.  ;   Wirz,  Bullen,  360. 

3  See  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  2  seq.  ;  Postina  in  the  Romischen 
Quartalschrift,  XVIII.,  385  seqq.  An  edition  of  the  documents 
of  the  second  period  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  by  Postina,  adequate 
to  modern  requirements,  is  awaited.  This  edition,  and  especially 
the  correspondence  in  connection  therewith,  to  be  edited  by  the 
Gorres  Society,  must  be  waited  for,  as  only  then  will  a  definite 
presentation  of  the  second  period  of  the  Council  of  Trent  be  pos- 
sible. The  reports  at  present  available,  though  very  abundant, 
are  only  from  the  Imperial  side,  and  are  so  biassed  that  they  can 
only  be  used  with  the  greatest  caution. 


E02  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

isistory,  before  his  departure.  "  Now,"  it  was  said  in  this 
official  document,  otherwise  couched  in  respectful  language, 
"  that  the  war  has  begun  in  Italy,  the  necessary  tranquillity 
for  such  an  assembly  cannot  be  found,  and  the  prelates  of  his 
kingdom  will  not  be  present  in  Trent."1 

Henry  II.  also  worked  against  the  fortunes  of  the  Council 
among  the  Catholics  in  Switzerland.  The  "  Most  Christian 
King  "  was  not  ashamed  to  ally  himself  for  this  purpose  with 
one  of  the  most  active  enemies  of  the  Church,  Pietro  Paolo 
Vergerio.2 

On  July  21st,  1551,  irritated  to  the  highest  degree  at  the 
devastation  of  the  district  round  Bologna  by  the  troops  under 
Termes,  the  former  French  ambassador  in  Rome,  Julius  III. 
addressed  a  threatening  letter  to  Henry  II.,  in  which  he 
summoned  him  to  appear  before  the  judgment  seat  of  God. 
The  King  then  gave  instructions  to  the  nuncio,  Trivulzio,  to 
leave  the  court.  He  was  ready,  he  declared,  to  appear  before 
God's  judgment  seat,  although  he  knew  he  would  not  meet 
the  Pope  there.  He  regarded  the  latter  as  among  the  worst 
and  most  ungrateful  of  men,  whose  unjust  excommunication 
he  did  not  fear.  In  the  royal  council  the  question  was  dis- 
cussed as  to  whether  the  French  church  should  fully  withdraw 
her  allegiance  from  the  Pope,  and  nominate  a  special  patriarch 
for  France.  It  was  Charles  de  Guise,  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine, 
who,  above  all  others,  dissuaded  the  King  from  such  a  fateful 
step.  Henry  II.  declared  he  would  fight  Julius  III.,  not  with 
spiritual  but  with  secular  weapons.  Ten  thousand  men  were 
in  readiness  to  start  for  Italy.  In  order  to  touch  the  Pope  in 
a  tender  spot,  all  Frenchmen  were  forbidden  to  send  money 
to  Rome  to  acquire  benefices  or  dispensations.3  This  measure, 
which  was  adopted  on  September  3rd,  was  equivalent  to  a 
breach  of  the  Concordat.4 

1  Cf.  Ribier,   II.,   329  seqq.  ;    Le  Plat,   IV.,   227  seq.  ;    Pal- 

LAVICINI,    II,    l6;     ROMIER,    27-28. 

2  See  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  10  seq.  ;  Hubert,  99  seqq.  Cf. 
also  J.  G.  Mayer,  Das  Konzil  von  Trient  und  die  Gegensreforma- 
tion  in  der  Schweiz,  I.,  Stans,  1901. 

3  See  Romier,  30  seq.,  33  seq.,  41.  4  Thomas,   III.,   13. 


THE     PRELATES     ARRIVE     SLOWLY.  103 

The  small  number  of  prelates  and  ambassadors  present  in 
Trent  increased  slowly  until  September.  Besides  the  Span- 
iards and  several  Italians,  the  first  Germans  also  arrived,  and 
on  June  17th,  the  suffragan  bishop  of  Wurzburg,  Georg  Flach, 
reached  Trent.  Count  Hugo  de  Montfort  arrived  as  the 
Emperor's  second  ambassador  on  July  29th.1  The  attendance 
of  the  ecclesiastical  Electors  at  the  Council  was  of  special 
importance.  At  first  these  had  wished  to  excuse  themselves, 
but  the  Legate,  Crescenzi,  represented  to  them  in  an  emphatic 
manner  how  greatly  their  position  made  it  incumbent  on  them 
to  attend  in  person  ;  the  Protestants  must  also  be  prevented 
from  making  their  absence  an  excuse  for  doing  likewise. 
Lippomano  was  actively  engaged  in  the  same  direction.2 
The  three  Prince-Electors  thereupon  resolved  to  undertake 
the  journey  to  Trent.  On  August  17th  four  of  the  doctors,  sent 
in  advance  by  the  Elector  of  Treves,  arrived  on  the  scene, 

1  See  Massarellt,  237,  240.  See  ibid.,  235  and  237  concerning 
the  visit  of  Philip  of  Spain  and  Maximilian  of  Bohemia,  who 
were  both  travelling  to  Spain.  Maximilian  was  again  in  Trent 
on  the  return  journey,  from  December  13  to  16  (see  Nuntiatur- 
berichte,  XII.,  359  seq.)  Julius  III.  first  deputed  A.  de  Grassi, 
and  then  his  nephew,  Ascanio  della  Corgna,  to  welcome  King 
Maximilian  and  the  Queen  of  Bohemia  to  Italy  :  "  quo  nos  co- 
niunctiorem  aut  cariorem  habemus  neminem  "  (see  brief  to  the 
Queen  of  Bohemia  of  November  25,  1550.  Arm.  41,  t.  58,  n. 
872  ;  n.  873  in  like  manner  to  the  King).  Concerning  the  welcome 
see  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  145.  Julius  III.  had  addressed 
a  *brief  to  Philip  of  Spain  on  June  10,  1551,  to  the  following 
effect  :  he  had  sent  his  nephew,  G.  B.  del  Monte,  "  quo  nemo 
nobis  carior,  nemo  nobis  coniunctior  est,"  to  meet  him,  when 
Philip  came  from  Germany,  and  to  welcome  him  and  invite 
him  to  Rome  ;  as  Philip's  arrival  was  delayed,  he  now  sent  him 
Hieronymus  episc.  Imol.  (Dandino),  so  that  the  prince  might  not 
travel  unwelcomed  through  Italy  (Arm.  41,  t.  60,  n.  446).  On 
the  return  journey  of  Maximilian  A.  de  Grassi  was  sent  to  welcome 
him  ;  see  *Brief  for  Maximilian  and  his  consort  of  November 
23>  ^S1  (Arm.  41,  t.  62,  n.  858.  Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vat.) 

2  See  Le  Plat,  IV.,  221  seq.,  224  seq. 


104  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

among  them  the  learned  Dominican,  Ambrosius  Pelargus.1 
On  August  29th  the  two  Electors,  Sebastian  von  Heusenstamm, 
Archbishop  of  Mayence,  and  Johann  von  Isenburg,  Archbishop 
of  Treves,  made  their  entry  into  the  city.  The  arrival  of  these 
important  representatives  of  the  German  church,  to  whom 
were  also  added  in  October  the  Elector  of  Cologne,  Adolf  von 
Schauenburg,  was  the  more  joyfully  welcomed  as  it  was  hoped 
that  numerous  bishops  of  the  Empire  would  now  attend.  On 
August  29th  the  suffragan  bishop  of  Mayence,  Balthasar 
Fanneman,  also  arrived,  and  on  the  following  day  the  learned 
Bishop  of  Vienna,  Frederic  Nausea,  as  ambassador  of  Ferdi- 
nand, King  of  the  Romans.2  The  bishops,  however,  who  were 
in  Rome,  had  not  yet  put  in  an  appearance.  The  bitter  words 
to  which  the  Legate,  Crescenzi,  had  given  utterance  with  regard 
to  the  absence  of  these  prelates,  were  fully  justified.  At  the 
same  time  the  outbreak  of  war  in  the  north  of  Italy,  and  the 
poverty  of  many  Italian  bishops,  are  reasons  that  must  be 
taken  into  consideration.3  The  Pope  was  not  in  a  position 
to  help  in  this,  as  the  salaries  of  the  presidents  and  other 

1  Massarelli,  241.  Concerning  Pelargus  see  Jannsen- 
Pastor,  VII.,   556  seq.,  and  the  special  literature  quoted  there. 

2  See  Massarelli,  241  seq.  ;  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  52  ; 
Postina,  Billick,  117.  In  the  *brief  of  November  13,  1550,  the 
Pope  thanked  Nausea  for  sending  his  Compendium  concilii 
Constant.  (Arm.  41,  t.  58,  n.  950).  This  is  the  brief  which  J.  G. 
Mayer  quotes  in  the  Histor.  Jahrb.,  VIII.,  23,  with  the  wrong 
date  December  12.  Copies  of  the  documents  quoted  by  Mayer, 
from  the  Town  Library,  Schafrhausen,  relative  to  the  doings 
of  Nausea  at  the  Council,  are  also  to  be  found  in  the  Seminary 
Library,  Mayence.  The  manuscripts  in  the  Court  Library, 
Vienna,  and  especially  the  papers  of  Nausea  in  Schaflhausen 
on  the  subject,  will  be  issued  by  Postina  in  his  great  publication. 
Cardinal  Truchsess  of  Augsburg  also  wished  to  go  to  Trent,  and 
applied  to  the  Pope  in  this  connection,  but  Julius  informed  him 
that  he  had  better  wait,  as  the  Cardinals  were  not  summoned 
by  the  Bull.  Against  the  explanation  of  this  letter  by  Druffel, 
(I.,  801)  see  Pieper,  34,  n.  1. 

3  This  is  rightly  brought  out  by  Pieper  (p.  34)  ;  cf.  Nuntiatur- 
berichte,  XII.,  lxii. 


TWELFTH     SESSION     OF     THE     COUNCIL.       105 

officials  of  the  Council  required  considerable  sums,  while  the 
upkeep  of  the  troops  sent  against  Ottavio  Farnese  quite 
exhausted  his  already  limited  resources.  Julius  III.  did, 
however,  what  he  could.  A  Bull  of  August  27th,  1551, 
repeated  under  threats  of  penalties  for  the  dilatory,  the  order 
that  all  prelates  should  personally  attend  the  Council.  Similar 
admonitions  were  given  by  the  Cardinals  deputed  to  deal  with 
the  Council.  The  Pope,  moreover,  held  fast  to  his  resolution 
that  the  next  session  of  the  Council  should,  under  any  circum- 
stances, be  held  on  September  1st.1 

On  the  proposal  of  the  Legate  the  General  Congregation 
at  Trent  accordingly  resolved,  on  August  31st,  that  the 
appointed  session  should  take  place  on  the  following  day,  the 
next  being  fixed  for  October  nth.2  The  Pope  even  thought 
at  that  time  of  proceeding  with  his  whole  court  to  Bologna,  in 
the  interests  of  the  Council,  a  plan  which  had  already  been 
considered,  but  which,  on  this  occasion  also,  had  to  be  aban- 
doned on  financial  grounds.3 

On  September  1st  the  three  presidents,  Cardinal  Madruzzo, 
the  two  Prince-Electors,  five  other  archbishops,  twenty-six 
bishops  and  twenty-five  theologians  assembled  for  the  twelfth 
Session,  the  second  under  Julius  III.4  High  Mass  was  cele- 
brated by  the  Archbishop  of  Cagliari,  and  instead  of  a  sermon, 

1  See  Le  Plat,  IV.,  231  seq.  ;  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  57 
seq.  By  the  *  brief  of  September  1,  155 1,  to  lac.  Iacomello  episc. 
Bellicastr.  the  charge  was  given  to  the  latter  of  seeing  to  "  neces- 
saria  ad  cellebr.  concilii  et  presertim  hospitia  et  victualia  con- 
venturis."    (Arm.  41,  t.  61,  n.  749.   Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

2  Massarelli,  242.     Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  483  seq. 

3  How  seriously  this  journey  was  planned  may  be  seen  from 
the  *Briefs  in  Arm.  41,  t.  61,  n.  790  :  lac.  Fabri  cubicul.  dated 
September  n,  1551  (commissariat  for  provisions  in  Bologna)  ; 
n.  841  :  Commissariis  super  hospitiis  for  the  journey  to  Bologna, 
dated  September  20,  155 1  ;  ibid.  n.  842  and  843  :  ad  aptandas 
vias  ;  n.  844  :  ad  victualia  paranda  ;  n.  845  :  ad  hospit.  pro 
sact -amentum  portant.     (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

4  Massarelli,  242.  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  486  seq.  Raynaldus, 
155 1,  n.  27  seq.     Corpo  dipl.  Port.,  VI.,  55. 


[06  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

the  secretary  of  the  Council,  Massarelli,  read  a  long  admonition 
by  the  presidents  to  those  assembled.  The  credentials  of  the 
ambassadors  of  Charles  V.  and  Ferdinand' I.  were  also 
received,  and  it  was  decided  that  the  Sacrament  of  the  Holy 
Eucharist  and  the  duty  of  residence  of  bishops  should  be  dealt 
with  at  the  next  session  on  October  nth. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  session  a  French  envoy,  Jacques 
Amyot,  sent  by  Cardinal  Tournon,  who  was  then  staying  in 
Venice,  arrived.  He  presented  a  letter  from  Henry  II.  as  well 
as  another  document,  and  demanded  that  they  should  be  read. 
As  the  letter  ot  the  French  king  was  addressed  "  to  the  Fathers 
of  the  Convention  of  Trent,"  thereby  purposely  avoiding  the 
term  "  Council,"  the  Spaniards  vigorously  opposed  the  reading 
of  the  document.  The  Legate,  with  the  fathers  of  the  Council, 
retired  to  the  sacristy  to  decide  upon  the  matter.  It  was 
resolved  to  comply  with  Amyot's  request,  in  order  not  to 
embitter  the  French  king  still  more,  with  the  express  declara- 
tion, however,  that  the  Council  accepted  the  title  in  a  favour- 
able sense  ;  at  the  same  time  should  this  not  have  been  the 
king's  intention  in  so  addressing  it,  then  the  letter  could  not  be 
regarded  as  having  been  addressed  to  a  Council  of  the  Church. 

Thereupon  Massarelli  read  the  king's  letter,  and  Amyot  the 
other  document.  The  purpose  of  the  latter,  while  referring 
to  the  declaration  previously  made  in  the  consistory  by  the 
French  ambassador,  was  again  to  offer  reasons  for  the  uncom- 
promising attitude  of  Henry  II.  towards  the  Council,  and  to 
protest  against  it.  While  covering  the  Pope  with  reproaches, 
he  laid  stress  on  the  fact  that  he  had  not  been  able  to  send  his 
bishops  as,  in  the  present  political  state  of  affairs,  the  journey 
was  not  safe  ;  he  regarded  the  Council  from  which  he  had  been 
unwillingly  excluded,  not  as  a  general,  but  rather  as  a  private 
assembly,  as  it  seemed  to  him  rather  to  further  the  private 
advantage  of  those  for  whose  pleasure  it  had  been  summoned, 
than  to  serve  the  general  interests  of  the  Church.  On  this 
account  neither  the  French  king  nor  the  French  nation,  any 
more  than  the  prelates  and  ministers  of  the  Gallican  Church 
should  be  bound  by  the  decrees  of  the  Council.  He  then 
declared  openly  and  solemnly  that  he  would,  in  case  of  neces- 


THE     INTENTIONS     OF     THE     EMPEROR.        10J 

sity,  have  recourse  to  the  same  means  of  redress  and  defence, 
as  those  of  which  former  kings  of  France  had  made  use  in 
similar  circumstances.  He  did  not  say  this,  however,  to  give 
the  idea  that  it  was  his  intention  to  refuse  due  obedience  to  the 
Holy  See,  although  he  had  the  independence  of  the  Gallican 
Church  very  much  at  heart. 

The  ambassador  thereupon  received  in  the  name  of  the 
Synod,  through  the  promotor  of  the  Council,  the  reply  that  he 
would  receive  a  carefully  considered  answer  to  his  declaration 
at  the  next  public  session,  on  October  nth.  It  was  pointed 
out  that,  in  the  meantime,  no  prejudice  against  the  Council  and 
its  continuation  should  be  deduced  from  anything  the  French 
ambassador  might  have  done.1 

On  September  7th  Paul  Gregorianozi,  Bishop  of  Agram,  had 
arrived  in  Trent  as  second  ambassador  of  King  Ferdinand,  and 
Guillaume  de  Poitiers  as  third  representative  of  Charles  V. 
for  the  provinces  of  Flanders.2  As  no  further  details  with 
regard  to  the  immediate  intentions  of  the  Emperor,  especially 
concerning  his  journey  to  the  Netherlands,  had  been  made 
public,  fears  arose  as  to  the  continuation  of  the  Council,  while 
the  reaction  which  the  war  about  Parma  was  exercising  on 
the  Synod  was  steadily  growing  more  apparent .  On  September 
24th  Bertano  was  able  to  report  to  Rome  that  the  Emperor 
had  postponed  his  proposed  journey  to  the  Netherlands  for  the 
present.  Charles  V.  then  repaired  to  Innsbruck,  where  he 
arrived  at  the  beginning  of  November.  He  formed  this 
resolution  expressly  with  a  view  to  the  Council.3 

Those  who  were  assembled  in  Trent  had  at  once  resumed 
their  activities  after  the  session  of  September  1st.  Already 
on  the  following  day,  ten  articles  concerning  the  Eucharist, 

1  Cf.  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  28  seq.  ;  Le  Plat,  IV.,  236  seq., 
238  seq.,  249  seq.  ;  letter  of  S.  de  Selve  in  Ribier,  II.,  352  seq.  ; 
Pallavicini,  11,  17;  Maynier,  611  seq.;  Baguenault  de 
Puchesse  in  the  Rev.  des  quest,  hist.,  VII.,  (1869),  48  seq.  ; 
Romier,  40. 

2  Massarelli,  243  seq. 

3  Cf.  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  72  n.,  76,  86  seq.  ;  Druffel, 
I.,  760. 


I()S  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

taken  from  the  writings  of  Luther  and  the  Swiss  reformers, 
were  laid  before  the  theologians  of  the  Council  for  examination. 
A  Congregation  of  twenty-four  eminent  theologians,  among 
them  the  Jesuits,  Lainez  and  Salmeron,  sent  by  the  Pope,  and 
the  Dominican,  Melchior  Cano,  delegated  by  the  Emperor, 
immediately  took  the  work  in  hand.  Their  deliberations 
lasted  from  the  8th  until  the  16th  of  September,  and  were  then 
continued  with  the  same  thoroughness  by  the  fathers  of  the 
Council  in  nine  General  Congregations,  from  the  21st  until  the 
30th  of  September.  The  theologians  were  enjoined  to  base 
their  reasons  on  the  Holy  Scriptures,  on  Apostolic  tradition, 
on  lawful  Councils,  on  the  Fathers  of  the  Church,  on  the 
Constitutions  of  the  Popes  and  on  the  consensus  of  the  universal 
Church.  In  so  doing  they  were  to  avoid  all  prolixity,  as  well 
as  all  unnecessary  discussions  and  contentious  disputation. 
The  Legate,  Crescenzi,  especially  urged  that  they  should  limit 
themselves  to  a  clear  setting  forth  of  the  errors  and  not  venture 
on  theological  sarcasm.  During  the  deliberations  the  ques- 
tions of  the  chalice  for  the  laity  and  of  children's  communion 
were  minutely  discussed.1 

After  the  views  of  the  religious  innovators,  grouped  together 
in  ten  articles,  had  been  discussed  from  all  points  of 
view  and  minutely  examined,  a  commission  of  eight  prelates 
was  appointed  in  the  General  Congregation  of  September  30th, 
who,  in  conjunction  with  the  Legate,  were  to  refute  these  views 
in  concisely  framed  Canons.  The  work  of  the  commission 
reached  the  General  Congregation  on  October  6th  and  was 
considered  by  the  fathers  of  the  Council  on  the  following  days. 
Eleven  of  these  Canons  were,  after  repeated  remodelling, 
approved  of  by  the  latter  ;  two  others,  already  prepared, 
dealing  with  communion  under  both  kinds,  were,  in  accordance 

1  Cf.  Raynaldus,  155 i,  n.  39 ;  Le  Plat,  IV.,  258  seq.  ; 
Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  488  seq.  ;  Massarelli,  243  ;  Pallavicini,  12, 
1  seq.  In  order  to  realise  the  high  opinion  in  which  Lainez  was 
held  at  Trent,  cf.  Polanco,  II.,  250,  253  ;  Astrain,  L,  552  seq., 
where  the  description  of  Ribadeneira  and  Orlandini  is  corrected. 
Concerning  M.  Cano  at  Trent,  see  Katholik,  1880,  I.    409  seq. 


THIRTEENTH     SESSION     OF     THE     COUNCIL      109 

with  the  wish  of  the  Emperor,  postponed,  in  view  ot  the 
expected  arrival  of  the  Protestants.  Conformably  to  a  pro- 
posal of  the  Bishop  of  Castellamare,  a  dogmatic  decree  in  eight 
chapters,  concerning  the  Holy  Eucharist,  and  proportionate 
to  the  importance  of  the  subject,  was  prefixed  to  the  Canons. 
Besides  these  dogmatic  questions,  matters  of  reform  were  also 
treated,  which  had  been  partly  dealt  with  in  the  first  period  of 
the  Council,  but  were  not  yet  settled.  A  General  Congregation 
of  October  10th  sanctioned,  for  the  following  day,  the  publica- 
tion of  the  dogmatic  decree  concerning  the  Holy  Eucharist, 
the  eleven  Canons  and  a  reform  decree  which,  in  eight  chapters, 
dealt  mainly  with  the  guarantee  of  the  authority  of  the  bishops 
in  their  sees,  their  jurisdiction,  the  increasing  difficulties 
attending  their  citation  to  Rome,  the  procedure  in  appealing 
to  the  Pope,  and  similar  matters  relating  to  the  settlement 
of  the  ecclesiastical  government  of  the  Church.  In  accordance 
with  a  proposal  of  the  Legate,  it  was  then  decided  that  the 
definition  of  the  postponed  articles  dealing  with  the  chalice  for 
the  laity  and  the  communion  of  children,  concerning  which 
the  Protestants  wished  to  be  heard,  should  be  put  off  until  the 
next  session  but  one,  on  January  25th,  1552.  A  letter  of  safe- 
conduct  for  the  Protestants  was  at  the  same  time  presented 
and  sanctioned.1 

On  October  nth,  1551,  the  thirteenth  Session  of  the  Council, 
the  third  under  Julius  III.,2  took  place  with  unusual  solemnity. 
The  Bishop  of  Majorca,  Giambattista  Campegio,  celebrated 
High  Mass  and  the  Archbishop  of  Sassari  preached  in  honour 
of  the  Most  Holy  Sacrament  of  the  Altar.  The  mandate, 
dated  August  1st,  of  the  Elector  Joachim  II.  ot  Brandenburg 
for  his  ambassadors,  Christoph  von  der  Strassen  and  Johann 

1  Concerning  these  preliminary  negotiations,  cf.  Theiner, 
Acta,  I.,  519  seqq.,  and  Pallavicini,  12,  5  seq.  Concerning  the 
wish  of  Charles  V.,  see  Bertano's  report  from  Augsburg  of  Sep- 
tember 29,  1 55 1,  in  the  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  85  seq.  Cf.  de 
Leva,  V.,  254  seqq. 

2  See  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  530;  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  41  seq.  ; 
Vargas,  Lettres,  ed.  Levassor,  125  seq.,  168  seq.  ;  Pallavicini 
12,  9. 


110  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

Hoffmann,  who  appeared  at  this  session,  was  now  read.  In 
this  official  document  the  Prince  of  Brandenburg  designated 
the  Pope  as  Most  Holy  Lord  and  Father  in  Christ,  first  Bishop 
of  the  Roman  and  Universal  Church,  and  his  most  gracious 
lord,  who  had  seen  fit,  with  fatherly  patience  and  love,  to 
continue  the  Council  begun  at  Trent,  and  had  promised  the 
Emperor  that  the  religious  strife  which  had  broken  out  in 
Germany  should  be  finally  settled  by  him,  and  the  holy  peace 
of  the  Church  and  the  tranquillity  of  Germany  definitely 
restored.  In  the  speech  which  he  made  before  the  Council 
in  the  name  of  his  master,  von  der  Strassen  gave  the  assurance 
that  Joachim  II.  would  keep  and  defend  all  the  decrees  of  the 
Council  honourably,  as  beseemed  a  Christian  Prince  and  an 
obedient  son  of  the  Catholic  Church.1  It  is  possible  and 
indeed  very  probable,  that  this  declaration  was  chiefly  made 
by  the  Prince  of  Brandenburg  with  a  view  to  mitigating  the 
opposition  of  the  Pope  to  the  election  of  his  son  Frederick,  a 
minor,  to  the  archbishoprics  of  Magdeburg  and  Halberstadt. 
His  declaration  was,  however,  of  great  significance,  and 
was  greeted  with  much  applause  by  the  Council.2  The 
publication  of  the  Decrees  and  Canons  prepared  now  took 
place. 

In  the  Decree  dealing  with  the  Holy  Eucharist,  the  Catholic 
doctrine  concerning  this,  the  greatest  of  the  treasures  of  the 
Church,  to  the  glorification  of  which  Raphael  had  once,  under 
the  second  Julius,  created  the  immortal  fresco  of  the  Disputa, 
is  set  forth  with  admirable  lucidity. 

Although  Our  Saviour,  so  teaches  the  Council,  in  His  natural 
existence,  is  always  at  the  right  hand  of  the  Father  in  heaven, 
He  is  still,  in  His  substance,  present  in  many  places  in  a 
sacramental  manner.  This  presence,  under  the  appearances  of 
bread  and  wine,  is  a  true,  real  and  actual  presence.  By  the 
consecration,  the  bread  and  wine  are  changed  in  their  essence 
into  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ,  so  that  only  the  appearances 

1  See  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  41  seq.  ;  Le  Plat,  IV.,  264  seq.  ; 
Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  83  n.  (the  date  October  6  is  an  error). 

2  Cf.  Pastor,   Reunionsbestrebimgen,   435  seq. 


DECREE  ON  THE  HOLY  EUCHARIST.    Ill 

remain.  This  change  of  essence  is  rightly  and  fittingly  called 
Transubstantiation.  The  Church  has  always  believed  that 
immediately  after  the  consecration,  Christ  Our  Lord  is  present, 
with  body  and  soul,  with  Godhead  and  manhood,  under  the 
appearances  of  bread  and  wine,  and  also  in  every  particle  of 
the  same.  Utterly  false  is  the  assertion  that  Christ  is  only 
present  in  the  Holy  Sacrament  as  a  sign  or  image,  or  that  only 
His  power  or  virtue  are  contained  therein  ;  it  is  further 
specially  emphasized  that  Christ  is  not  only  present  at  the 
moment  of  participation,  but  also  before  and  afterwards,  and 
is  therefore  to  be  adored  in  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  Concern- 
ing the  preparation  for  communion,  the  Council  expressly 
declares  that  no  one  conscious  of  having  committed  mortal 
sin,  must  dare  to  approach  the  Holy  Sacrament  without  having 
previously  confessed  ;  with  regard  to  the  effects,  the  Council 
teaches  that  the  Holy  Eucharist  blots  out  our  daily  venial  sins 
and  preserves  us  from  mortal  sin,  that  it  is  a  food  for  our  souls, 
and  the  pledge  of  a  future  life,  so  that  we  should  often  partake 
of  this  Bread  of  the  Angels. 

At  the  close  of  this  eventful  session,  at  which,  in  addition 
to  the  three  presidents,  Cardinal  Madruzzo,  the  three  ecclesi- 
astical Electors,  five  archbishops,  thirty-four  bishops,  three 
abbots,  five  generals  of  Orders,  forty-eight  theologians,  as  well 
as  the  ambassadors  of  Charles  V.,  Ferdinand  I.  and  the  Elector 
Joachim  II.  took  part,  the  answer  of  the  Council  to  the  King  of 
France  was  read.  The  assembly,  in  this  document,  ex- 
pressed their  pained  astonishment  and  regret  that  difficulties 
should  be  laid  in  their  way  by  the  French  king.  It  repudiated 
the  accusation  that  it  did  not  serve  the  general  interests  of  the 
Church,  but  individual  political  purposes.  The  ambassador 
of  Henry  II.  could  look  after  French  interests,  and  should 
the  French  bishops  appear,  which  they  were  once  more 
earnestly  requested  to  do,  they  would,  both  on  their  own 
account,  and  on  that  of  their  king,  meet  with  an  honour- 
able and  friendly  reception  ;  should  they,  however,  neglect 
their  duty,  the  Council  would,  nevertheless,  remain  a 
General  Council.  The  king  was,  therefore,  again  earnestly 
admonished  not    to   give  way   to   his    personal    displeasure, 


112  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

but  to  put   the  advantage  of  the    Church  before  any  other 
consideration.1 

On  October  15th  the  Legate  laid  twelve  articles  on  the 
Sacrament  of  Penance,  and  four  on  the  Sacrament  of  Extreme 
Unction  before  the  Council,  as  matter  for  its  future  work  ; 
those  had  been  drawn  from  the  writings  of  the  leading  Pro- 
testant theologians.  The  theologians  of  the  Council  worked 
most  assiduously,  discussing  these  questions  three  hours  in 
the  morning  and  three  in  the  afternoon,  every  day  from  the 
20th  until  the  30th  of  October,  and  minutely  deliberating  on 
everything  concerning  the  subjects  in  question,  which  appeared 
of  importance  to  the  controversialists.  The  result  of  these 
conferences,  which  were  carried  through  with  incredible 
assiduity  and  the  greatest  devotion,  was  laid  before  the  General 
Congregation  on  November  5th,  which  deliberated  on  it  in 
fourteen  sessions  until  November  24th.  On  November  21st, 
a  reform  decree,  containing  fifteen  chapters,  had  also  been  laid 
before  the  fathers,  which  was  discussed  in  the  General  Con- 
gregation of  the  23rd.  The  result  of  these  deliberations,  which 
were  conducted  with  the  most  scrupulous  care,  were  twelve 
dogmatic  chapters  on  the  Sacraments  of  Penance  and  Extreme 
Unction,  and  nineteen  Canons  for  the  condemnation  of  the 
teaching  of  the  reformers  with  regard  to  these  Sacraments.2 

With  regard  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance,  the  Council 
teaches  that  it  was  instituted  by  Christ  in  the  form  of  a  judg- 
ment-seat, in  accordance  with  the  words  of  St.  John,  and  that 
it  is  necessary,  as  a  means  of  again  becoming  reconciled  to 
God,  for  everyone  who  has  committed  a  mortal  sin.  Three 
acts  are  required  from  the  penitent  :  Contrition,  Confession, 
and  Satisfaction.  Contrition  is  defined  as  the  sorrow  of  the 
soul  and  hatred  of  the  sin  committed,  added  to  the  intention 

1  See  Raynaldus,  155 i,  n.  34  seq.  ;  Le  Plat,  IV.,  266  seqq. 

2  Cf.  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  53  seq.  ;  Theiner,  Acta.  I.,  531 
seq.  ;  Le  Plat,  IV  ,  272  seq.  ;  Pallavicini,  12,  10  seq.  Con- 
cerning the  deliberations  on  reform  cf.  Maynier,  669  seq.  ;  see 
also  Postina,  Billick,  119,  where  there  is  testimony  to  the  zeal 
of  the  theologians.  Cf.  further  Gulik,  153  seq.  concerning  the 
activity  of  Gropper. 


DECREE     ON     PENANCE.  113 

of  no  more  offending  God.  By  Confession,  which  is  ordained 
by  God,  the  Church  demands  nothing  further  from  the  penitent 
than  that  he  should,  after  a  diligent  and  exact  examination 
of  his  conscience,  confess  everything  he  remembers  by  which 
he  has  grievously  offended  God.  The  power  of  giving  abso- 
lution is  possessed  by  every  priest  validly  ordained,  even 
should  he  be  in  a  state  of  mortal  sin,  who  possesses  either 
ordinary  or  delegated  jurisdiction.  Absolution  is  no  mere 
declaration  that  the  sins  are  forgiven,  but  is  an  official  act, 
in  which  the  priest  gives  sentence,  as  if  he  were  a  judge.  With 
regard  to  Satisfaction,  it  is  emphasized  that  the  punishment 
is  not  fully  remitted  with  the  sin  ;  through  the  penance  which 
the  priest  imposes,  the  power  of  the  merits  and  satisfaction 
of  Christ  is  in  no  way  lessened  or  obscured.  In  dealing  with 
Extreme  Unction  the  Council  emphasizes  above  all  things  that 
it  is  a  real  and  intrinsic  Sacrament,  instituted  by  Jesus  Christ, 
and  refers  in  justification  thereof  to  the  words  of  St.  James. 

The  reform  decree,  which  contained,  besides  an  introduction, 
fourteen  chapters,  was  drawn  up  principally  with  the  intention 
of  removing  the  difficulties  which  bishops  encounter  in  punish- 
ing bad  ecclesiastics,  as  well  as  of  taking  measures  that  priests, 
especially  those  occupied  with  the  care  of  souls,  should  not  lead 
wicked  lives  ;  a  clerical  and  seemly  mode  of  dress  was  pre- 
scribed, and  certain  abuses  in  the  bestowal  of  benefices  com- 
bated. All  these  decrees  were  published  on  November  25th, 
at  the  fourteenth  Session  of  the  Council,  and  the  fourth  under 
Julius  III.1 

The  date  of  the  next  session  was  fixed  for  January  25th, 
1552.  The  Catholic  doctrine  concerning  the  Sacrifice  of  the 
Mass  and  the  ordination  of  priests  was  to  be  published  in  this 
session  in  a  dogmatic  decree.  Ten  articles  which  attacked 
the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass  were  then  again  taken  from  the  writ- 

1  The  three  Presidents,  Cardinal  Madruzzo,  the  Electors  of 
Cologne,  Treves,  and  Mayence,  six  other  archbishops,  forty 
bishops,  five  abbots,  the  General  of  the  Augustinians,  six  pro- 
curators, fifty-one  theologians  and  the  ambassadors  were  present. 
Cf.  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  601  ;  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  56  seq.  ; 
Pallavicini,  12,  14. 

VOL.    XIII.  8 


114  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

ings  of  the  Protestant  theologians,  and  six  directed  against 
the  sacramental  character  of  Holy  Orders.  These  were 
collected  and  were  in  the  hands  of  the  theologians  on  December 
3rd  ;  among  them  were  two  Germans,  Johannes  Gropper  and 
Eberhard  Billick,  who  distinguished  themselves  ;  they  had 
come  to  Trent  with  the  Elector  of  Cologne.  The  theologians 
deliberated  in  twenty-nine  conferences  from  the  7th  until  the 
29th  of  December.  The  result  of  their  deliberations  was 
handed  to  the  fathers  of  the  Council  on  January  3rd,  1552,  who 
dealt  with  it  from  the  5th  until  the  13th  of  January  in  thirteen 
General  Congregations.  On  January  14th  the  final  redaction 
was  entrusted  to  a  commission  of  eighteen  prelates,  who  drew 
up  four  chapters  of  instruction  and  thirteen  Canons  concerning 
the  Holy  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass,  and  three  chapters  of  instruc- 
tion and  eight  Canons  concerning  Holy  Orders.  These  were 
laid  before  the  General  Congregation  for  final  approval  on  the 
18th,  20th  and  21st  of  January.1 

The  publication  of  these  Decrees  did  not  take  place,  how- 
ever, either  in  the  session  immediately  f  ollowing,  or  even  during 
the  second  period  of  the  Council. 

While  the  representative  of  Charles  V.  at  Trent  was  hoping, 
at  the  end  of  1551,  that  the  Council  would  finish  its  work  in 
two  further  sessions,2  the  Elector  Maurice  of  Saxony  was 
secretly  planning  a  wide-spread  conspiracy  to  cut  the  Emperor 
"  to  the  heart."  The  traitor  outwardly  kept  up  the  appear- 
ance of  favouring  the  Council.3 

Neither  the  Emperor  nor  the  Pope  had  any  idea  of  the 
events  which  were  in  course  of  preparation.  When,  at  the  end 
of  1551,  the  Prince-Electors  of  Mayence  and  Treves  prepared 
to  leave  the  city  of  the  Council,  on  account  of  the  trouble  in 
Germany,  the  Emperor,  as  well  as  Julius  III.,  protested  with 
great  energy  against  this  step.     The  Princes  were  thereby 

1  Cf.  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  602  seqq.,  635  seqq.  ;  Le  Plat,  IV., 
334  seqq.,  386  seqq.,  405  seq.  ;  Knopfler  in  the  Freiburger  Kir- 
chenlexikon,  XI.2,  2079  seq. 

2  F.  de  Toledo  to  Charles  V.,  dated  Trent,  December  25,  1551, 
in  Dollinger,  Beitrage,  I.,   177  seq. 

3  Cf.  Jannsen-Pastor,  III.  17~18,  719. 


PROTESTANTS     AT     THE     COUNCIL.  115 

prevailed  upon  to  remain  for  the  time  being,  partly  because 
they  had  no  answer  to  make  to  the  letter  written  to  them  by 
the  Emperor,  in  which  he  pointed  out  the  groundlessness  of 
their  fears,  and  also,  perhaps,  so  that  the  Protestants,  who  had 
at  last  arrived,  could  not  say  that  their  appearance  had  put 
the  Electors  to  flight.1 

While  these  dangers,  so  threatening  to  the  Council,  were, 
for  the  time  being,  surmounted,  other  difficulties  arose  which 
made  it  impossible  to  continue  the  work  of  the  Synod. 

On  October  22nd,  1551,  the  two  ambassadors  of  the  Duke 
of  Wurtemberg  had  arrived.  Johann  Sleidan,  the  represen- 
tative of  the  cities  of  Strasbourg,  Esslingen,  Reutlingen,  Ravens- 
burg,  Biberach  and  Lindau2  followed  on  November  nth. 
The  hopes  of  an  amicable  arrangement  soon  proved  vain,  as 
these  persons  refused  to  pay  the  Legate  and  nuncios  the 
customary  civility  of  a  visit.  The  representatives  of  the  Pope 
chose  to  ignore  this  rudeness,  for  Julius  III.  had  enjoined  on 
them  to  place  charity  before  dignity,  and  to  bear  all  insults 
with  patience,  and,  as  far  as  possible,  and  so  long  as  no  dis- 
advantage for  the  Church  and  religion  ensued,  to  accommodate 
themselves  to  the  requests  of  the  Protestants,  as  it  is  never  a 
disgrace  for  a  father  to  bear  patiently  the  undutifulness  of  a 
child,  in  order  to  bring  him  back  to  the  right  path.3  On 
January  9th,  1552,  Wolfgang  Roller  and  Leopold  Badhorn, 
the  representatives  of  the  most  powerful  of  the  Protestant 
dynasties  of  the  Empire,  the  Prince-Elector,  Maurice  of 
Saxon}/,  arrived.4     They  also  avoided  all  relations  with  the 

1  See  Maurenbrecher,  154*  seq.,  158*  seq.,  160* ;  Raynaldus, 
1551,  n.  64  and  65  ;  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  118  seq.,  124  seq., 
129,  133,  141  seq.,  148  seq.,  ;   Druffel,  II.,  7. 

2  Cf.  de  Leva,  V.,  279  seq.  The  instructions  for  the  Wurtem- 
berg ambassadors  in  Sattler,  Gesch.  Wurttembergs,  IV.,  Doc. 
30  ;  cf.  Druffel,  L,  837.  The  mandate  of  Strasbourg  for 
Sleidan  in  Le  Plat,  IV.,  278  seq.  Concerning  the  attitude  of 
Strasbourg,  see  Baumgarten,  159  seqq.  ;  ibid,  the  report  of 
Sleidan  from  Trent. 

3  See  Pallavicini,   12,   15,   2. 

4  Their  instructions  of  December  13,  155 1,  in  Druffel,  I.,  859. 


Il6  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

representatives  of  the  Pope,  and  dealt  only  with  the  ambassa- 
dors of  the  Emperor.  To  these  they  declared  that  a  new 
letter  of  safe-conduct  must  be  drawn  up  for  the  theologians  to 
be  sent  by  their  master,  in  the  form  in  which  it  was  formerly 
issued  for  the  Bohemians  by  the  Council  of  Basle.  They 
further  insisted  that  the  Council  must  suspend  its  work  until 
the  arrival  of  the  said  theologians,  when  all  the  former  decis- 
ions must  be  once  more  discussed.  The  decrees  of  Constance 
and  Basle  concerning  the  superiority  of  Councils  over  the  Pope 
were  to  be  confirmed,  and  Cardinals,  bishops  and  other  mem- 
bers of  the  Council  were  to  be  released  from  the  oath  which 
bound  them  to  Julius  III.  The  Wurtemberg  ambassadors 
demanded,  in  a  similar  manner,  that  the  Council  should  annul 
all  the  decisions  already  arrived  at,  and  that  judges  should  be 
appointed  for  the  settlement  of  religious  disputes,  who  were 
not  so  partial  as  were  the  bishops.1 

As  several  of  these  demands  had  for  their  object  the  com- 
plete subversion  of  the  existing  system  of  the  government  of 
the  Church,  their  very  presentation  made  any  prospect  of 
agreement  an  impossibility.2  The  presidents  of  the  Council, 
and  above  all  the  Cardinal-Legate,  Crescenzi,  recognized  this 
clearly,  although  the  Imperialists  allowed  themselves  to  be 
deluded  with  vain  hopes.  As  the  old  opposition  concerning 
the  question  of  reform,  which  had  already  on  several  occasions 
caused  dissension  between  Crescenzi  and  the  Spanish-Imperial 
party,  was  always  growing  more  acute,  very  lively  scenes  took 

1  See  Le  Plat,  IV.,  464  seqq.  ;  cf.  ibid.  460  seq.  ;  and  Nun- 
tiaturberichte,  XII.,  159,  n.  3.  The  first  as  well  as  the  second 
letter  of  safe-conduct  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  and  that  of  the 
Council  of  Basle,  in  Brenz,  Syntagma  eorum  quae  nomine  Christo- 
phori  ducis  Virtemb.  in  synodo  Tridentina  per  legatos  eius  acta 
sunt,   99  seq. 

2  In  order  to  judge  of  these  demands,  a  part  of  which  un- 
doubtedly could  not  be  granted  by  the  Catholics,  see  Palla- 
vicini,  12,  15,  and  among  moderns,  especially  Bucholtz,  in  his 
detailed  rescension  of  Ranke's  German  history,  in  the  Wiener 
Jahrb.  der  Lit.,  CXV.  (1846),  113  seq.  ;  cf.  also  Knopfler  in 
the  Freiburger  Kirchlexikon,  XL,  2  2080, 


NEGOTIATIONS     WITH     THE     PROTESTANTS.      II7 

place.1  In  order  to  be  just  to  Crescenzi  we  must  remember 
that  the  instructions  given  him  by  Julius  III.  from  the  very 
beginning,  were  to  the  effect  that  he  was  not  to  enter  into  any 
negotiations  with  the  Protestants,  unless  they  were  ready 
to  submit  to  the  decisions  of  the  Pope,  as  lawful  Head  of  the 
Church  summoning  the  Council.2  In  order  to  conciliate  them 
as  far  as  possible,  the  Legate  resolved  to  yield  to  the  urgent 
requests  of  the  Imperialists,  and  to  hear  the  Protestants 
before  the  assembled  General  Congregation,  although  they  had 
not  made  any  such  declaration.  "  Even  when  we  have  reason 
to  fear,"  writes  the  second  president,  Pighino,  on  January 
23rd,  1552,  "  that  we  are  being  imposed  upon,  the  Church,  as 
anxious  Mother,  must  repulse  no  one,  but  must  show  everyone 
how  to  approach  her,  and  hold  the  way  open,  and  remove  all 
grounds  for  evading  and  remaining  away  from  the  Council." 
The  assembly  was  agreeable  to  this,  but  secured  themselves 
against  any  disadvantageous  consequences  which  might  follow 
on  their  complaisance.3 

In  the  Congregation  held  in  the  forenoon  of  January  24th, 
the  Wurtemberg  ambassadors  were  received.  They  produced 
the  confession  of  faith,  drawn  up  at  Brenz,  and  announced  that 
their  Duke  would  send  theologians  for  the  defence  of  the 
tenets  set  forth  therein  ;  it  was,  however,  his  desire  that 
arbitrators  should  be  appointed,  as  the  bishops  belonged  to  a 
party,  and  could,  therefore,  arrive  at  no  definite  decision  ; 
the  Council,  moreover,  was  not  to  be  continued  in  the  sense 
that  the  decrees  already  published  were  to  be  accepted  as  fixed  ; 
as,  up  till  now,  only  one  side  had  been  heard,  these  decrees 
must  now  be  annulled.  The  Congregation  thereupon  answered 
that  they  would,  after  due  consideration,  reply  to  these 
demands.4 

1  Cf.  the  very  one-sided  account  in  de  Leva,  V.,  285  seq. 

2  See  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  11.  De  Leva  pays  absolutely  no 
attention  to  these  instructions. 

3  See  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  648  seq.,  ;   Le  Plat,  IV.,  417  seq. 

4  See  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  648  seq.  ;  Le  Plat,  IV.,  418  seqq.  ; 
letter  of  Lippomano  in  the  Corpo  dipl.  Port.  VII.,  111  seq.  ; 
Pallavicini,    12,    15  ;    Maynier,   720  seq.  ;    Nuntiaturberichte, 


tl8  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

The  Saxon  ambassadors  were  to  be  received  by  the  Con- 
gregation in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day.  Acceptance  was 
refused  to  the  so-called  Recapitulation  of  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession, composed  by  Melancthon,  as  this  frankly  constituted 
a  point-blank  declaration  of  war  against  the  Council.1  The 
speech,2  moreover,  in  which  the  Saxon  ambassador,  Badhorn, 
set  forth  the  demands  he  had  already  laid  befoie  the  ambassa- 
dors of  the  Emperor,  was  anything  but  conciliatory.  He 
did  not  shrink  from  telling  the  Catholics  quite  openly  that  in 
their  case  only  "  an  appearance  of  religion  "  was  to  be  found 
among  them  !3  Badhorn,  in  accordance  with  his  instructions, 
laid  the  greatest  importance  on  the  drafting  of  a  letter  of  safe- 
conduct  which  would  be  conformable  with  the  wishes  of  his 
master.  This  must  be  drawn  up  exactly  in  the  same  form  as 
that  granted  by  the  Council  of  Basle  to  the  Bohemians.  It  was 
a  singular  request,  for  the  Basle  letter  ot  safe-conduct  in  no  way 
contained  the  demands  upon  which  the  Protestants  now  laid 
the  greatest  stress,  namely  that  religious  disputes  should  be 
settled  by  the  Scriptures  alone,  and  that  the  reformers  should 
be  given  decisive  votes  in  the  Council.  In  his  speeches, 
Badhorn  contested  a  declaration  which  he  erroneously  believed 
to  have  emanated  from  the  Council  of  Constance,  that,  in  the 

XII.,  159  n.  3.  Concerning  the  Confessio  Wirtemberg.  see 
Schnurrer,  Beitr.  zur  wurttemb.  Kirchengesch.  (1798),  2r4  seq., 
and  Heppe,  Bekenninisschriften,  Cassel,  1855,  49 r  seqq.  ;  cf. 
also  Hartmann-Jager,  Brenz,  II.,  198  seqq. 

1  Opinion  of  K.  A.  Menzel  (III.,  38r)  ;  cf.  Pastor,  Reunions- 
bestrebungen,  43 1  seq.  Concerning  the  '  Repetitio  confess. 
August."  (Corp.  Ref.  XXVIII  ,  328  seq.)  see  also  the  criticisms 
in  the  Zeitschr.  fur  Kirchengesch.,  II.,  305,  n.  3. 

2  Copied  in  Raynaldus,  1552,  n.  15  and  Le  Plat,  IV.,  464 
seq.  Concerning  the  criticism  see  especially  Pallavicini,  12, 
15>  7  seq.  The  statement  of  Malvendas,  which  Maynier  (726 
n.)  has  already  drawn  upon,  is  very  remarkable. 

3  De  Leva  (V.,  290)  finds,  notwithstanding  this,  that  the  attitude 
of  the  Saxons  was  "  in  forma  calma  e  rispettosa  !  "  Cf.  on  the 
other  hand  the  sharp  criticism  of  the  contemporary  Lippomano 
in  the  Corpo  dipl.  Port.,  VII.,  112. 


DEMANDS     OF     THE     PROTESTANTS.  IlQ 

case  of  heretics,  it  was  not  necessary  to  observe  the  letter  of 
safe-conduct. 

In  glaring  contrast  to  this  attack  on  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance, was  the  fact  that  Badhorn  enthusiastically  defended1 
the  uncatholic  principle  of  the  superiority  of  the  Council  over 
the  Pope  in  matters  of  faith,  which  had  been  brought  forward 
by  the  same  Council,  but  had  not  become  law.  Perhaps  he 
knew  that  this  principle  still  had  adherents  among  Catholics, 
and  even  among  the  fathers  of  the  Council  of  Trent.  Badhorn 
quite  disregarded  the  fact  that  Luther  had  considered  the 
Council  of  Constance  as  invalid,  and  had  repudiated  as  new- 
fangled its  authentic  decrees.  The  demand  that  the  bishops 
should  be  released  from  their  oath  to  the  Pope,  the  ambassador 
based  on  the  need  of  reform  in  the  Curia.  He  openly  denied 
all  authority  on  the  part  of  the  Pope,  which  amounted  to  a 
complete  overthrow  of  the  whole  system  of  government  of  the 
Church,  as  it  had  existed  until  now.  Badhorn  claimed  the 
highest  authority  for  his  party  ;  it  alone  should  decide  how 
far  the  present  Church  differed  from  the  old.  All  the  questions 
concerning  Faith  already  defined  by  the  Council  should  be 
discussed  all  over  again  ;  this  had  been  the  idea  of  the  Diet  of 
Augsburg,  when  the  continuation  of  the  Council  of  Trent  had 
been  called  for  in  the  name  of  all  the  States.  Such  a  new 
discussion  was  necessary,  as  the  Elector  of  Saxony  was  con- 
vinced that  many  errors  were  contained  in  those  articles, 
especially  in  that  concerning  Justification,  which  must  be 
rectified  by  the  Scriptures.  The  final  settlement  of  these 
questions  must  be  made  by  the  judicial  decision  of  all  the 
Christian  nations,  whose  representatives  had  not  taken  part 
in  the  earlier  discussions,  and  without  whom  the  Council  could 
only  be  called  a  separatist  assembly  and  not  a  General  Council. 

If  one  were  to  proceed  on  the  principle  that  the  absence  of 
several  validly  summoned  members  was  sufficient  ground  for 
questioning  the  authority  of  a  legitimate  Council,  there  would 
hardly  have  been  a  Synod  in  history,  at  which  the  full  attend- 
ance might  not  have  been  called  in  question.     Badhorn  did 

1  Cf.  our  conclusions  in  Vol.  I.  of  this  work,  198  seq. 


120  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

away  with  all  doubt  as  to  what  this  "  free,  Christian,  general  " 
Council  was  to  do  ;  by  expressly  and  repeatedly  emphasizing 
the  principle  that  in  the  settlement  of  religious  disputes  the 
Holy  Scriptures  were  to  form  the  only  standard,  he  shows 
clearly  that  the  Protestants  demanded,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
that  the  Council  should  regard  the  new  doctrines  introduced 
by  them  as  proven  truths,  concerning  which  in  actuality  no 
dispute  could  arise.  The  Congregation  restricted  itself,  in 
replying  to  the  Saxon  representatives,  to  the  same  answer 
which  those  of  Wurtemberg  had  received.1 

After  the  departure  of  the  ambassadors  from  the  assembly, 
a  long  discussion  began,  at  which  the  representatives  of  Charles 
V.  and  Ferdinand  I.  were  also  present.  The  old  opposition, 
which  had  repeatedly  shown  itself  on  previous  occasions, 
between  the  strictly  ecclesiastical  course  pursued  by  the 
Legate,  and  that  of  the  Spanish-Imperialist  party,  now  again 
stood  out  in  strong  contrast.  In  order  to  obtain  a  perfectly 
clear  view  of  the  position,  Crescenzi  wished  that  an  express 
declaration  against  the  superiority  of  the  Council  over  the 
Pope  should  be  issued.  This  proposal,  however,  did  not  gain 
a  majority,  although  the  Spanish-Imperialists  were  just  as  far 
from  gaining  a  victory  with  regard  to  the  question  they  had 
most  at  heart.  Charles  V.  had  insisted  from  the  first,  that  the 
principal  task  of  the  Council  was  not  to  consist  in  the  definition 
of  doctrines,  but  in  the  preparation  of  statutes  of  reform. 
The  Spaniards  appeared  to  think  that  the  time  had  now  come 
to  proceed  without  delay  in  this  sense.  They  hoped  to  please 
the  Catholics  as  well  as  the  Protestants  by  this  means,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  to  carry  through  a  number  of  their  own  plans 
with  regard  to  ecclesiastical  matters.  Crescenzi,  however 
continued  to  maintain  that,  as  formerly,  dogma  and  reform 
must  still  be  dealt  with  side  by  side.  In  order,  however,  to  do 
everything  possible  on  his  part,  the  Legate  finally  declared 
himself  ready  to  comply  with  the  wish  of  the  Protestants,  and 
allow  that  the  decrees  already  prepared  concerning  the  Sacri- 

1  See  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  649  seq.,  and  Nuntiaturberichte, 
XII.,  159  n.  3  ;  cf.  Pallavicini,  12,  15,  7  seq. 


FIFTEENTH     SESSION     OF     THE     COUNCIL.     121 

fice  of  the  Mass  and  Holy  Orders,  should  be  postponed  until 
March  19th,  and  that  a  new  letter  of  safe-conduct  should  be 
drawn  up  in  the  required  form. 

The  Congregation  decided  in  this  sense,  and  also  ordered 
that  the  material  concerning  the  Sacrament  of  Matrimony 
should  be  prepared,  so  that  the  deliberations  ol  the  Council 
should  not  be  suspended.1 

At  the  fifteenth  Session  of  the  Council,  held  on  January  25th, 
the  decree  of  adjournment,  as  well  as  the  new  letter  of  safe- 
conduct,  finally  agreed  upon  after  repeated  negotiations 
between  the  Legate  and  the  Imperialists,  were  made  public.2 
This  letter  afforded  to  all  the  Germans,  and  in  particular  to  all 
the  adherents  of  the  Confession  of  Augsburg,  the  fullest 
security  in  coming  to  Trent,  in  staying  there,  in  making  pro- 
posals, in  negotiating  with  the  Council,  in  examining  and  giving 
expression  to  everything  they  desired,  as  well  as  in  presenting 
every  article  in  writing  or  by  word  of  mouth,  supporting  the 
same  with  passages  from  the  Scriptures  and  the  Fathers,  and 
upholding  them  with  any  arguments  they  pleased.  They 
were  also  to  have  freedom  in  replying  to  objections  of  the 
Council,  set  forth  by  those  who  were  appointed  by  the  Synod 
to  carry  on  discussions  or  friendly  disputations,  with  a  com- 
plete avoidance  of  invective  and  recrimination.  This  was  all 
to  be  done  for  the  purpose  of  dealing  with  the  questions  in 
dispute  in  accordance  with  the  Holy  Scriptures,  the  tradition 
of  the  Apostles,  the  authentic  Councils,  the  consensus  of  the 
Catholic  Church,  and  the  authority  of  the  Fathers.  The 
Protestants  were  finally  assured  that  they  would  in  no  way  be 
punished  on  account  of  religion,  or  of  the  past  or  future 
proceedings  of  the  Council  in  connection  therewith  ;  that 
they  would  be  at  perfect  liberty  to  return  home  when  it  pleased 
them  ;  that  they  could  leave  the  city  and  again  return  to  it  at 

1  Cf.  ibid.  12,  15,  16-18,  and  the  reports  of  the  Imperial  secretary, 
F.  de  Vargas,  in  his  letters,  ed.  Levassor,  471  seqq.,  492  seq. 
These  reports,  which  have  been  used  by  Maynier,  (p.  726  seq.), 
are,   however,   obviously  one-sided. 

2  See  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  651  ;    cf.  Vargas,  Lettres,  487  seq. 


122  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

their  own  discretion,  as  well  as  carry  on  communications  when 
and  win  re  they  pleased.1 

The  representatives  of  the  Elector  Maurice  were,  however, 
not  yet  satisfied  with  this  exhaustive  letter  of  safe-conduct, 
drawn  up  in  the  most  definite  terms  and  handed  to  the  Pro- 
testants on  January  30th  ;  they  demanded  a  letter  which 
agreed  in  every  particular  with  that  granted  by  the  Council 
of  Basle  to  the  Bohemians.  In  spite  of  the  representations 
made  to  them  by  the  Imperial  ambassadors,  they  only  accepted 
the  letter  on  the  condition  of  being  allowed  to  inform  their 
master  of  it  first.2 

Even  a  man  of  such  strong  anti-papal  views  as  Vargas,  the 
Imperial  agent,  considered  that  in  obtaining  this  new  letter 
of  safe-conduct,  the  Protestants  had  actually  gained  everything 
they  demanded.3  If  they,  in  spite  of  this,  raised  new  diffi- 
culties, there  could  only  be  one  explanation  of  such  a  proceed- 
ing, namely,  the  obstinacy  of  the  Elector  Maurice,  who  saw 
in  the  question  of  this  letter,  the  best  means  of  prolonging, 
through  his  theologians,  the  affair  of  the  Council,  until  such  a 
time  as  his  further  plans  had  developed  or  been  frustrated.4 


1  See  Bucholtz,  VI.,  475  seq. 

2  See  Druffel,  II.,  78  seq.  On  the  day  after  the  session  of 
the  Council,  thirty-three  articles  dealing  with  the  Sacrament 
of  Matrimony  were  laid  before  the  theologians  as  a  fresh  subject 
for  consideration.  Their  work,  however,  soon  came  to  a  stand- 
still, a  fact  which  the  Spanish  bishops  deeply  regretted.  See 
Maynier,  737  seq.,  where  the  reasons  for  the  stoppage  are  given. 
That  the  attitude  of  the  Protestants  was  partly  the  cause  of 
this,  cf.  the  dedication  of  the  work  of  the  theologian  of  the  Council, 
Joh.  Ant.  Delphinus,  De  matrimonio  et  caelibatu  (Camerini 
I553)»  where  the  displeasure  of  those  taking  part  in  the  Council 
at  the  behaviour  of  the  reformers  is  freely  expressed  (see  Lauchert 
in  the  Zeitschr.  fur  kath.  Theologie,  1910,  42).  Concerning 
Delphinus,  cf.  also  Lauchert,  Ital.  Gegner  Luthers,  487  seqq. 
Bertano  was  also  very  much  displeased  at  the  postponement  of 
the  session  ;    see  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  163  seq. 

3  Lettres,  ed.  Levassor,  487  ;   cf.  Maynier,  735. 

4  See  Druffel,  I.,  843. 


DECISION     OF     THE     POPE.  123 

This  Prince,  influenced  as  he  was  by  the  purest  self-interest, 
in  whom  "  was  neither  a  patriotic  nor  a  religious  thought  to  be 
found  "  had  undoubtedly  for  the  same  reason  frustrated  the 
attempt  to  induce  the  Wittenberg  and  Leipsic  theologians  to 
come  to  an  agreement  with  those  of  Wurtemberg  and  Stras- 
bourg concerning  a  joint  confession  of  faith  to  be  laid  before 
the  Council,1  which  would  have  been  of  the  greatest  advantage 
to  the  Protestant  cause. 

The  presidents  of  the  Council  had  at  once  communicated  the 
demands  of  the  Protestants  to  Rome.  It  can  easily  be  under- 
stood that  Julius  III.  was  indignant  at  these  pretensions,  which 
were  directly  aimed  against  his  authority.  He  would  also 
have  been  glad  had  a  decided  refusal,  in  keeping  with  the 
dignity  of  the  Council,  been  given  to  these  demands.2  Mean- 
while, Crescenzi  could  feel  satisfied  with  the  final  decision  of 
the  Pope,  for  which  the  approval  of  the  commission  of  Cardinals 
had  been  obtained.3  All  further  discussion  of  the  three 
chimerical  conditions  :  that  the  Council  stood  above  the  Pope, 
that  the  bishops  should  be  freed  from  their  oath,  and  that  the 
decrees  already  decided  on  should  be  again  dealt  with,  was 
forbidden. 

The  Bishop  of  Montefiascone,  Achille  de'  Grassi,  through 
whom  Julius  III.  communicated  his  decision  to  the  presidents 
of  the  Council,  was  instructed  to  announce  in  Trent,  that  an 
answer  was  to  be  given  to  the  ambassadors  of  Wurtemberg 
and  Saxony,  so  as  to  give  them  no  ground  for  justifiable  com- 
plaint, and  to  avoid  the  appearance  of  being  unable  to  bring 
forward  solid  reasons  for  opposing  their  assertions.  This 
answer  was  only  to  establish  the  jurisdiction  and  authority  of 
the  Council,  and  was  not  intended  to  irritate  by  offensive 
expressions,  but  to  give  evidence  of  fatherly  love  and  the 
ardent  wish  to  bring  back  to  the  Church  those  severed  from 

1  Lossen  in  the  Allgem.  Zeitung,  1876,  No.  24,  who  is  fully 
in  agreement  with  the  above  opinion  of  Drufiel  against  Mauren- 
brecher  and  Ranke. 

2  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  lxv.,   180. 

3  Ibid.  180,  n.  3. 


124  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

it.1  Grassi  was  instructed  to  proceed  from  Trent  to  the  Em- 
peror, and  remonstrate  with  him  concerning  the  behaviour  of 
the  Spaniards  at  the  Council,2  for  these  had  adopted  a  course, 
with  regard  to  the  question  of  reform,  which  could  lead  to  no 
real  improvement  in  the  ecclesiastical  position.3  They  claimed 
that  the  bestowal  of  almost  all  benefices  was  to  be  in  the  hands 
of  national  authorities,  and  the  chapters  to  be  brought  into 
complete  dependence  on  the  bishops.  Julius  III.,  while 
emphasizing  his  honest  intention  of  proceeding  energetically 
concerning  the  question  of  reform,  bitterly  complained  of  such 
a  limitation  of  the  power  granted  him  by  God,  and  also 
deliberated  on  the  matter  with  the  Cardinals.  They  were  all 
of  the  opinion  that  if  the  Papal  authority  were  attacked  under 
the  pretence  of  a  reform,  energetic  measures  must  be  adopted 
against  such  a  proceeding.  The  instructions  for  Achille  de' 
Grassi  (dated  February  20th,  1552),  contained  the  following 
sentence  :  "  should,  moreover,  the  reports  current  since 
yesterday  in  Rome,  of  an  alliance  between  the  French  King 
and  the  Lutheran  princes  of  Germany,  and  of  a  revolt  of  the 
latter  against  the  Emperor,  prove  correct,  then  one  can  hardly 
see  what  good  purpose  the  Council  can  serve,  or  of  what  use 
it  can  be,  even  should  its  continuance  be  possible."4 

In  consequence  of  the  disquieting  news  from  Germany,  the 
Elector  of  Treves  had  already  left  Trent  on  February  16th.5 

1  The  instructions  for  Grassi  of  February  20,  1552,  in  Ray- 
naldus,  1552,  n.  18  seq.  Cf.  Le  Plat,  IV.,  534  seq.  ;  Pieper, 
37,  154  seq. 

2  Julius  III.  to  A.  Perrenot,  in  Raynaldus,  1552,  n.  17  ;  Le 
Plat,  IV.,  533  seq.  The  journey  did  not  take  place  until  after 
Crescenzi  had  come  to  an  understanding  with  the  Imperial 
ambassador;   see  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  223. 

3  That  the  opinion  of  Pieper  (p.  38)  is  justified,  is  shown 
elsewhere,  as  well  as  in  the  letter  in  the  Corpo  dipl.  Port.,-VIL, 
108. 

4  See  the  letter  of  Julius  III.  to  Cardinal  Crescenzi  of  January 
16,  1552,  in  Pieper  38  seq.  ;  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  lxv.  seq., 
363  seqq. 

5  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  652  ;   cf.  Raynaldus,  1552,  n.  2. 


A     SUSPENSION     INEVITABLE.  125 

Eight  days  later  the  Emperor  also  thought  that  in  the  present 
position  of  affairs,  the  Electors  would  be  better  at  home.1 
As  the  news  from  Germany  was  daily  becoming  more  threaten- 
ing, the  Electors  of  Mayence  and  Cologne  also  left  the  seat  of 
the  Council  on  March  nth.  Two  days  later  the  Saxon 
ambassadors  left  the  town  quite  quietly  in  the  early  morning. 
On  March  nth  two  new  ambassadors  of  the  Duke  of  Wurtem- 
berg  appeared  in  Trent,  and  on  the  18th  four  Wurtemberg 
theologians,  Brenz,  Beuerlin,  Heerbrandt  and  Vannius,  as 
well  as  two  from  Strasbourg,  Marbach  and  Soil.  Negotiation 
with  these  proved  quite  hopeless.2  It  was  clear  that  the 
Protestants,  after  having  made  an  appearance,  for  a  time,  of 
submitting  to  the  Council,  now  intended  to  refrain  from  any 
real  participation  in  its  deliberations.3  Even  the  Emperor 
was  at  last  convinced  that  a  profitable  continuation  of  the 
Council  under  such  difficulties  was  not  to  be  thought  of.  On 
March  5th  he  therefore  instructed  his  ambassadors  to  induce 
the  Curia,  in  a  diplomatic  manner,  to  propose  a  suspension  of 
the  deliberations.  When  the  Electors  of  Mayence  and 
Cologne  reached  Innsbruck  on  their  return  journey,  the 
Emperor  declared  that  he  was  agreeable  to  a  suspension. 
When  he  gave  the  nuncio,  Bertano,  assurances  to  the 
exactly    opposite    effect,    on   March   26th,    it    was    only    to 

1  To    Queen    Mary,    February    24,    1552,     in    Druffel,     II., 

151. 

2  Cf.  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  653  ;  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  233  ; 
Pastor,  Reunionsbestrebungen,  445  ;  Postina,  Billick,  123. 
F.  Nausea  died  on  February  6  in  Trent.  On  March  5  three  more 
ambassadors  of  the  King  of  Portugal  arrived  in  Trent.  A  dispute 
between  them  and  the  Hungarian  ambassador  concerning  a 
question  of  precedence,  was  provisionally  settled  in  the  General 
Congregation  of  March  19.  At  the  same  time  the  next  session 
was  postponed  until  May  1,  as  the  work  had  to  be  stopped  on 
account  of  the  fruitless  waiting  for  the  Protestants,  who  were  still 
expected,  and  it  was  also  desirable  to  await  further  developments 
with  regard  to  the  danger  of  war.  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  652, 
653  seq.     Raynaldus,  1552,  n.  25. 

3  This  is  the  opinion  of  Maurenbrecher  (p.  284), 


126  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

avoid  the  appearance  of  the  proposal  having  emanated  from 
him.1 

The  uncertainty  as  to  what  would  now  happen  was  soon 
brought  to  an  end.  News  of  the  Elector  Maurice's  traitorous 
dealings  with  France  against  the  Empire  had  already  arrived 
in  Rome  in  the  last  week  of  January,  1552,  which  dealings  were 
actually  taking  place  at  a  time  when  it  was  firmly  believed, 
at  the  Imperial  court  at  Innsbruck,  that  the  Saxon  theologians 
would  soon  appear  in  Trent.2  Indeed,  Melanchthon  did 
arrive  in  Nuremberg  on  January  22nd,  while  the  private 
secretary  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony  went  to  Charles  V.  at 
Innsbruck  to  excuse  the  delay  in  the  arrival  of  his  master.3 
The  Emperor  had  not  the  slightest  idea  that  all  this  was 
being  done  to  deceive  him,  until  Maurice  had  completed  his 
preparations  for  war.  By  the  middle  of  March  the  necessary 
preliminaries  had  been  arranged,  and  the  mask  could  be 
dropped.  While  Maurice  and  his  fellow  conspirators  were 
beginning  a  predatory  war  on  German  territory,  their  French 
allies  appeared  on  the  western  frontiers  of  the  Empire.4 

A  correspondent  of  Cardinal  Farnese  tells  us  on  March  20th, 
from  Rome,  that  the  whole  of  Germany  was  in  arms,  and  any 
doubt  as  to  the  alliance  between  the  French  King  and  the 
Protestant  princes  could  no  longer  exist.5  It  therefore  appeared 
all  the  more  incredible  to  the  ambassadors  at.  the  Curia  that 
the  Emperor  had  taken  no  measures  to  oppose  the  warlike 

1  Cf.  ibid.,  283  seq.,  161  seq.  ;  Lanz,  III.,  136  seq.  ;  Nuntiatur- 
berichte,  XII.,  lxvi.  seq. 

2  Cf.  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  lxxi.,  153  n.  4. 

3  Melancthon  remained  until  March  10  in  Nuremberg,  awaiting 
orders  from  his  Elector ;  see  Pastor,  Reunionsbestrebungen, 
437  seq.,  443. 

4  See  Jannsen-Pastor,  III.17"18,  724  seq.,  739  seq. 

5  *Noi  vediamo  che  tutta  la  Germania  e  in  armi  a  l'impensata. 
May  God  help  us.  Le  cose  che  si  dicono  sono  tali  ch'io  non 
oso  scriverle  ;  unum  est  che  la  lega  tra  Francesi  et  Mauritio 
et  gli  2  marchesi  di  Brandenburg  e  chiara.  *Nove  da  Roma 
of  March  20,  1552  (Carte  Fames,  in  the  State  Archives,  Naples). 
Cf.  also  Cocciano's  letter  of  March  26  in  Druffel,  II.,  295. 


THE     DECREE     OF     SUSPENSION.  127 

preparations  of  his  enemies  ,x  no  one  there  understood  the 
masterpiece  of  hypocrisy  and  cunning  with  which  Maurice 
had  ensnared  his  benefactor. 

It  seemed  certain  that  to  continue  the  Council  in  the  present 
state  of  affairs  would  be  highly  dangerous.  The  Pope,  how- 
ever, in  spite  of  the  alarming  news,  still  hesitated  to  suspend  it 
until  the  middle  of  April.2  The  decision  was  made  imperative 
by  the  news  that  Augsburg  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemies  of  Charles  V.,  whereby  the  safety  of  Trent  was  very 
gravely  threatened.  Julius  III.,  after  deliberation  with  the 
Cardinals,  only  decided  on  the  suspension  on  April  15th,  to 
obviate  the  danger  of  the  Council  dissolving  itself.  The 
courier  who  brought  the  brief  in  question  to  the  Legate, 
arrived  in  Trent  on  April  20th.3  It  was,  however,  not  yet 
made  public,  as  the  presidents  considered  it  wiser  to  allow 
the  suspension  to  be  decided  by  the  Synod,  in  order  to  avoid 
irritating  disputes  with  regard  to  the  relations  of  the  Council 
with  the  Pope.  This  took  place  in  the  General  Congregation 
of  April  24th,  in  which,  indeed,  some  of  the  Spanish  prelates 
opposed  the  suspension  ;  a  majority,  however,  was  found  for 
the  proposal  of  Cardinal  Madruzzo,  who  suggested  a  suspension 
for  two  years.  A  commission  of  seven  prelates  was  entrusted 
with  the  drafting  of  the  decree.  A  proposal  made,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wish  of  the  Pope,  by  the  second  president,  to 
send  a  number  of  the  members  of  the  Council  to  Rome,  to 
co-operate  there  at  further  reform  work,  was  negatived  on 
April  26th.4 

The  decree  of  suspension  was  published  on  April  28th,  at 
the  sixteenth  session  of  the  Council.     Twelve  prelates,  mostly 


1  See   the   *letter   of   Ipp.    Capilupi   to   Cardinal   E.    Gonzaga, 
dated  Rome,  March  29,  1552  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua). 

2  It  is  therefore  erroneous  when  Ranke  says^(Papste,  I.,  180)  : 
"  Julius  III.  hastened  to  decree  the  suspension." 

3  Cf.    Nuntiaturberichte,    XII.,   lxvii.   seq.,   302  ;     Raynaldus, 
1552,  n.  25  ;    Carte  Strozz.,  I.,  393  seq. 

4  See  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  655  seq.  ;     Raynaldus,    1552,  n.   26  ; 
cf.  DE  Leva,  V.,  356  seq.  ;    Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  lxviii. 


128  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Spanish,  had  protested  against  it.1  These  remained  alone  in 
the  city  of  the  Council,  but  were  compelled  to  make  a  very 
hasty  exit  when,  through  the  capture  of  the  Ehrenberg 
mountain  pass  by  Maurice  of  Saxony,  the  Emperor,  who  was 
at  that  time  ill  with  gout,  had  to  flee  from  Innsbruck  on  the 
evening  of  May  19th.  The  Legate,  Cardinal  Crescenzi,  who 
had  been  ill  since  March  25th,  withdrew  from  Trent  to  Verona 
on  May  26th,  where  he  died  on  the  28th.2 

1  See  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  659  ;  Raynaldus,  1552,  n.  27,  28  ; 
cf.  Le  Plat,  IV.,  545  seq.  ;  Pallavicini,  13,  3  ;  Maynier, 
750  seq. 

2  See  Theiner,  Acta,  I.,  660  ;  Firmanus,  497  seq.  ;  Hosn 
epist.,  II.,  211.  The  body  of  the  Cardinal  was  first  buried  in  the 
Pantheon  in  Rome,  and  then  in  S.  Maria  degli  Angeli ;  see 
Firmanus,  499,  and  Forcella,  XL,  48. 


CHAPTER    V. 

War  in  Upper  and  Central  Italy. — Julius  III.'s  Efforts 
for  Peace. — Conclusion  of  his  Pontificate  and  his 
Death. 

There  is  preserved  in  the  Vienna  archives  a  confidential  letter 
of  Charles  V.,  dated  April  20th,  1551,  to  his  ambassador  in 
Rome,  Diego  Mendoza,  in  which  he  openly  declares  that  his 
procedure  in  the  dispute  about  Parma  has  for  its  object  to  keep 
Julius  III.  completely  in  the  channels  of  his  own  policy. 
The  ambassador  is,  therefore,  enjoined  to  fan  the  Pope's 
anger  against  his  disobedient  vassal  and  his  protector  Henry 
II.  to  red  heat  by  every  means  in  his  power.1 

It  did  not,  however,  escape  the  Pope  that  in  the  matter  of 
Parma,  they  wanted  to  bring  him  into  complete  subjection 
to  the  Emperor,  but  he  also  recognized  the  dangers  which 
threatened  his  interests  on  the  part  of  France,  which  faced 
him  with  the  menace  of  a  schism,  if  he  proceeded  against 
Ottavio  Farnese.  It  was  really  like  "  a  great  labyrinth  "  in 
which  it  was  easy  to  lose  the  right  path.2  Hence  the  vacilla- 
tion of  the  Pope  and  his  repeated  efforts,  even  at  the  last 
moment,  to  avoid  the  fateful  struggle.3  All  these  endeavours, 
however,  proved  vain.  Julius  III.  had  not  decision  of  char- 
acter enough  to  withstand  the  importunities  of  Charles  V., 

1  Lanz,  I.,  177,  with  erroneous  date  ;  cf.  Druffel,  I.,  622  ;  II., 
390. 

2  *"  Aca  no  se  habla  en  otra  cosa  si  no  en  esta  de  Parma,  en  un 
gran  laberinto  se  han  metido  estos  se-iores  S.S.fl  me  parece  que  lo 
toma  de  veras."  Card.  Pacheco  to  Card.  Madruzzo,  dated  Rome, 
April  9,  1 55 1  (Vice-regal  Archives,  Innsbruck). 

3  Cf.  Supra  p.  97. 

vol..   XIII.  129  8a 


130  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

Ferrante  Gonzaga,  and  Diego  Mendoza,  and  the  eager  desire 
for  war  on  the  part  of  Giovan  Battista  del  Monte.  "  The 
right,"  he  said  to  Ippolito  Capilupi,  "  is  on  our  side,  as  well  as 
the  support  of  the  Emperor,  who  will  restore  Parma  to  the 
Church,"1  and  in  this  manner  he  rashly  and  imprudently 
resolved  on  war. 

On  May  22nd,  1551,  Julius  III.  signed  the  document  by 
which  Ottavio  Farnese  was  declared  to  have  forfeited  his  fief, 
and  communicated  it  to  the  Cardinals  in  a  secret  consistory.2 
Nevertheless,  on  the  following  day,  the  Florentine  ambassador, 
Buonanni,  reports  that  the  Pope  was  still  hoping  for  an 
arrangement,  although  no  one  else  in  Rome  now  considered  it 
possible.3  Julius  actually  agreed  to  the  proposals  of  Ottavio 
regarding  the  exchange  of  Parma  for  Camerino,  which  he  had 
at  first  repudiated  ;  in  .the  consistory  of  June  10th  he  invested 
Farnese  with  Camerino,  and  assured  him  a  yearly  revenue  of 
8000  scudi.4     This  complaisance  also  proved  vain,  for  Ottavio 

1  Report  of  Ipp.  Capilupi  to  F.  Gonzaga  of  May  22,  1551,  in 
Chiesi.  223.  Concerning  the  urging  on  of  Julius  III.,  who  really 
had  leanings  towards  Farnese,  see  a  characteristic  assertion  of 
A.  Caro  in  Ronchini,  Lett,  d'uomini  ill.,  330.  G.  Ricci  says  in  his 
♦Memorie  (Ricci  archives,  Rome)  quite  candidly  :  "la  guerra  di 
Parma  e  Mirandola  ordita  per  D.  Diego  di  Mendoza." 

2  Sententia  declarat.  privat.  contra  O.  Farnesium,  dat.  XI.  Cal. 
Junii,  155 1.  A  contemporary  impression  in  the  Rossiana  Library, 
Vienna  ;  a  copy  in  the  *collection  of  Contelorius  (see  infra  131,  n.  1) 
21,  22  ;  Spanish  translation  in  the  Archives  of  the  Spanish 
Embassy,  Rome. 

3  "  II  papa  credo  che  sia  solo  a  sperar  che  le  cose  di  Parma 
possino  o  habbino  a  comporsi."  *Letter  of  Buonanni,  dated 
Rome,  June  1,  1551  (State  Archives,  Florence).  Cf.  also  the  letter 
of  Card.  Medici  in  Campori,  Lettere,  17  seqq. 

4  See  Acta  Consist.  (Consistorial  Archives  of  the  Vatican)  ; 
♦letter  of  Julius  III.  to  Dandino,  of  June  10,  155 1  (Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican,  F.  Borghese,  II.,  465  p.  61  seq.),  utilised  in  the 
Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  n.  35  ;  *report  of  Serristori  of  June  10, 
1551,  as  well  as  Card.  Medici's  letter  of  June  20,  1551,  in  de  Lfva, 
V.,  154.  Cf.  the  instructions  for  Grassi  in  Weiss,  Pap.  de  Gran- 
velle,  III.,  579-80,  and  Pieper,  23. 


THE     WAR     IS     BEGUN.  131 

Farnese,  who  had  full  confidence  in  the  alliance  he  had  con- 
cluded with  Henry  II.  on  May  27th,  v/as  resolved  that  the 
matter  should  be  decided  by  an  appeal  to  arms.  On  June  12th 
his  adherents  invaded  the  States  of  the  Church  from  Mirandola, 
reduced  Crevalcore,  and  devastated  the  district  of  Bologna. 
The  Papal  troops  advanced  against  them,  fought  a  victorious 
battle,  and  then  joined  the  Imperial  troops  under  Ferrante 
Gonzaga  ;  the  war  had  therefore  now  begun.1  It  was  all  too 
soon  proved,  however,  that  the  Pope  did  not  possess  the 
firmness  necessary  to  deal  with  the  rapidly  succeeding 
events  with  consistent  resolution,  or  to  direct  them  into 
suitable  courses.2  In  Rome  itself  the  war  had  been  highly 
unpopular  from  the  beginning.3  The  shrewdest  men  in 
the  Curia,  Cardinals  Morone  and  Crescenzi,  knew  only  too 
well  that  the  Pope  was  not  equal  to  such  extraordinary 
circumstances,  and  had,  therefore,  earnestly  dissuaded  him 
from  entering  on  such  a  dangerous  and  pernicious  struggle, 

1  Concerning  the  war  about  Parma,  the  different  stages  of  which 
are  of  little  interest,  cf.  Adriani,  VIII.,  3  seqq.  ;  Segni,  XIII.  ; 
Giul.  Gosellini  in  the  Miscell.  di  stor.  Ital.,  XVII.,  141  seqq.  ; 
Mem.  stor.  d.  citta  di  Mirandola  II.,  Mirandola,  1874  ;  Balan,  VI., 
420-1  ;  Balan,  Assedi  della  Mirandola,  25  seqq.  ;  de  Leva  in  the 
Riv.  stor.  Ital.  I.,  632  seqq.  ;  VIII.,  713-4  ;  and  Carlo  quinto  V., 
113  seqq.,  202  seqq.  ;  Chiesi,  224  seqq.  ;  Andrea  da  Mosto  in 
Quellen  und  Forsclmngen  des  Preuss.  Histor.  Inst.  VI.,  100-1  ; 
Courteault,  Blaise  de  Monluc,  190  seqq.  Boselli  treats  of  a 
poem  about  the  Parma  war  in  the  review  Per  l'arte,  XV.,  5-6. 
The  work  of  F.  Contelorius  :  *Bellum  Parmense  sub  Julio  III. 
gestum  (Cod.  Barb.  XXXII.,  183,  now  2392  of  the  Vatican 
Library  ;  cf.  Arch.  Rom.  II.,  294  ;  a  copy  in  the  Communal 
Library,  Piacenza,  MS.  Landi)  gives,  besides  a  collection  of  official 
documents  (especially  on  pp.  39-40  ;  see  also  61  seqq.)  a  full  state- 
ment about  the  war.  De  Turre,  Bellum  Parmense,  MS.  of  the 
Palat.  Lib.  in  Parma,  is  still  unpublished. 

2  The  opinion  of  Pieper,  23. 

3  See  Niccolo  da  Ponte's  report  of  May  30,  1551,  in  the  Miscell. 
di  stor.  Ital.  XVII.,  160. 


I  32  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

for    the  successful  issue  of  which  his  resources  were   wholly 
inadequate.1 

Julius  III.  had,  on  June  6th,  1551,  entrusted  the  supreme 
command  of  the  expedition  against  Parma  to  the  Viceroy  of 
Milan.  Ferrante  Gonzaga,  with  full  confidence  in  the  support 
of  the  Emperor.2  The  Papal  troops  were  nominally  com- 
manded by  the  nephews  of  the  Pope,  Giovan  Battista  del 
Monte  and  Vincenzo  de'  Nobili  ;  in  reality,  however,  the  com- 
mand was  in  the  hands  of  Camillo  Orsini  and  Alessandro 
Vitelli.  Cardinal  de'  Medici,3  whose  brother,  the  Marquis  of 
Marignano,  was  leader  of  the  Imperial  troops  under  Ferrante 
Gonzaga,  was  appointed  legate  with  the  army  on  June  7th. 
In  the  States  of  the  Church  all  enrolment  under  foreign  princes 
was  forbidden  ;4  Cardinals  Alessandro  and  Ranuccio  Farnese 
received  on  June  16th  strict  orders  to  return  at  once  to  Rome  ; 
the  Emperor  deprived  them  of  their  rich  benefices,  also  with- 
drawing from   Ottavio  his   fiefs   in  Lombardy  and   Naples.5 

1  Serristori  mentions  letters  of  Crescenzi,  which  urged  the  ending 
of  the  war,  and  thus  excited  the  Pope,  although  they  did  not  make 
him  change  his  mind  ;  see  *report  of  September  18,  155 1  (State 
Archives,  Florence).  Concerning  Morone,  see  Lett,  di  princ,  165 
seq. 

2  *Brief  of  June  6,  1551.  Arm.  41,  t.  60,  n.  432.  (Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

3  *Brief  of  June  7,  155 1,  Ibid.  n.  433.  Card  Medici  was  recalled 
on  November  28,  1551  (for  the  reasons  for  this  measure,  see 
Pieper,  153)  ;  the  Abbate  Riario  took  his  place  as  Commissary 
General ;  see  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII..  n.  1 14.  Letter  of  Medici  at 
this  time  in  Campori,  Lett.  19  seqq. 

4  As  this  prohibition  was  in  many  cases  not  observed,  Bernardo 
de'  Medici  was  instructed  to  take  steps  against  any  disobedience. 
♦Brief  of  June  12,  1551,  ibid.  n.  461  ;  cf.  ibid.  n.  523  for  a  similar 
brief  for  Raynutio  de  Taranno,  of  June  24,  1551.  (Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican). 

5  See  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  15.  Card.  Alessandro  was  allowed, 
by  a  brief  of  July  1,  1551,  to  repair  to  Florence.  (See  Nuntia- 
turberichte, XII ,  n.  32.  The  original  brief  is  in  the  State  Archives 
Naples).  From  the  brief  of  September  17,  1551,  quoted  here,  it 
appears  that  Alessandro  was  by  no  means  so  quiet  in  Florence  as 


ACTION     TAKEN     AGAINST     THE     FARNESE.    133 

Orazio  Farnese,  who  had  hastened  from  France  to  support  his 
brother,  and  had  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  invasion  of  the 
district  of  Bologna,  was  likewise  severely  punished  ;  Julius 
III.  caused  the  territory  of  Castro,  which  belonged  to  him, 
to  be  invested.1  The  mother  of  the  Duke,  who  directed  the 
government  there,  offered  no  resistance,  whereupon  the  Pope 
was  satisfied  with  the  military  occupation  of  the  country  ; 
the  administration,  jurisdiction  and  revenues  remained  in  the 
hands  of  the  Duchess.2 

An  attempt  was  next  made  to  maintain  the  fiction  that  the 
Peace  of  Crepy  had  not  been  broken  by  the  outbreak  of  hos- 
tilities in  Italy,  and  this  was  based  on  the  assertion  of  Henry 
II.  that  he  had  only  taken  up  arms  as  an  ally  of  Farnese, 
while  the  Emperor  declared  he  was  only  acting  as  a  protector 
of  the  Church  against  a  rebellious  vassal,  and  at  the  express 
desire  of  the  Pope.  No  one  doubted,  however,  that  war 
between  the  two  princes  was  inevitable,  and  unfortunately 
the  Turks  at  once  endeavoured  to  gain  an  advantage  from 
the  strife  between  the  two  chief  powers  of  Christendom. 
News  of  the  threatening  movements  of  the  Turks  reached 
Rome  as  early  as  June,  and  against  these  the  Pope  had  now 
to  take  preventive  measures.3     In  July  a  large  Turkish  fleet 

Segni  (XIII.)  would  have  us  believe.  Cardinal  Ranuccio  Farnese 
was  sharply  enjoined  by  a  *brief  of  September  17,  1551,  (ibid., 
n.  828),  under  threats  of  the  most  severe  punishment,  to  return  to 
Rome,  but  finally  he  was  allowed  to  remain  with  his  relatives  in 
Urbino. 

1  Cf.  *  Briefs  for  Barthol.  de  Alba  and  Didaco  de  Mendoza  of 
June  23,  1551,  in  Arm.  41,  t.  60,  n.  517,  520  ;  ibid.,  n.  561  the 
♦penal  Bull  of  July  1,  against  all  who  took  part  in  the  invasion  of 
Bolognese  territory  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).  Cf.  also 
Nuntiaturberichte  XII.,  n.  39. 

2  See  the  orders  for  Ascanio  della  Corgna  of  June  25,  1551,  in 
Arm.  41,  t.  60,  ibid.,  n.  532  ;  cf.  ibid.,  n.  534  the  *brief  for  Hier. 
Farnesiae  of  June  25,  and  n.  587  for  Rod.  Ballione  of  July  10,  1551 
(Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

3  A  Commission  of  Cardinals  was  formed  to  arrange  measures 
for  the  protection  of  the  coasts  of  the  States  of  the  Church  (sec 
Serristori's  *report  of  June  17,  1551.  State  Archives,  Florence). 


134  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

ixed  in  the  Ionian  Sea,  which,  however,  had  to  give  way 
tx  Eore  the  resistance  of  the  Knights  of  St.  John  from  Malta, 
whereupon  the  Turks  turned  their  attention  to  Tripoli,  which 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  infidels  on  August  14th.1 

The  state  of  affairs  in  the  field  of  war  in  Upper  Italy  had 
proved  unfavourable  to  the  Pope  from  the  very  beginning. 
The  invasion  of  the  territory  of  Bologna,  where  the  enemy 
had  caused  great  devastation,  threatened  to  bring  about  an 
insurrection  in  the  whole  of  the  Romagna  and  to  tear  away 
Ravenna  from  the  States  of  the  Church.2  To  this  danger  to 
the  temporal  jurisdiction  of  the  Pope  was  added  a  still  graver 
threat  to  his  ecclesiastical  power  ;  a  schism  of  the  French 
Church  was  by  no  means  impossible,  especially  at  that  time, 
when  there  was  so  great  a  defection  from  Rome.3  The  un- 
satisfactory financial  position  of  Julius  III.  did  not  weigh  less 
heavily  in  the  scale,  and  already  on  June  22nd,  the  treasurer, 
Giovanni  Ricci,  had  sent  to  the  court  of  the  Emperor  to  urge 
the  payment  of  the  pecuniary  assistance  promised.  Charles 
V.  declared  he  was  prepared  to  pay  200,000  scudi  down,  if  the 
Pope  would  grant  him  the  revenues  of  the  Spanish  bishoprics 
to  the  amount  of  500,000  scudi".  Ricci  could  grant  this,  but 
received  provisionally  only  50,000  scudi.4 

The  Bishop  of  Nepi,  P.  A.  de  Angelis,  was  appointed  commissary 
for  this  purpose  by  a  *brief  of  July  4,  1551,  Arm.  41,  t.  61,  n.  573  ; 
ibid.,  n.  589,  *Bull  of  July  II,  1551  :  Imposition  of  four-tenths  in 
the  Sienese  district,  so  that  Mendoza  may  protect  the  coast 
against  the  Turks,  and  n.  754,  *Bull  of  September  2,  1551  :  Impo- 
sition of  four-tenths  in  Savoy  for  the  fortification  of  Nice  (Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

1  Cf.  Raynaldus,  155 i,  n.  68  ;  Zinkeisen,  II.,  875-6  ;  Romier, 
41-2. 

2  Cf.  Adriani  VIII. ,  3  and  Brosch,  I.,  194.  Count  G.  F.  de 
Balneo  received  orders  in  a  *brief  of  July  9,  155 1,  to  assist  the 
legate  of  the  Romagna  in  the  protection  of  the  province.  Brevia 
Arm.  41,  t.  61,  n.  585  ;  cf.  ibid.,  n.  827  the  *brief  for  Camillo 
Orsini  of  September  17,  155 1  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

3  See  Pieper,  25. 

4  See  Miscell.  di  stor.Ital.,  XVII.,  337-8  ;  Nuntiaturberichte, 
XII  xlviii  n.  37,  41  ;  cf  Pieper,  1  44. 


DIFFICULTIES     OF     THE     POPE.  135 

The  Pope,  who  had  allowed  himself  to  be  drawn  into  this 
war  out  of  deference  to  the  Emperor,  was  soon  to  discover 
that  the  conquest  of  Parma,  as  also  of  Mirandola,  was  not  such 
an  easy  matter  as  had  been  represented  to  him.  He  had  also 
to  learn  by  experience  that  the  expenses  of  the  undertaking 
were  to  exceed  the  original  estimate  by  more  than  double  the 
amount.  He  sought  in  vain  to  improve  the  desperate  financial 
straits  in  which  he  found  himself  by  imposing  special  taxes, 
and  was  also  forced  to  pledge  many  valuables  and  jewels.  All 
this,  however,  was  not  sufficient  to  cover  his  requirements. 
Julius  complained  bitterly  that  the  Emperor  neither  gave  him 
the  financial  aid  promised,  nor  did  he  send  the  number  of  troops 
arranged  by  treaty.  Charles  V.  was,  however,  all  the  less  able 
to  fulfil  his  pledges  as  he  was  soon  obliged  to  protect  Milan 
against  the  French,  who  were  threatening  it  from  Pied- 
mont.1 

The  appearance  of  the  French  in  Piedmont  frightened  the 
Pope  and  intimidated  him.  Cardinal  Crescenzi,  who  was 
painfully  conscious  of  the  reaction  of  the  war  on  the  Council, 
again  earnestly  urged  the  Pope  to  make  peace,  while  the 
fathers  of  the  Council  joined  him  in  warnings  to  the  same  effect. 
On  September  4th,  1551,  the  Pope  addressed  a  long  letter  to 
the  King  of  France,  and  frankly  offered  him  his  hand  in  peace.2 
Four  days  later  followed  the  appointment  of  Cardinal  Verallo 
as  special  legate  to  Henry  II.3  Pietro  Camaiani  was  sent  to 
the  Emperor  on  October  10th  to  explain  the  mission  of  Verallo, 
which  the  Pope  had  ordered  as  giving  the  highest  proof  of  his 
love  of  peace,  but  at  the  same  time  to  emphasize  the  fact  that 
no  agreement  was  to  be  thought  of  without  the  consent  of  the 
Emperor.  Camaiani,  however,  did  not  obtain  the  success 
wished  for,  since  the  question  of  subsidies,  "  the  great  obstacle 

1  Cf.  Pallavicini,  13,  1. 

2  *F.  Borghese,  II.,  465,  p.  174  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican) 
in  the  translation  of  Romier,  44-5. 

3  See  Acta  Consist,  in  Pieper,  27  ;  ibid.  145-6  emendation  of 
the  text  of  the  instructions,  dated  October  3  in  Druffel,  I,  757-8. 
Concerning  Verallo's  unsuccessful  legation,  a  most  detailed 
account  in  Romier,  47  seqq,  53. 


I36  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

of  the  war  from  the  beginning,"  was  again  not  solved1  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  Pope,  which  was  all  the  more  painful  to 
him  as  his  financial  position  was  daily  becoming  more  hopeless  ; 
He  complained,  indeed,  that  he  had  not  only  already  pledged 
all  his  jewels,  but  even  his  usual  rings.2  In  Rome  everyone 
was  at  this  time  calling  for  peace.3  The  Emperor  himself  was 
also  in  great  want  of  money,  as  was  Ferrante  Gonzaga  ;  neither 
of  them  could  any  longer  pay  their  mercenaries.  The  Pope, 
however,  was  undoubtedly  in  the  worst  position  of  all,  for  which 
reason  he  was  also  the  first  to  grow  weary  of  the  war.4  In  the 
middle  of  December  he  informed  the  Emperor,  through 
Bertano,  that  he  was  no  longer  in  a  position  to  keep  up  the 
full  number  of  his  troops  in  Upper  Italy.5 

Meanwhile  Cardinal  Verallo  had  been  negotiating  with 
Henry  II.  The  Pope  on  December  21st  instructed  Pietro 
Camaiani  to  inform  Charles  V.  of  the  stage  which  these  negotia- 
tions had  reached.  He  by  no  means  trusted  the  French  King, 
and  begged  the  Emperor  also  not  to  let  himself  be  deceived, 
but  to  make  all  arrangements  for  continuing  the  war,  as  an 
imposing  display  of  arms  is  more  effective  in  securing  peace 
than  a  victory  in  the  field.6  Julius  had  been  quite  correct 
in  his  estimate  of  Henry  II.  Although  the  Pope  was  quite 
prepared  to  fulfil  the  conditions  proposed  by  the  King,  Ottavio 
and  France  continued  to  make  fresh  difficulties  ;  they  knew 
very  well  that  two  such  strong  places  as  Parma  and  Mirandola 

1  Concerning  the  dispatch  of  Camaiani,  for  which  mission 
Card.  Carpi  had  at  first  been  chosen,  cf.  Pieper,  28,  146-7  and 
Nuntiaturberichte  XII.  H,   88  seqq. 

2  Druffel  III.,  240. 

3  Cf.   Cugnoni,  prose  ned.  di  A.   Caro,   109. 

4  Opinion  of  Kupke  in  the  Nuntiaturberichte,   XII.,  li. 

5  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  lv.,  112  ;  cf.  Gosellini  in  the 
Miscell.  di  stor.   Ital.,  XVII.,   198. 

6  See  Pieper,  150-1  ;  Pallavicini,  13,  1,  and  Nuntiaturber- 
ichte, XII.,  115,  n.  1.  Cf.  also  Serristori's  reports  of  November 
11  (Camaiani  tarda  a  partir),  December  4  (Camaiani  kept  back 
by  the  Pope,  as  news  is  expected  from  France),  December  20, 
155 1  (Camaiani  will  start  to-morrow).     State  Archives  Florence. 


MISSION     OF     CARDINAL     TOURNON.  137 

would  be  very  difficult  to  take  by  force,  and  trusting  to  this, 
they  hoped  to  get  still  more  favourable  terms.  For  this 
purpose  Cardinal  Tournon,  who  was  then  in  Venice,  was  sent 
to  Rome.1  He  arrived  there  on  February  5th,  and  at  once 
began  negotiations.2 

Tournon,  who  had  world-wide  experience  as  a  statesman, 
and  was  an  accomplished  courtier,  conducted  these  with  great 
shrewdness.  He  specially  drew  the  Pope's  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  Holy  See  could  not  reckon  on  the  Emperor,  on 
account  of  his  bad  health  and  the  difficulties  in  which  Germany 
was  involved,  representing  to  him,  at  the  same  time,  the 
gravity  of  the  position  which  was  developing  in  the  Council, 
as  Charles  V.'s  sole  idea  was  to  increase  his  own  authority  at 
the  expense  of  that  of  the  Pope.3  In  spite  cf  the  fact  that  the 
Emperor  was  imprudent  enough  to  leave  his  Papal  ally  in 
doubt  as  to  his  own  intentions,4  the  French  had  the  greatest 
difficulty  in  attaining  their  end,  and  after  fully  two  months 
time  they  had  not  yet  come  to  any  arrangement.  In  the 
meantime  the  impossibility  of  continuing  the  war  was  daily 
becoming  more  apparent.  In  addition  to  the  direst  need 
of  money,5  there  was  the  fear  that  Henry  II.,  who  was  allied 

1  The  instruction  of  December  23,  1551,  for  Tournon,  in  Ribier, 
II.,  360  seq.  According  to  Pallavicini,  13,  2,  it  might  be  sup- 
posed that  the  asked  for  letter  of  safe-conduct  had  been  refused  ; 
the  Salvus-Conductus  for  him,  dated  December  24,  1551  is,  how- 
ever, in  Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  62,  n.  1046  (Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican). 

2  Concerning  Tournon 's  journey  and  negotiations,  see  Legaz. 
di  Serristori  296-7  ;    Druffel,  II.,   122-3,   I7^"7»  2I4»  2^5>  423  : 
Masius,  Lettere,  97,   100-1  ;    Chiesi,  228-9  ;    Nuntiaturberichte, 
XII.,  lvii  seq.   175-6,    198,   217  seqq.,   230-1,   241,   292  seqq  ;  cf. 
Maurenbrecher,  281-2  ;  de  Leva,  V.,  312-3,  359-60. 

3  See  Desjardins,  III.,  297-8. 

4  See  Nuntiaturberichte.,  XII,  lviii. 

5  Julius  III.  had  already  tried  to  alleviate  the  financial  difficulties 
on  October  20,  1550,  by  the  establishment  of  the  Monte  Giulio  {cf. 
Acta  Consist  in  the  Consistorial  Archives,  and  Buonanni's  *reports 
of  October  21  and  25,  1550.     State  Archives,  Florence.     Cf.,  also 


I  38  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

to  the  Protestant  princes  of  Germany,  might  fall  away  from 
the  Church.     En   Rome  itself  consternation  and  excitement 

prevailed  on  all  sides  ;  the  city  was  defenceless  and  the  rest  of 
tin1  States  of  the  Church  were  not  safe.1 

The  conditions  which  Tournon  at  last  laid  down  were  as 
follows  :  Parma  was  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  Ottavio  Farnese, 
an  armistice  with  a  suspension  of  all  the  censures  issued  was 
to  be  concluded  for  two  years,  and  after  this  the  Duke  was  to 
be  at  liberty  to  come  to  a  final  agreement  with  the  Holy  See, 
while  his  engagements  to  France  would  then  cease  ;  the 
territory  of  Castro  was  to  be  returned  to  the  Farnese  Cardinals 
for  their  brother  Orazio,  but  the  Farnese  family  were  to  keep 
no  larger  number  of  troops  there  than  was  required  to  guard 
the  territory.  Finally,  Henry  II.  was  prepared  to  meet  the 
Pope  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  and  again  to  permit  the  bulls 
for  the  bestowal  of  benefices  in  France  to  be  drawn  up  in  the 
Dataria  in  Rome. 

Charles  V.  naturally  endeavoured  to  dissuade  the  Pope  from 
the  agreement  suggested,  and  Giovan  Battista  del  Monte  also 
used  all  his  influence  to  the  same  end.2  All  their  representa- 
tions, however,  proved  vain  ;  the  misery  of  the  position  was 
so  great  that  the  Pope  had  finally  to  submit.  On  April  15th, 
1552,  he  announced  his  resolve  to  the  Cardinals  in  the  con- 

Endemann,  Studien,  I  )but  in  vain.  G.  Ricci,  who  was  recalled 
from  Spain  to  Rome  in  order  to  manage  the  finances,  found  them 
in  the  most  dreadful  state,  and  he  was  unable  to  be  of  any  assist- 
ance. (See  *Mele,  Genealogia  d.  famiglia  Ricci,  203.  Ricci 
Archives,  Rome)  ;  in  a  *  letter  to  G.  B.  del  Monte  of  April  2,  1552 
(*Inf.  polit.  XIX.,  51.  Royal  Library,  Berlin),  Julius  III.  des- 
cribes the  financial  distress  which  had  never  been  greater  for 
centuries.  Ranke,  I.,  269  cites  a  passage  from  the  letter,  without 
giving  its  origin. 

1  Cf.  del  Monte's  letter  of  April  13th,  1552,  in  Nuntiaturberichte, 
XII.,  294-5.  Julius  III.  also  points  out  the  fact  that  nothing  was 
settled  in  his  *letter  to  Card.  Crescenzi  of  the  same  date,  which  is  to 
be  found  in  the  Inf.  polit.  XIX.,  59,  60,  Royal  Library,  Berlin. 

2  See  Paleavicini,  13,  2  ;  cf.  Maurenbrecher,  287-8  ; 
Nuntiaturberichte,   XII.,  lviii. 


CONCLUSION     OF     AN     ARMISTICE.  139 

sistory  in  which  the  suspension  of  the  Council  was  also  dis- 
cussed.1 Everyone  agreed  without  reserve.  Cardinal  Cervini 
was  of  opinion  that  if  the  Pope  had  had  recourse  to  arms  on 
righteous  grounds,  he  now  laid  them  down  from  still  more 
righteous  motives.2  On  April  29th  the  armistice  was  con- 
cluded on  the  said  conditions,  and  it  was  left  to  the  discretion 
of  the  Emperor  to  be  a  party  to  it  as  well.3  On  the  following 
day  the  Pope,  in  a  detailed  letter  to  Camaiani,  explained  to  him 
the  reasons  which  had  induced  him  to  come  to  terms  with 
Cardinal  Tournon.  It  had  no  longer  been  in  his  power  to 
hesitate,  as  the  population  of  Rome  and  the  States  of  the 
Church  would  have  been  driven  to  despair  ;  the  impossibility 
of  conquering  Parma  and  Mirandola  was  obvious,  for  after  a 
ten  months'  siege  they  had  not  yet  succeeded  in  completely 
investing  the  latter  fortress.  He  also  pointed  out  that,  in 
addition  to  this,  there  was  the  danger  on  the  part  of  the  Turks 
and  the  Lutherans,  and  the  no  less  real  danger  of  France  falling 
into  schism  and  becoming  Lutheran.4  The  Emperor  did  not 
conceal  from  Camaiani  his  displeasure  at  the  one-sided  pro- 
ceeding of  the  Pope,  but  the  outbreak  of  revolution  in  Germany 
forced  him  also  to  agree  to  the  conditions  of  peace  on  May 
10th,  a  step  to  which  even  Ferrante  Gonzaga  had  urged  him. 
The  news  reached  Rome  on  May  15th  and  caused  universal 
jubilation.     Three  days  later  the  Abbot  Rosetto  was  sent  to 

1  See  *Acta  Consist,  in  the  Consistorial  Archives. 

2  Capilupi  announces  this  on  April  16,  1552  ;  see  Nuntiaturbe- 
richte,  XII.,  lx.,  cf.  303. 

3  The  capitoli  dell'  accordo  di  Parma,  dated  April  29,  1552,  were 
printed  in  the  XVIth  century  in  the  Lett,  di  princ.  III.,  211-12. 
Kupke  has  taken  no  notice  of  this  ;  he  prints  them  once  more  from 
a  copy  with  the  erroneous  date  April  25  in  the  Nuntiaturberichte, 
XII.,  365-6.  Cf.  Coggiola,  Farnesi,  7  n.  2.  In  the  *brief  of 
May  18,  Silvester  de  Giliis  received  orders  to  arrange  for  the 
honourable  reception  of  Cardinal  Tournon  in  the  States  of  the 
Church,  on  his  return  from  France  (Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  64,  n. 
330.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

4  See  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  324-5  ;  cf.  also  the  letter  of  G.B. 
del  Monte  in  Chiesi,  226-7. 


140  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Lombardy  to  press  forward  the  conclusion  of  the  armistice1 
The  exile  of  Cardinal  Alessandro  Farnese  also  came  to  an  end 

at  he  same  time,  and  on  June  7th,  1552,  he  returned  to  Rome, 
where  the  Pope  received  him  very  graciously.  On  June  25th, 
Lanssac  appeared  as  special  ambassador  of  France,  and 
brought  with  him  the  ratification  of  the  armistice  by  Henry 
II.2  Soon  afterwards  the  diplomatic  representation  of  the 
Holy  See  at  the  French  court  was  restored  and  Prospero  Santa 
Croce  was  entrusted  with  the  office.  The  new  nuncio  was  able 
to  report  to  Rome  as  early  as  September  that  Henry  II.,  by  his 
proceedings  against  Charles  du  Moulin,  had  renounced  the 
anti-papal  policy  which  he  had  shown  in  his  edict  of  Sep- 
tember, 1 55 1.3 

Notwithstanding  the  universal  jubilation  at  the  ending  of 
the  costly4  and  dangerous  war,  the  Pope  must  have  been 
forced  to  acknowledge  to  himself  that  the  two  questions,  for 
the  solution  of  which  he  had  worked  so  earnestly  during  the 
first  two  years  of  his  pontificate,  had  both  remained  unsolved  ; 
that  relating  to  ecclesiastical  matters  through  the  suspension 
of  the  Council,  and  the  other  through  the  result  of  the  war. 
This  depressing  realization  began  to  undermine  his  energy 
to  a  marked  degree.5  It  is  false  to  say  that  "  the  Pope  no 
longer  took  any  active  interest  in  political  questions  "  and 
that  he  led  "  a  harmless  pleasant  life  ;'  in  his  lovely  villa 
outside  the  Porta  del  Popolo,  "  heedless  of  the  rest  of  the 
world."6     Quite    apart    from    the    very    important,    though 

1  See  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  lxi.,  327,  334-5,  349-50,  354-5  ; 
cf.  Pieper,  32  and  Coggiola,  Farnesi,  9-10.  R.  Baglione  received 
orders  to  evacuate  Castro  in  the  *  brief  of  May  18,  1552  (Min.  brev. 
Arm.  41,  t.  64,  n.  333.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

2  See  Romier  in  the  Mel.  d'arch.     XXXI.  (191 1),  n-12. 

3  Cf.  Pieper,  42-3,  and  Romier,  La  crise  gallicane,  55. 

4  The  pay  of  the  troops  alone  cost  300,000  scudi ;  cf.  Balan, 
Mirandola,  48. 

5  See  Pieper,  40,  41. 

6  So  says  Ranke,  Papste,  I.,  180-1  ;  also  Beaufort,  Hist,  des 
Papes,  IV.,  191  and  all  later  historians,  especially  Brosch,  I.,  145, 
and  last  of  all  Lanciani,  III.,  133.     It  is  still  more  incorrect  when 


THE     POPE  S     NEUTRALITY.  141 

unobtrusive,  activity  which  Julius  III.  displayed  in  ecclesias- 
tical matters  in  the  direction  of  a  Catholic  reformation, 
especially  in  the  latter  half  of  his  reign,1  he  also  set  to  work 
at  vital  political  questions,  and  strove  diligently,  if  ineffec- 
tually, for  the  restoration  of  peace  in  Christendom.  His 
neutral  attitude  gave  offence  alike  to  the  French  and  to  the 
Imperialists,  as  both  these  parties  expected  to  draw  great 
advantage  from  a  participation  of  the  Pope  in  the  struggle.2 
The  accusation,  therefore,  that  the  Pope  fled  from  all  business 
in  order  to  lead  an  inactive  life  in  peace  in  his  beautiful  villa, 
originated  with  them.3  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Pope 
had  very  good  reasons  for  not  mixing  himself  any  further  in  the 
Italian  disturbances  ;  the  war  about  Parma  had  shown  the 
results  of  such  a  course  sufficiently  plainly.  Since  the  painlul 
experience  which  Julius  III.  had  then  had,  he  had  been  very 
careful  not  to  be  again  led  into  participating  in  such  a  struggle, 
while  higher  motives  also  weighed  in  the  balance.  The  Pope 
knew  that  as  Father  of  Christendom  he  must  as  far  as  possible 

de  Leva,  V.,  114  represents  Julius  III.  as  an  "  alieno  dai  negozi  di 
stato  "  from  the  beginning.  Reumont,  III.,  2,  511  judged 
Julius  III.  much  more  justly  in  1870.  Concerning  the  by  no 
means  unobjectionable  version  of  Muratori,  see  G.  Catalini, 
Preface  to  Muratori's  Annali  X.  (1764),  XXXV. 

1  Cf.  Chapter  VI.  infra. 

2  Both  sides  addressed  bitter  reproaches  to  the  neutral  Pope  ; 
the  same  thing  occurred  in  a  congregation  of  Cardinals  on  Septem- 
ber 4,  1553,  when  the  Imperial  Cardinals,  Alvarez  de  Toledo  and 
Carpi  endeavoured  to  induce  him  to  adopt  an  anti-French  policy, 
by  pointing  out  the  alliance  of  Henry  II.  with  the  Turks  (See 
Serristori's  *report  of  September  5,  1553.  State  Archives, 
Florence).  In  the  May  of  the  following  year  Cardinal  du  Bellay 
and  the  French  ambassador,  Lanssac,  made  complaints.  See 
Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  51,  n.  1. 

3  See  the  Florentine  reports  cited  in  the  Nonciat.  de  France, 
I.,  xliii.,  n.  2,  an  echo  of  which  is  found  in  Adriani  (VIII.,  1),  who 
was  commissioned  by  Cosimo  I.  to  write  (see  Mondaini,  Adriani, 
41-2,  Florence,  1905),  as  well  as  in  Segni  (XIII. ,  829),  and  in 
Panvinio  (Merkle,  II.,  148)  who  was  friendly  with  the  Farnese 
family. 


142  HISTORY     OF     THE     POPES. 

stand  aside  from  party  feeling,  as  then  only  could  he  be  success- 
ful as  a  peacemaker.1  How  greatly  the  activity  which  he 
displayed  in  this  direction  proceeded  from  himself  personally  is 
proved  by  the  fact  that  the  greater  part  of  the  instructions  tor 
the  ambassadors  and  legates  were  now  drawn  up  by  himself, 
and  that  he,  for  the  most  part,  dictated  personally  to  his 
secretaries.2  In  the  midst  of  all  this,  his  old  enemy,  the  gout, 
was  afflicting  him  to  an  increased  extent.3 

1  See  Ancel  in  the  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  xliii.  In  the  instruc- 
tions for  Gir.  Muzzarelli  of  January  21,  1554,  Julius  III.  speaks 
very  openly  about  his  having  been  led  astray  into  making  war  over 
Parma  ;   see  Pieper,  174. 

2  Cf.  del  Monte's  letter  of  July  7,  1552,  in  Pieper,  41, 
n.  3. 

3  The  reports  of  the  ambassadors  bear  witness  to  the  frequency 
of  the  painful  attacks  of  the  gout,  to  which  were  added  catarrh  and 
other  disorders  caused  by  errors  of  diet.  Cf.  especially  the  *letters 
of  A.  Serristori  of  June  7,  14  and  20,  and  of  October  10,  11,  and  24, 
1552  ;  also  of  January  4,  March  29,  June  9,  July  6,  and  9,  1553  ; 
♦letters  of  the  archbishop  of  Trani,  Bart.  Serristori,  of  October  19, 
22,  23,  and  24,  and  November  2,  1553  >  *letter  of  B.  Justo  of 
November  16,  1553  ;  *letters  of  A.  Serristori  of  February  7,  17,  18, 
19,  and  March  3,  8,  14,  15,  27,  1554  ;  *letters  of  B.  Justo  of 
February  24  and  26,  1554  ;  *  letters  of  A.  Serristori  of  June  10  and 
July  21,  1554  ;  *letter  of  B.  Justo  of  September  15,  1554  ;  all  in 
State  Archives,  Florence.  Concerning  the  physicia,ns  of  Julius  III. 
see,  besides  Marini,  I.,  393  seqq.,  Haser,  II.,  26  ;  Carus,  Gesch. 
der  Zoologie,  359  ;  Gratz,  IX.,  345,  350-1  ;  Rieger,  II.,  144-5  ; 
MASius.Briefe,  67  ;  Atti  per  le  prov.  di  Romagna,  Ser.  3,  1.,  422. 
In  the  Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  56,  n.  456  :  *appointment  of  Aug. 
Ricchi  of  Lucca  as  physician  in  ordinary,  with  a  yearly  salary  of 
200  scudi,  May  21,  1550;  n.  513  :  *appointment  of  Theoder.  de 
Sacerdotibus  (Hebreus)  as  physician  in  ordinary,  June  7,  1550  ;  t. 
59.  n.  39  :  summons  of  Jo.  de  Aguilera,  thesaur.  Salamant.  mag  in 
medic,  to  Rome,  January  26,  155 1  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 
Ibid.,  Arm.  44,  t.  4,  n.  25  :  summons  of  Franc.  Fregimelia, 
doct.  medic,  to  Rome,  January  5,  1555.  In  the  *Intr.  et  Exit,  of 
1554-1555,  payments  to  the  three  physicians  of  Julius  II.  :  A. 
Ricchi,   Giambatt.   Cannani  and  Damiano  Valentini  are  entered 


THE  POPE  S  EFFORTS  FOR  PEACE.     143 

The  grave  state  of  the  Pope's  health,  which,  in  the  November 
°f  x553»  made  the  possibility  of  a  conclave  in  the  near  future 
apparent,1  as  well  as  the  increasing  hopelessness  and  confusion 
of  the  political  position,  had  the  effect  of  gradually  depriving 
Julius  of  the  fresh  animating  energy  of  the  first  years  of  his 
reign,  and  finally  of  paralysing  his  endeavours  to  make  peace. 
Soon  afterwards,  however,  zealous  activity  was  displayed  by 
the  Pope  in  the  direction  of  an  attempt  at  mediation  between 
the  Emperor  and  France,  although  the  prospects  of  success 
seemed  most  unfavourable. 

Soon  after  the  conclusion  of  the  armistice,  Julius  III. 
addressed  himself  to  Henry  II.,  by  a  letter  in  his  own  hand, 
on  May  6th,  1552,  and  begged  him  to  make  peace  with  Charles 
V.2  The  French  King,  however,  had  not  the  faintest  idea 
of  complying  with  this  request,  but  hoped,  on  the  contrary, 
that  he  could,  just  at  that  time,  inflict  a  decisive  blow  on  the 
Emperor  by  means  of  his  conspiracy  with  the  Tuiks.3  In 
spite  of  this,  the  Pope  sent  nuncios  to  bring  about  an  armistice 
between  the  bitterly  struggling  rivals.  As  ordinary  nuncio, 
Prospero  Santa  Croce  went  to  Henry  II.,  while  Achille  de' 
Grassi  was  sent  to  Charles  V.  The  representations  of 
both,  however,  fell  on  deaf  ears.4  The  fury  of  war  raged 
worse  than  ever ;  in  the  middle  of  July,  a  Turkish  fleet 
appeared  before  Naples,  commanded  by  the  corsair,  Dragut, 
and    the   French    envoy,  Aramont  ;    fortunately   they  could 

(Cod.  Vat.  10,605  of  the  Vatican  Library).  The  Ravenna  physi- 
cian, Tommaso  Rangoni,  in  1550  dedicated  to  Julius  III.,  his  work, 
De  vita  hominis  ultra  CXX.  annos  protrahenda  ;  see  Ildebrando 
della  Giovanna,  Come  1'uomo  pud  vivere  piu  di  CXX.  anni. 
Piacenza,   1897.     (Nozze-Publication). 

1  See  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  68. 

2  See  the  text  in  the  *Inf.  Polit.,  XIX.,  79  (Royal  Library, 
Berlin). 

3  Cf.  Charriere,  II.,  201-2  ;    Zinkeisen,  II.,  876. 

4  Concerning  both  missions  cf.  Pieper,  41-2,  156-7.  Prospero 
Santa  Croce  was  a  close  friend  of  Cardinal  A.  Farnese  ;  his  being 
chosen  was,  therefore,  very  significant  ;  see  Romier,  in  the  Mrl. 
d'Arch.,  XXXI.,  13. 


144  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

do  little  damage,  as  the  French  fleet  arrived  too  late.1 
Another  undertaking  of  Henry  II.  had  all  the  more  brilliant 
a  success.  The  inhabitants  of  Siena  rose  on  July  27th,  1552, 
with  the  cry  of  "  France,  Victory,  Freedom  !  "  and  forced  the 
Spanish  garrison  to  retire.2  The  new  Republic  at  once  placed 
itself  under  the  protection  of  France.  Nothing  could  have 
been  more  pleasing  to  Henry  II.  than  this  turn  of  affairs,  as 
it  not  only  threatened  the  position  of  the  Emperor  in  Italy, 
but  served  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  Pope,  as  well  as  Cosimo 
de'  Medici,  in  check.3 

The  reaction  of  the  troubles  which  had  arisen  in  Tuscany 
was  at  once  seen  in  Rome.  In  the  middle  of  August,  1552, 
the  wildest  reports  of  an  intended  sack  of  the  city  by  the 
Spaniards  were  in  circulation,  originated  solely,  as  was  sup- 
posed, for  the  purpose  of  putting  the  Pope  into  a  false  position 
with  regard  to  the  Emperor.4  As  the  disturbances  in  Siena 
were  a  grave  danger  to  peace  in  the  States  of  the  Church,  the 
Pope,  whose  treasury  was  completely  exhausted  by  the  war 
about  Parma,  found  himself  in  a  very  critical  position.  Deter- 
mined as  he  was  to  remain  neutral  in  the  impending  struggle, 
his  only  thought  was  to  prevent  war,  with  its  attendant 
horrors,  from  spreading  over  the  States  of  the  Church.  He 
therefore  ordered  the  enrolment  of  4000  men.5  The  anxiety 
and  dismay  increased  in  Rome  when  the  end  of  the  month 

1  Cf.  Charriere,  II.,  209  seqq.  ;  Julius  III.  supported  by  his 
♦brief  of  August  25,  1552,  the  preparations  of  Charles  V.  for  war 
against  the  Turks  (Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  65,  n.  565,  Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican) . 

2  See  Reumont,  Toskana,  I.,  181-2. 

3  See  Reumont,  III.,  2,  508. 

4  Cf.  Serristori's  *report  of  August  15,  1552  (State  Ar- 
chives, Florence).  Camillo  Orsini  is  also  declared  to  be  the 
originator  of  these  rumours  by  Ipp.  Capilupi,  in  his  *report 
to  Cardinal  E.  Gonzaga  on  August  18,  1552  (Gonzaga  Archives, 
Mantua) . 

5  See  Serristori's  *report  of  August  21,  1552  (State  Archives, 
Florence) . 


THE     AFFAIR     OF     SIENA.  145 

brought  the  worst  news  regarding  the  advance  of  the  Turks 
in  Hungary.1 

On  August  13th,  1552,  Julius  III.  had  sent  Cardinal  Mig- 
nanelli  to  Siena  to  co-operate  in  the  organization  of  the  new 
constitution  in  such  a  manner  as  *to  preserve  the  peace  and 
independence  of  the  Republic,  and  assure  it  against  the  danger 
of  interference  by  foreigners.  Mignanelli,  as  a  native  of  Siena, 
seemed  more  suited  for  this  difficult  task  than  anyone  else 
could  be,  but  in  spite  of  all  his  good  will,  he  could  arrange 
nothing,2  and,  on  September  28th,  Julius  III.  had  to  recall 
him.3  It  was  quite  clear  what  turn  affairs  were  taking,  when 
Cardinal  d'Este,  who  was  entirely  devoted  to  French  interests, 
arrived  in  Siena  on  November  1st,  1552,  as  governor  for  Henry 
II.4  A  defensive  and  offensive  alliance,  and  the  transfer 
of  additional  French  troops  to  Siena,  showed  how  determined 
the  French  were  to  establish  themselves  firmly  there.5  Pedro 
de  Toledo,  Viceroy  of  Naples,  was  preparing  with  all  his  might 
to  drive  them  out,  and  thus,  while  the  flames  of  war  were  hardly 
extinguished  in  Parma,  another  outbreak  in  Central  Italy 
was  threatened. 

At  the  end  of  September,  1552,  Julius  III.  had  entrusted  a 
commission  consisting  of  four  Cardinals  with  the  task  of 
deliberating  upon  measures  for  bringing  about  peace  between 
Charles  V.  and  the  French  king.  He  still  hoped  he  would  at 
least  succeed  in  preventing  this  new  disturbance  of  the  peace 
of  Italy,  and  repeatedly  deliberated  to  this  end  with  Cardinals 

1  See  Serristori's  *report  of  August  28,  1552  (State  Archives, 
Florence).       With    regard    to     this    matter,     cf.     Huber,     IV., 

173-4- 

2  See  Legaz.  di  Serristori,  311  ;  Adriani,  IX.,  3  ;  Reumont, 
Toskana,  I.,  187. 

3  *Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  65,  n.  636  (Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican). 

4  According  to  a  coded  *report  of  Ipp.  Capilupi  to  Card.  E. 
Gonzaga,  of  October  19,  1552,  Dandino  is  supposed  to  have  said 
that  Card.  Farnese  had  endeavoured  to  obtain  the  post  which  was 
given  to  Este  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua). 

6  Sozzini,  92-3. 

VOL.    XIU.  10 


I46  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

de  Cupis,  Pacheco,  Vcrallo,  Puteo,  Cicada  and  Mignanclli.1 
As  he  was  well  aware  that  the  Viceroy  of  Naples  was  urging 
the  Emperor  to  undertake  an  expedition  against  Siena,  he 
sent  Bernardo  de'  Medici  to  Pedro  de  Toledo  at  the  end  of  No- 
vember and  advised  him  to  wait  a  little  longer  before  dispatch- 
ing his  troops.     Pedro,  however,  persisted  in  his  intention.2 

In  Rome,  where  the  recollection  of  the  dreadful  sack  of 
1527  still  lived  in  the  memory  of  the  people,  new  fears  concern- 
ing the  inimical  intentions  of  the  Spaniards  again  arose  in 
December.  The  Pope,  in  consultation  with  the  Cardinals, 
took  precautionary  measures,  whereupon  the  Spanish  party  in 
Rome,  as  well  as  the  Viceroy,  made  complaints.  They  should, 
however,  have  been  pleased,  as  far  as  that  was  concerned,  for 
the  Pope,  making  the  best  of  a  bad  bargain,  allowed,  in  spite 
of  his  "  neutrality,"  the  Spanish  troops  to  march  through  the 
States  of  the  Church.  The  precautionary  measures  which 
he  adopted  served  only  to  prevent  deeds  of  violence  and 
disturbances   in   his   own   territories.3     He   sent   Achille   de' 

1  See  Serristori's  *reports  of  September  16  and  28,  and  October  3, 
1552  (State  Archives,  Florence)  ;  Raynaldus,  1552,  n.  44  ; 
Druffel,  II.,  766-7,  778,  790-1.  Cardinal  Pacheco  emphasizes 
the  great  desire  of  the  Pope  to  mediate  for  peace,  in  a  *letter  to 
Card.  Madruzzo,  dated  Rome,  September  20,  1552  (Vice-regal 
Archives,  Innsbruck). 

2  Regarding  this  dispatch,  see  Pieper,  45. 

3  Cf.  besides  Lasso's  letter  in  Druffel,  II.,  831,  840,  the 
*Diario  di  Cola  Coleine  (loc.  cit.,  supra,  Chigi  Library,  Rome)  ; 
Caro,  Lett,  pubbl.  da  Mazzuchelli,  II.,  98  ;  Serristori's  "reports 
of  December  17,  18,  and  19,  1552  ;  in  that  of  the  19  he  says  : 
"  Torno  S.Bne  a  alterarsi  grandemente  sopra  l'haverle  questa 
mattina  in  consistorio  replicato  il  card.  S.  Jacomo  et  Burgos  che  la 
faceva  male  a  armare  dolendosi  del  modo  che  si  era  proceduto  seco." 
(State  Archives,  Florence).  The  *brief  for  the  episc.  Nepes.  [P.  A. 
de  Angelis]  et  abb.  Breregno,  regarding  commissariatus  ad  hospi- 
tandum  pedites  et  equites,  quos  vicerex  Neapolis  in  Hetruriam 
mittit,  is  dated  December  15,  1552  (Mm.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  66,  n. 
811.  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).  Concerning  the  prepara- 
tions for  war  at  that  time,  see  also  Quellen  und  Forschungen  des 
Preuss.  Histor.  Inst.,  VI.,  101. 


PROCEEDINGS     OF     THE     VICEROY.  147 

Grassi  to  Naples  again  at  the  last  moment,  at  the  end  of 
December,  once  more  to  beg  the  Viceroy  to  come  to  a  peaceful 
arrangement,  but  again  in  vain.1 

In  the  first  days  of  the  new  year,  1553,  Garcia  de  Toledo, 
the  son  of  the  Viceroy,  started  from  Naples  with  the  greater 
part  of  the  Spanish  army,  and  marched  through  the  States  of 
the  Church  to  Cortona  ;  his  father  proceeded  with  30  galleys 
and  2500  Spaniards  past  Civitavecchia  to  Leghorn,2  while 
Camillo  Orsini  had  put  Rome  in  a  state  of  defence.3  The 
Pope,  who,  just  at  that  moment,  was  lying  ill  with  an  attack 
of  gout,  endeavoured  to  protect  his  subjects  from  the  very 
severe  hardships  which  the  passage  of  the  Imperial  troops 
had  brought  in  its  train.4  He  commissioned  Cardinal  Alvarez 
de  Toledo  to  persuade  the  leader  of  the  Spanish  army  to  agree 
to  an  armistice  ;5  this  attempt,  however,  was  unsuccessful, 
while  the  Emperor  gave  his  approval  to  the  arbitrary  pro- 
ceedings of  his  Viceroy.  As  the  Venetian  ambassador  declares, 
Charles  V.  allowed  Pedro  de  Toledo  to  do  as  he  pleased,  so  as 
not  to  give  rise  to  the  idea  that  he  was  wanting  in  courage  and 
military  skill  since  his  failure  before  Metz.6 


1  Cf.  Raynaldus,  1553,  n.  23,  and  Pieper,  45. 

2  See  Adriani,  IX.,  4  ;  Sozzini,  93  ;  Galuzzi,  200-1  ;  Reumont 
Toskana,  I.  189. 

3  See  Serristori's  *reports  of  January  4  and  10,  1553  (State 
Archives,  Florence)  ;  Firmanus,  499-500  ;  cf.  also  the  "reports  of 
Cristof.  Trissino  to  Card.  Madruzzo,  dated,  Rome,  January  8  and 
I5»  J553  (Vice-regal  Archives,  Innsbruck),  and  *Diario  di  Cola 
Coleine  (loc.  cit.,  Chigi  Library,  Rome). 

4  Cf.  the  *  briefs  to  Orvieto  of  January  9,  and  to  Card.  Savelli, 
legate  of  the  Marches,  of  January  13,  1553,  in  Min.  brev.  Arm.  41, 
t.  67,  n.  15  and  27  ;  ibid.,  n.  30  to  Abb.  Brisegno  :  Charge  of  lodg- 
ing Imperial  army,  January  14,  1553.  £/•  n-  42>  43  to  the  episc. 
Nepes.  and  Card.  S.  Clementis  of  January  19.  The  Pope  excused 
himself  in  a  very  friendly  brief  of  January  10,  1553  (n.  18),  for  not 
having  been  able  to  greet  lnm  on  his  unexpected  arrival  in  Civita- 
vecchia (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

6  *Cardinal  Burgensi,  dated  January  14,  1553,  loc.  cit.  n.  31. 
6  Venet.     Dispatches,  II.,  593-4. 


14$  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

The  benevolent  neutrality  which  the  Pope  observed  with 
regard  to  the  Emperor  afforded  Charles  the  less  satisfaction  as, 
on  the  representation  of  the  French  ambassador,  a  captain 
of  Henry  II.  was  not  prevented  from  marching  through  the 
Papal  States  with  his  mercenaries.1  Those  who  knew  the 
character  of  Julius  III.  thoroughly,  believed  that  he  would 
not  take  up  a  decisive  position,  until  victory  had  unmistakably 
declared  itself  for  one  side  or  the  other.  The  adherents  of  the 
Emperor  thought  it  hard  that  there  should  be  no  qualified 
Spanish  ambassador  in  Rome,  who  would  have  kept  the  very 
disunited  Spanish  Cardinals  together.2  To  the  joy  of  the 
French  party  a  violent  dispute  arose  between  the  Pope  and 
Cardinal  Juan  Alvarez  de  Toledo  in  March,  1553.  This 
quarrel,  indeed,  was  settled,  but  had  as  a  consequence  the 
temporary  withdrawal  of  the  Cardinal  from  the  Curia.3  The 
fortification  of  the  city  was,  meanwhile,  so  far  advanced  that 
it  seemed  assured  against  any  attack,  and  they  hoped  to  render 
the  Borgo  quite  impregnable  in  two  months.4 

At  the  beginning  of  February,  1553,  it  had  transpired  at  the 
Curia  that  two  envoys  were  about  to  be  sent,  who  were  to 
arrange  for  a  peace  between  the  Emperor  and  the  French  king. 
At  first  they  contented  themselves  with  the  sending  of  couriers 
to    the    nuncios    who    were     at     the    courts    of    the    said 


1  See  *  briefs  to  Asc.  della  Corgna  and  Card.  Fulvio  della  Corgna, 
of  January  15,  1553.  Min.  brev.,  t.  67,  n.  32-3.  Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican. 

2  See  the  coded  **report  of  Serristori  of  February  1,  1553  (State 
Archives,  Florence). 

3  Cf.  Masius  for  this,  Lettere,  121  ;  and  Serristori's  *reports  of 
March  n,  13,  and  21,  1553  (State  Archives,  Florence). 

4  See  Serristori's  *letter  of  January  4,  1553.  On  January  11, 
he  *  writes  :  "  Qui  si  attende  a  fortificar  Borgo  con  far  bastioni  e 
fossi,  dove  ci  sono  a  lavorare  da  400  guastatori ;  "on  March  14  he 
*says  :  "  Ogni  giorno  il  s.  Camillo  Orsini  va  crescendo  il  numero 
delli  guastatori  per  la  fortificatione  di  Borgo,  il  qual  vuole  che  in 
duoi  mesi  sia  inespugnabile."  According  to  his  *repcrt  of  March 
23,  the  number  of  "  guastatori  "  amounted  to  700.  (State 
Archives,  Florence). 


LEGATES  SENT  TO  BELLIGERENTS.     149 

Princes.1  A  month  later  Onofrio  Camaiani  was  sent  to  Florence, 
and  Federigo  Fantuccio  to  Siena,  for  the  purpose  of  arranging 
a  peaceful  issue  of  the  troubles  in  the  latter  city.2  In  a  con- 
sistory of  April  3rd,  1553,  the  appointment  of  the  two  Cardinal- 
Legates  took  place,  which  had  already  been  planned  during 
the  summer  and  autumn  of  the  previous  year.3  Dandino  was 
to  go  to  the  Emperor  and  Capodiferro  to  Henry  II.,  and  they 
were  instructed  to  declare,  in  the  name  of  the  Pope,  that  the 
latter  only  wished  to  fulfil  his  duty  as  Father  of  Christendom, 
and  that  he  had  no  other  interest  in  the  establishment  of  peace 
than  the  well-being  of  all.  For  these  reasons  he  offered 
himself  as  a  mediator  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  about  an 
agreement.4  Dandino  left  the  Eternal  City  on  April  14th, 
and  Capodiferro  two  days  later.5 

In  May  the  Pope  made  still  further  attempts,  by  means  of 
repeated  missions  to  Siena,  to  bring  the  "  miserable  and 
barbaric  war  "  which  raged  there  between  the  Imperialists  and 


1  *Serristori  on  February  1  and  6,  1553  (State  Archives, 
Florence) . 

2  Concerning  both  dispatches  see  Pieper,  46.  The  *Memoriale 
for  Camaiani  in  Cod.  Ottob.,  1888,  p.  1-2  of  the  Vatican  Library. 
The  departure  of  Camaiani  took  place  on  March  2  (see  Serristori's 
♦letter  of  that  date.  State  Archives,  Florence).  The  *briefs  to 
Siena,  Termes,  and  Card.  Este  with  regard  to  Fantuccio,  are  of 
March  28,  1553.  Min.  brev.,  t.  67,  n.  231-233  (Secret  Archives  of 
the  Vatican). 

3  See  Raynaldus,  1552,  n.  44  ;    cf.  Pieper,  50. 

4  Concerning  the  dispatch  of  the  two  legates,  see,  besides 
Serristori's  *reports  of  March  29  and  April  3,  6  and  8,  1553  (State 
Archives,  Florence),  and  Capilupi's  *letter  of  April  3,  1553  (Gon- 
zaga  Archives,  Mantua),  Raynaldus,  1553,  n.  18  seqq.  ;  Firmanus 
500  and  especially  Pieper,  50-1,  161-2,  166  seqq.  A  rare  impres- 
sion of  the  Bulla  facultatum  H.  card.  Imolensis  (dated  1553, 
April  3)  Lovanii,  1553,  is  in  the  British  Museum. 

5  See  Firmanus,  500  and  *letter  of  Serristori  of  April  14,  1553 
(State  Archives,  Florence).  Cf.  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  28,  and 
Kupke  in  Quellen  und  Forschungen  des  Preuss.  Histor.  Inst.,  IV., 
82    seqq. 


150  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

the  French  to  an  end.1  At  the  beginning  of  June,  Julius  III., 
who  at  that  time  appointed  the  Duke  of  Urbino  as  Captain- 
General  of  the  Church,2  went  to  Viterbo,  in  order  to  discuss 
matters  with  the  Sienese  representatives  there.3  The  hopes 
which  were  entertained  of  the  success  of  this  step4  were  not 
realized,  as  Cardinal  d'Este  was  opposed  to  it.  He  had 
already  received  news  that  a  turn  in  the  position  of  affairs  was 
imminent,5  which  soon,  indeed,  proved  to  be  the  case.  The 
threatening  of  Naples  by  a  Turkish  fleet  forced  the  Imperialists 
to  strengthen  the  garrison  there,  and  they  were  consequently 
obliged  to  raise  the  siege  of  Siena  on  June  15th.6  The  Sienese 
question,  however,  which  had  assumed  such  unexpected 
importance,  had  by  no  means  thereby  found  a  solution. 

In  the  meantime  the  two  peace  legates  had  reached  the  end 
of  their  journey,  but  they  did  not  manage  to  come  to  any 
arrangement.7     It  seemed,   indeed,   at   that  time,   as  if  the 

1  Concerning  the  dispatch  of  G.  A.  Vimercato  and  Card.  N. 
Gaetani  see  SozzrNi,  13 r,  135,  137-8,  and  PrEPER,  47-8.  Numerous 
♦briefs  concerning  the  dispatch  of  G.  A.  Vimercato  in  Min.  brev. 
Arm.  4 J ,  t.  68,  n.  326,  340-1  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

2  See  FrRMANUs,  5or. 

3  Cf.  besides  Sozzmr,  139-140,  Adrtani,  IX.,  4,  and  Carte 
Strozz.,  I.,  500,  the  *report  of  Serristori  dated  Rome,  1553, 
June  2  (the  Pope  goes  to  Viterbo  to-day  ;  va  con  speranza  grande 
di  concludere  1'accordo  perche  l'ambasciatore  Franzese  gle  lo 
prometto  certo  ;  oltre  che  per  una  lettera  che  scrive  un  agente  del 
card,  di  Ferrara  da  S.  Germano  al  legato  S.  Giorgio  si  vede  che  il 
re  lo  desidera),  and  the  *letters  from  Viterbo  of  June  6  (conference 
with  the  Cardinals),  9  (the  Pope's  attack  of  gout),  and  17  (to- 
morrow we  return  to  Rome).     State  Archives, 

4  See  Serristori's  *report  of  July  3,  1553,  concerning  the  consis- 
tory on  this  date  (State  Archives,  Florence). 

5  See  Pieper,  49. 

6  SozzrNi,  143-4.  The  Pope  allowed  the  march  of  the  Imperial 
troops  through  the  States  of  the  Church.  Min.  brev.,  t.  67,  n.  406, 
415,  427  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

7  Cf.  Gachard,  Archives  du  Vatican,  52-3,  and  Biogr.  Nat.,  III., 
864-5.  MASrus,  Lettere,  122-3  '>  Venet.  Dispatches,  II.,  603-4  J 
PrEPER,  52-3. 


FAILURE     OF     THE     LEGATES.  151 

exasperation  and  eager  desire  for  war  which  filled  the  hearts  of 
Charles  V.  and  Henry  II.  with  hatred  against  each  other,  had 
assumed  a  more  intense  character  than  before.  The  news 
from  the  legates  sounded  so  hopeless  that  the  general  congre- 
gation of  Cardinals  proposed  their  recall.  On  July  31st,  by 
command  of  the  Pope,  the  affair  was  once  more  discussed  by 
a  special  commission  of  six  Cardinals  :  Carpi,  Puteo,  Pighino, 
Alvarez  de  Toledo,  Sermoneta  and  de  Cupis.  De  Cupis,  on 
this  occasion,  spoke  strongly  in  favour  of  recalling  them,  but 
Carpi  opposed  him,  pointing  out  the  Emperor's  increasing 
success  in  the  war,  which  would  force  Henry  II.  to  come  to 
terms.  Most  of  the  Cardinals  approved  of  this  view,1  and  on 
August  1st,  the  Pope  decided  in  this  sense,  the  peace  mission 
of  the  legates  being  extended  for  two  months  longer.2 

It  was  only  with  great  difficulty  that  Dandino  succeeded 
in  inducing  the  Emperor  to  formulate  his  conditions  of  peace 
with  greater  exactitude  ;  these,  however,  went  so  far  that 
Henry  II.  utterly  refused  an  answer.  Thereupon  the  legates 
started  on  their  return  journey  to  Rome  at  the  beginning  of 
October.3 

They  travelled  slowly  ;  on  again  reaching  the  Eternal  City 
on  December  3rd,4  Dandino  could  see  the  harmful  effects 
consequent  upon  the  Sienese  war.  In  the  very  populous 
Florentine  colony  which  had  long  existed  in  Rome  there  were 
many  exiles  and  other  opponents  of  the  Medici.  The 
hopes  of  these  people,  who  clung  with  the  greatest  tenacity 
to  their  old  ideals,  were  strengthened  when  Piero  Strozzi,5 
who  had  been  appointed  French  commandant  in  Siena, 
instead  of  Termes,  reached  Rome  at  the  end  of  the  year,  where 

1  See  Serristori's  detailed  **report  of  July  31,  1553  (State 
Archives,  Florence).     Cf.  Turnbull,  Queen  Mary,  n.  4. 

2  "  Ha  giudicato  S.S.1^  doppo  d'haver  udito  i  pareri  et  voti  delle 
due  congregationi  generale  et  particulare  esser  meglio  che  i  legati 
restino  che  richiamarli."  *Serristori  on  August  1,  1553  (State 
Archives,  Florence).     Cf.  Pieper,  54. 

3  See  Pieper,  54-5. 

4  See  Firmanus,  501. 

5'C/.  Coppini,  P.  Strozzi  nell'  assedio  di  Siena,  Florence,  1902. 


152  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

he  discussed  with  the  Pope  the  prolongation  of  the  armistice 
in  connection  with  the  affair  of  Parma.1 

The  year  1554  brought  with  it  the  decision  as  to  the  fate  of 
Siena.  The  shrewdest  of  all  the  politicians  in  the  Italy  of 
those  days,  Cosimo  de'  Medici,  who  had  been  reconciled  to  the 
Emperor  by  a  secret  treaty  of  November  25th,  1551,  overcame 
the  neighbouring  Republic  by  means  of  a  base  act  of  violence. 
On  January  26th,  1554,  his  troops  took  forcible  possession  of 
the  fortress  of  Camullia,  situated  immediately  in  front  of  the 
gates  of  Siena.  His  undertaking,  as  he  declared  to  the  Sienese, 
had  no  other  object  than  to  restore  to  them  their  freedom  and 
independence,  of  which  the  French  had  robbed  them.  The 
Republic  was  not  deceived  by  such  hypocritical  good-will. 
With  fierce  determination  the  Sienese  prepared  to  defend  their 
independence,  and  thereupon  an  inhuman  war  at  once  broke 
out,  which  was  waged  on  both  sides  with  almost  unexampled 
stubbornness  and  barbarity.2 

When,  in  May  1554,  a  new  nuncio,  in  the  person  of  Sebas- 
tiano  Gualterio,  was  sent  to  France  in  the  place  of  Prospero 
Santa  Croce,  he  received,  in  addition  to  his  principal  mission  of 
urging  Henry  II.  to  make  peace  with  the  Emperor,  special 
directions  to  offer  the  Pope  as  mediator  in  the  Sienese  struggle. 
In  the  instructions,  the  very  great  injury  which  the  Sienese 
war  was  causing  to  the  States  of  the  Church  is  emphasized. 
The  Pope  had  been  obliged  to  pay  150,000  scudi  for  putting 
Rome  and  the  other  possessions  of  the  Holy  See  in  a  state  of 
defence  ;  the  salary  of  the  Duke  of  Urbino  as  Captain-General 
of  the  Church  necessitated  an  annual  outly  of  30,000  scudi  ; 
moreover,   the  dislocation  of  traffic  and  commerce  by  land 

1  The  prolongation  of  the  armistice  (see  *Barb.,  2,392,  p.  166-7. 
Vatican  Library)  was  signed  by  Card,  du  Bellay  and  Lanssac  on 
February  3,  1554,  ratified  by  Henry  II.  on  March  3,  and  delivered 
to  the  Pope  on  April  26  (see  Sauze,  374-5  and  Coggiola,  Farnesi, 
I4'5)  I  Julius  III.  communicated  it  to  Ottavio  by  a  *  brief  of  April 
27,  1554  (Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  70,  n.  233.  Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican).  On  April  29,  the  Breve  assolutorio  for  Ottavio  Farnese 
was  issued  ;   see  Coggiola,  15-6,  254-5. 

2  See  Reumont,  Toskana,  I.,  199  seqq. 


WEAKNESS     OF     THE     POPE.  153 

and  sea  had  also  to  be  taken  into  consideration.  In  these 
instructions  stress  is  also  laid  on  the  neutrality  of  the  Pope, 
who  had  allowed  the  partisans  of  France  to  draw  military- 
stores  from  the  States  of  the  Church  and  enrol  troops  there.1 
That  was  to  the  point,2  but  on  the  other  hand  it  could  not  be 
denied  that  on  the  whole  the  Papal  "  neutrality  "  had  a  more 
or  less  Imperialist  tendency.  This  was  the  result,  not  only 
of  the  old  weakness  of  the  Pope  for  Charles  V.,  but  was  much 
more  due  to  the  very  friendly  relations  that  had  all  along 
existed  between  him  and  Cosimo  I.3  These  had,  however, 
been  very  much  disturbed  in  July,  1554,  when  Julius  III.  had 
been  weak  enough  to  allow  the  French  auxiliary  troops, 
destined  for  Siena,  to  march  through  the  States  of  the  Church. 
Besides  this  there  were  also  serious  differences  with  the 
Florentine  ambassador,  Averardo  Serristori.4  The  former 
friendly  relations  were,  however,  at  once  restored  when  the 
Pope's  brother,  Baldovino,  congratulated  the  Duke  on  the 
brilliant  victory  which  his  troops  had  gained  over  Piero 
Strozzi  at  Marciano  on  August  2nd,  1554.5 

Julius  III.  again  made  several  vain  attempts,  from  October, 
I554>  to  the  end  of  January  in  the  following  year,  to  bring 

1  See  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  22  seqq. 

2  Concerning  the  incredibly  weak  behaviour  of  Julius  III.,  and 
his  curious  neutrality,  see  Reumont,  III.,  2,  509. 

3  With  his  *brief  of  December  27,  1551,  Julius  had  sent  the  Duke 
a  blessed  Cap  and  Sword.  Min.  brev.  t.  62,  n.  1054.  Ibid.,  t.  66,  n. 
763  a  *  brief  characteristic  of  their  intimate  relations,  to  Cosimo  I., 
on  November  29,  1552  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

1  Cf.  concerning  this  Desjardins,  III.,  343-4  ;  Gori,  Arch.,  I., 
28  ;  Riv.  Europ,  VI.  (1878),  629  seqq.  ;  Stor.  Ital.  Ser.  4,  II.,  12-3  ; 
Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  n.  55,  81.  That  Julius  III.  had  previously 
suggested  the  recall  of  Serristori  is  evident  from  the  ** brief  to 
Cosimo  I.  of  June  10,  1554,  unknown  until  now,  (Min.  brev.  Arm. 
41,  t.  71,  n.  342.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

5  See  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  84  n.  2.  Baldovino  and  the 
Governor  of  Rome  illuminated  their  palaces  at  the  celebration  of 
the  victory  ;  see  *Diario  di  Cola  Coleine,  Chigi  Library, 
loc.  cit. 


154  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

the  vexed  Sienese  question  to  a  peaceful  solution.1  He  did  not 
survive  till  the  fall  oi  the  Republic  ;  his  old  trouble,  the  gout, 
and  an  unwise  starvation  cure  brought  his  life  to  an  end  on 
March  23rd,  1555. - 

1  See  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.  xlix  seqq.  A.  Agostini,  who  was 
sent  to  the  Emperor  in  January,  1555,  was  to  impress  on  him  the 
necessity  for  a  peace  with  France  (see  Pieper,  68).  Cf.  also 
Palandri,  n.  83,  concerning  the  complaints  of  Julius  III.  with 
regard  to  the  conduct  of  Cosimo  I. 

2  The  state  of  health  of  Julius  III.  was  so  grave  that  Serristori 
was  of  opinion,  as  early  as  the  Autumn  of  1554,  that  a  slight 
attack  would  bring  about  his  death  (*Report  of  September  29, 
1554.  State  Archives,  Florence).  On  February  12,  1555,  the 
Pope  wras  again  attacked  by  gout,  and  had  to  take  to  his  bed 
(See  Massarelli,  247).  His  strength  gradually  decreased,  as  the 
doctors  ordered  a  very  low  diet,  a  drastic  measure  which  his 
stomach,  accustomed  to  rich  food,  could  not  withstand  (see 
Panvinio  in  Merkle,  II.,  248,  n.  1).  The  Bishop  of  Pa  via  *  writes 
on  March  18  :  "  S.S^  gia  sono  32  giorni  che  sta  in  letto  senza 
periculo,  ma  debole  et  senza  appetito  et  come  esso  dice  in  termine, 
se  gli  sopragiungesse  alcuno  accidente  che  forse  la  fariano  male  " 
(State  Archives,  Florence)  ;  however,  it  was  still  hoped  on  March  9, 
that  he  would  soon  recover  (*N.S.  tuttavia  continua  nella  sua 
indispositione,  ma  non  pero  piu  grave  sperandosi  che  presto  sia  per 
convalersi.  G.  Maggio  on  March  9,  State  Archives,  Bologna)  ; 
and  on  the  16,  Serristori  *writes  :  "  N.S.  se  bene  e  assai  battuto  sta 
pero  assai  quieto  in  modo  che  presto  si  dovera  levar  da  letto."  On 
March  19  the  Pope's  state  was  grave,  and  on  the  21,  hopeless.  See 
concerning  this,  besides  Massarelli,  247,  the  *letters  of  Fulgehzio 
Gianettini  of  March  21  and  22  (State  Archives,  Bologna)  and  the 
♦reports  of  Serristori  of  March  19,  21  and  22  (State  Archives, 
Florence)  ;  the  passage  from  the  letter  of  the  22,  relating  the 
disappointment  of  the  relatives  whose  requests  the  dying  Pope  did 
not  grant,  is  printed  in  the  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  xliv.,  n.  4. 
On  March  22,  "  a  hore  20."  F.  Gianettini  announces  :  "  La  notte 
passata,  alle  7  hore  S.St&  udi  messa  et  confesso  et  reconciliato  pig- 
h'6  il  sto  sacramento  della  communione  et  li  a  poco  chiedi  l'estrema 
untione,  which  he  received.  To-day  all  the  Cardinals  went  to  the 
Pope,  whom  no  one  could  any  longer  understand."  State 
Archives,    Bologna ;     Ibid,    the    announcement     of    the    death, 


VACILLATION     OF     JULIUS     III.  155 

In  the  crypt  of  St.  Peter's,  the  simple  sarcophagus,  dis- 
tinguished only  by  the  words  "  Pope  Julius  III.,"  which 
contains  his  remains,  can  still  be  seen.1  It  is  not  by  chance 
that  this  Pope  has  no  special  tomb,  for  his  reign  has  left  no 
deep  traces.  He  did  not  realize  the  expectations  to  which  his 
activities  as  Cardinal,  and  the  zeal  he  displayed  at  the  begin- 
ning of  his  pontificate,  gave  rise. 

He  had  nothing  in  common  with  the  great  Pope  after  whom 
Giovan  Maria  del  Monte  was  called,  but  the  name.  And  this 
is  not  only  true  in  the  sense  of  his  not  being  the  patron  of  art 
and  letters,  but  in  other  respects  as  well,  as  the  very  qualities 
which  specially  distinguished  Julius  II.,  independence  of 
character,  energy  and  power,  were  totally  wanting  in  him.  He 
was  of  a  sanguine  temperament,  with  rapidly  changing  moods, 
easily  influenced  and  exceedingly  nervous  and  timid,  and  was 
constantly  in  a  state  of  vacillation  and  indecision.  The  times, 
full  of  the  harshest  contrasts,  called  for  a  strong  unbending 
character  ;  such  a  man  as  Julius  III.  was  quite  incapable  of 
dealing  with  the  particularly  difficult  conditions.  Paul  IV. 
afterwards  described  his  compliance  and  dependence  on  the 
Imperialists  in  the  sharpest  terms  ;  he  said  that  Julius  III. 
had  no  longer  been  master  in  Rome,  and  had  been  obliged  to 
do  what  the  Spaniards  wanted.2  It  is  at  all  events  certain  that 
Julius  made  a  fatal  mistake  when  he  allowed  himself  to  be 
led  into  making  war  on  Ottavio  Farnese,  the  consequences  of 
which  caused  great  financial  and  moral  injury  to  the  Holy  See.3 

written  immediately  afterwards,  "  a  hore  19."  Cf.  also  Acta 
consist,  in  Gulik-Eubel,  34  ;  J.  v.  Meggen  in  the  Archiv.  fiir 
schweiz.  Reform-Gesch.,  III.,  514  ;  the  Portuguese  reports  in 
Corpo  Dipl.  Port.,  VII.,  375-6. 

1  See  Dionysius,   Crypt.   Vatic,   tab.,     LV.  ;    Turrigio,   387  ; 

FORCELLA,  VI.,   70  ;     DUFRESNE,  91. 

2  See  *report  of  Navagero,  dat.  Rome,  July  25,  1556  (St.  Mark's 
Library,  Venice). 

3  See  supra  p.  140.  In  consequence  of  his  friendly  attitude  to 
the  Emperor,  satires  on  the  dead  Pope  continued  to  be  published, 
especially  in  France.  Cf.  Favre,  Olivier  de  Magny,  59  seqq. 
Concerning  the  scarcity  of  money  at  the  death  of  Julius  III.,  cf. 
Mitteil.  des  Ostr.  Inst.,  XIV.,  544. 


156  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

It  is  also  undeniable  that  the  Pope  by  no  means  drew  the 
correct  inferences  from  the  exceedingly  grave  position  in  which 
the  Church  was  placed  by  the  serious  defection  in  the  north  ; 
he  never  sufficiently  realized  how  greatly  the  times  had 
changed.  The  Church,  already  bleeding  from  a  thousand 
wounds,  was  daily  receiving  new  blows  from  incensed  enemies 
and  undutiful  children.  Julius  III.  gave  the  painful  impres- 
sion that,  instead  of  retiring  within  himself  in  prayer  and 
contemplation,  he  gave  himself  up  in  a  more  ingenuous  manner, 
like  the  great  nobles  of  the  Renaissance  period,  to  the  amuse- 
ments of  comedies,  court  jesters  and  card-playing.  The 
"  Hilaritas  publica  "  which  one  of  his  medals  extols,1  was 
not  in  place  at  a  time  when  the  faithful  Catholic  chronicler, 
Johann  Oldecop,  had  this  inscription  placed  on  his  house  in 
Hildesheim  :  "  Duty  has  ceased,  the  Church  is  convulsed, 
the  clergy  has  gone  astray,  the  devil  rules,  simony  prevails, 
the  Word  of  God  remains  for  all  eternity."2 

One  must  not,  however,  go  too  far  in  accusing  Julius  III. 
He  has  been  unjustly  made  responsible  for  the  interruption 
of  the  Council,  and  the  unfortunate  sudden  change  of  affairs 
in  Germany  ;  he  is  also  not  to  blame  for  the  short  duration  of 
the  reconciliation  of  England  with  the  Church.  It  was,  how- 
ever, unavoidable  that  a  deep  shadow  should  have  been  thrown 
over  his  pontificate  by  all  these  events,  and  that  this  should 
dim  his  very  remarkable  activity  within  the  Church,  and 
especially  his  efforts  for  reform.  Because  this  activity  was  not 
sufficiently  known,  and  was  therefore  underestimated,  the 
dark  side  of  his  pontificate  is  more  evident  to  us,  while  the, 
at  any  rate  weaker,  bright  side  has  fallen  too  much  into  the 
background.3 

1  See  Venuti,  91. 

2  Cf.  Jannsen-Pastor,  VIII.,  427. 

3  All  that  Julius  III.  had  done  for  Rome  and  the  States  of  the 
Church  was  almost  entirely  forgotten.  In  this  respect  his  care  for 
strict  justice  is  especially  worthy  of  remark.  Cf.  thereupon 
Buonanni's  *report  of  September  20,  1550,  and  Serristori's  of 
September  16,  1552  (State  Archives,  Florence)  ;  see  also  the 
"  Bulla  deput.  card.  Tranen.  et  de  Puteo  ac  S.  Calixti  et  S.  Clemen- 


VACILLATION     OF     JULIUS     III.  157 

tis  ad  superintendendum  rebus  urbis  et  audiendum  quaerelas," 
dat.  1553  VI.  Id.  Oct.  ;  printed  copy  in  the  Colonna  Archives, 
Rome  ;  Ibid,  the  *  brief  of  May  29,  1554,  against  the  "  banditi 
dello  stato  Romano."  See  also  in  Appendix  No.  15,  the  *brief  of 
May  6,  1552,  concerning  the  work  of  making  the  Upper  Tiber 
navigable.  On  March  3,  155 1,  Julius  III.  appointed  Paulus  de 
Tarano  as  commissary  "  super  dessicatione  paludum  "  of  the 
States  of  the  Church  to  the  borders  of  Siena  and  Florence.  Arm.  41, 
t.  59,  n.  219  ;  ibid.  t.  64,  n.  388,  the  *brief  for  Bernardus  Machia- 
vellus  Florent.  of  June  22,  1552,  concerning  the  continuation  and 
rendering  safe  of  the  drainage  of  the  marshes  at  Foligno,  Trevi  and 
Montefiascone,  begun  by  Paul  III.  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 
Concerning  his  care  for  the  defence  of  Rome  and  Civitavecchia,  cf. 
infra  Chapter  XIV.  To  the  brighter  side  of  the  character  of 
Julius  III.,  which  is  overlooked,  belongs  also  his  great  benevolence. 
His  almoner,  the  worthy  Francesco  Vanuzzi  {cf.  Forcella,  XII., 
514),  paid  245  scudi  monthly  to  the  poor.  The  "  Ospedale  degli 
Incurabili  "  and  the  institution  "  delle  orfanelle  "  each  received 
100  scudi  a  month  ;  besides  this,  convents  and  other  needy 
establishments  were  generously  and  regularly  aided.  See  *Intr. 
et  Exit.,  1554-1555,  Cod.  Vat.  10605  of  the  Vatican  Library. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

Efforts     of    Julius     III.     for     Reform— Creation    of 

Cardinals. 

At  the  very  beginning  of  his  reign,  in  March,  1550,  Julius  III. 
had  taken  in  hand  the  carrying  on  of  the  reform  work  begun 
by  his  predecessor,  and,  in  order  to  deliberate  on  this  most 
important  matter,  in  which  the  reform  cf  the  abuses  in  the 
Dataria  was  especially  to  be  considered,  he  appointed  a  com- 
mission, consisting  of  Cardinals  de  Cupis,  Carafa,  Sfondrato, 
Crescenzi,  Pole  and  Cibo.1  Cibo  soon  fell  dangerously  ill,  and 
died  on  April  14th.2  As  other  members  of  the  commission 
also  fell  ill  or  had  to  be  absent  from  Rome,  the  matter  came 
temporarily  to  a  standstill,  but  the  Pope  re-opened  it  by  urging, 
in  a  consistory  of  July  21st,  1550,  the  energetic  resumption  of 
the  work,  in  view  of  the  near  approach  of  the  Council.  He 
submitted  the  question  to  the  Cardinals,  whether  it  would  be 
better  to  form  a  new  commission,  to  wait  for  the  arrival  of  the 
absent  members,  or  to  summon  them.  The  College  of  Car- 
dinals decided  on  the  latter  course,  and  resolved  that  new 
members  should  be  appointed  in  the  place  of  those  who  were 
prevented  from  returning.3  As  gross  abuses  had  become 
apparent  during  the  last  conclave,  the  Pope  at  the  same  con- 
sistory  of    July   21st4   commissioned   Cardinals   Medici   and 

1  Cf.  supra  p.  57  and  Appendix  Nos.  7  and  8. 

2  See  the  *reports  of  Buonanni  of  April  9  and  14,  and  that  of 
*Serristori  of  April  13,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence). 

3  See  *Acta  consist,  cancel!.,  VI.,  54  ;  and  Schweitzer,  Re- 
formen  unter  Julius  III.,  53-4.  As  Schweitzer  is  preparing  a 
special  publication,  I  have  purposely  refrained  from  entering  into 
many  particulars. 

4  Cf.  Sagmuller,  Papstwahlbullen,  18-19  ;   Schweitzer,  54. 

158 


COMMISSION     FOR     REFORM.  159 

Maffei  to  consider  proposals  for  reform.  By  the  beginning  of 
August,  as  we  are  informed  by  a  Florentine  correspondent,1 
Julius  III.  had  reformed  his  own  entourage,  and  had  also 
spoken  of  a  reform  of  the  College  of  Cardinals.2 

Flow  zealously  the  Pope  intended  to  carry  out  his  campaign 
of  refoim,  even  before  the  meeting  of  the  Council,  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  on  September  7th,  1550,  he  commissioned 
the  former  secretary  of  the  Council,  Massarelli,  to  prepare  a 
summary  of  such  reform  proposals  as  had  not  yet  been  delib- 
erated on  at  Trent.  These  were  now  to  be  finally  dealt  with 
in  Rome,  for  which  purpose  three  of  the  most  experienced 
members  of  the  Sacred  College,  Cervini,  Pole  and  Morone, 
were  summoned  to  return  to  the  Curia  at  the  end  of  September.3 
On  October  3rd,  the  Pope  was  in  a  position  to  announce  that 
the  labours  of  Cardinals  Medici  and  Maffei  were  proceeding 
most  favourably,  and  that  they  had  already  drawn  up  a  Bull 
for  the  reform  of  the  conclave.  De  Cupis  was  to  communicate 
this  document  to  the  different  Cardinals,  so  that  they  might 
sa)/  whether  they  had  anything  to  add  or  to  delete.4  The 
Florentine  ambassador  sent  a  copy  to  Cosimo  I.  on  October 
13th,  telling  him  to  keep  it  secret,  and  above  all,  to  take  care 
that  the  officious  humanist,  Giovio,  did  not  get  a  glimpse  of 
it  and  prematurely  make  it  public.5 

1  "  Ha  fatto  la  reforma  della  casa  sua."     *Buonanni  on  August  6, 
1550.     Concerning    the    Conclave    reforms,    the    latter    thinks  : 
"  L'opera  e  santissima,  ma  chi  la  fara  metter  in  esecutione  ? 
(State  Archives,  Florence). 

2  See  in  Appendix  No.  9.,  Buonanni's  *letter  of  August  2,  1550 
(State  Archives,  Florence). 

3  See  Massarelli,  190,  193. 

4  See  Acta  consist,  in  Laemmer,  Melet.,  206  ;  cf.  Gulik,  34  and 
Sagmuller,   Papstwahlbullen,   20. 

5  "  Aspettonsi  i  revmi  S.  Croce  et  Inghilterra  perche  possa  essere 
vista  da  loro  et  poi  dagl'  altri  cardinali  la  minuta  della  bolla  del 
conclave,  che  sara  presto  espedita  a  fine  che  di  poi  possa  mandarsi  a 

S.M.^  sopra  l'indicatione  di  detto  concilio  di  Trento 

Con  questa  sara  la  copia  della  riforma  che  S.S.ttY  vorebbe  dare  ai 


l6o  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

When,  at  the  end  of  October,  Cardinals  Cervini,  Moronc  and 
Pole  had  arrived  in  Rome,  decisive  steps  with  regard  to  the 
question  of  reform  were  expected  in  the  immediate  future.1 
In  November  and  December  the  most  exhaustive  deliberations 
were  repeatedly  held  in  the  consistory  and  elsewhere  concern- 
ing this  important  question.2  Even  the  sceptical  Florentine, 
Buonanni,  no  longer  doubted  as  to  the  sincerity  of  the  members 
of  the  commission.3 

A  compilation  of  the  dispensations  which  hitherto  had  been 
granted  by  the  Dataria,  and  which  had  given  rise  to  much 
scandal,  of  itself  shows  the  difficulties  which  had  to  be  over- 
come.4 Seventeen  of  these,  which  were  to  be  duly  discussed 
and  examined,  were  specially  called  in  question.  Cardinals 
de  Cupis,  Carafa,  Cervini,  Crescenzi,  Pisani  and  Pole  were 
entrusted  with  this  work  in  December.  The  Pope,  says  the 
Florentine  ambassador,  Serristori,  by  his  reform  of  the  Dataria, 
wishes  to  show  that  in  his  efforts  for  reform,  he  is  beginning 
at  home.5     The  same  object  was  served  by  the  continued 

conclavi  a  venire,  la  quale  prega  i  revmo  de  Medici  che  non  sia 
publicata  et  sopratutto  non  vada  in  man  del  Jovio,  poiche  S.S^ 
come  pare  giusto  vuole  prima  ch'ella  sia  vista  dal  collegio  et 
ritoccata  dove  paresse  bene  et  poi  publicata,  passata  ch'ella  fusse 
per  consistorio."  *Buonanni,  Rome,  October  13,  1550  (State 
Archives,  Florence). 

1  "  Poiche  si  trovano  qui  i  revmi  S.  Croce,  Morone  et  Inghilterra 
si  mettera  mano  alle  cose  della  riforma,  la  quelle  dicono  che  sara 
fuori  inanzi  del  Natale."  *Buonanni,  Rome,  October  25,  1550 
(State  Archives,  Florence).  See  also  Buonanni's  "report  of  October 
30,  and  the  letter  of  Masius  in  Lacomblet,  Archiv,  VI.,  165. 

2  Cf.  Massarelli,  198,  199,  202,  204. 

3  "  Di  qua  s'attendera  al  presente  alia  reforma,  la  quale  si  trova 
in  man  d'alcuni  reverendissimi,  che  la  faran  piu  stretta  che  potranno 
per  quanto  stara  in  loro."  *  Buonanni  on  November  14,  1550 
(State  Archives,  Florence). 

4  See  Schweitzer,    55. 

5  Serristori  announces  the  *installation  of  the  commission  "  in 
ultimo  concistorio,  accio  che  nella  reforma  si  cominciasse  prima  di 
quel  tocasse  all'utile  di  S.StA  "  on  December  20,  1550  (State  Ar- 
chives, Florence), 


REFORMS     IN     THE     CURIA.  l6l 

retrenchment  in  the  expenses  of  the  court,  already  begun  in 
February.1  On  February  27th,  1551,  the  work  on  the  reform 
of  the  Dataria  had  already  progressed  so  far  that  the  Pope 
could  indicate  to  the  delegated  Cardinals  the  principles  accord- 
ing to  which  the  decrees  to  be  promulgated  were  to  be  drawn 
up.2  Julius  III.  had  already,  on  February  12th  and  16th, 
gone  minutely  into  tne  question  of  a  reform  of  the  system  of 
preaching  and  confession,  with  Cardinal  Crescenzi,  the  Bulls 
in  connection  therewith  being  laid  before  the  Inquisition.  At 
the  same  time  a  reform  of  the  Penitentiary  was  being  planned.3 
Julius  III.,  in  a  secret  consistory  of  February  18th,  ordered 
that  a  further  commission  of  eleven  Cardinals  should  assemble 
twice  a  week  in  the  apartments  of  the  Dean  of  the  Sacred 
College,  and  that  a  report  as  to  the  progress  of  their  work 
should  be  submitted  to  him  every  Saturday.4  It  appears 
from  a  note  in  the  Pope's  own  hand,  that  he  was  also  employed 
upon  a  reform  of  the  Signatura  gratia,  by  which  the  dispen- 
sations were  very  substantially  limited.5  On  February  23rd 
the  Pope  again  discussed  the  question  of  reform  for  the  whole 
day  with  Cardinal  Crescenzi,  and  for  this  purpose  had  the  old 
Bulls  in  the  archives  of  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo  examined,6 

1  See  Matteo  Dandolo's  *report  of  February  12,  1550,  in  State 
Archives,  Venice  (cf.  de  Leva,  V.,  139)  and  the  *letter  of  Buonanni 
of  December  1,  1550,  in  which  he  says  :  "  S.S.t!^  o  per  meglio  dir 
il  suo  maiordomo  ha  fatta  una  reforma  bestialissima  di  persone  e  di 
bestie  che  mangiavano  in  casa,  et  dicono  che  fra  tutte  sono  state 
300,  per  le  quali  prova  il  detto  maiordomo  che  si  avanzeranno 
l'anno  30,000  scudi."  (State  Archives,  Florence).  Concerning 
the  Ruoli  della  famiglia  di  Giulio  III.,  see  Moroni,  XXIII. ,  63-4. 

2  See  Massarelli,  217,  and  Schweitzer,  55. 

3  "  lam  tempus  est,  ut  ad  Nos  et  ad  tua  penitentiariae,  de  cuius 
reformatione  agendum  est,  officia  redeas."  *Brief  to  Card. 
Ranuccio  Farnese  of  February  27,  1551  (Arm.  41,  t.  59,  n.  97. 
Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

4  See  *Acta  consist,  cancell.  VI.,  72a  (Consistorial  Archives),  and 
Massarelli,  216. 

5  See  Schweitzer,  55. 

6  See  Massarelli,  216. 

vol.  xiii.  11 


l62  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

and  at  least  part  of  the  reform  work  prepared  which  was  to  be 
made  ready  before  the  opening  of  the  Council.1  Then  the 
political  troubles  which  arose  through  the  question  of  Parma 
came  to  prevent  progress  in  the  matter.  However  much  these 
may  have  interfered  with  the  peaceful  continuation  of  the 
work,  the  opinion  of  an  expert  of  the  time  is  justified,  who  says 
that  an  important  beginning  had  already  been  made  in  this 
direction  before  the  opening  of  the  Council.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  Julius  III.  was  not  afraid  to  take  the  work  in  hand 
with  determined  energy,  and  with  clear  insight  to  fix  on 
precisely  those  institutions  which  were  chiefly  in  need  of 
reform  :  the  Dataria,  the  Signatura  gratia  and  the  conclave. 
The  immediate  result  of  his  endeavours  was,  certainly,  not 
great,  but  that  was  not  the  fault  of  the  Pope,  since  he  did  not 
fail  in  admonitions  ;  but  it  was,  above  all,  a  consequence  of 
"  the  difficult  times  and  of  the  immense  amount  of  work  called 
for  by  the  re-opening  of  the  Council."2 

How  very  sincerely  the  Pope  was  animated  by  this  wish  to 
abolish  abuses  in  the  Church,  wherever  he  found  them,  is  also 
shown  by  his  various  reform  statutes.  It  appears  from  these 
still  unpublished  documents,  that  his  care  was  extended  to  the 
secular  as  well  as  the  regular  clergy.  The  statutes,  which 
were  issued  immediately  after  his  election,  were  concerned 
chiefly  with  Italy,  but  there  were  also  others  for  Germany, 
Spain  and  Portugal.3 

The  reform  decrees,  published  by  the  Council  in  its  13th 
and  14th  Sessions,  were  to  secure  the  official  jurisdiction  of  the 
bishops  and  to  render  possible  the  punishment  of  bad  ecclesi- 
astics. In  the  further  deliberations  of  the  Council,  the  old 
dispute  regarding  the  authority  of  the  Pope  over  the  Council, 

1  "Attendesi  alle  cose  della  reforma,  parte  delle  quali  si  pub- 
lichera  di  qua  et  parte  si  manderanno  alia  resolution  del  concilio." 
♦Buonanni,  February  26,   1551   (State  Archives,  Florence). 

2  Opinion  of  Schweitzer,  56 ;  cf.  Sagmuller,  Papstwahl- 
bullen,  22-3. 

3  For  France  only  one  document.  See  summary  of  *  Briefs 
which  are  in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  in  Appendix  No. 
28. 


FURTHER  REFORM  DECREES.       163 

which  had  been  so  fateful  to  the  synods  of  the  XVth  century, 
again  showed  itself.  Julius  III.  declared  with  outspoken 
candour,  in  view  of  the  dangerous  advance  of  the  Spanish 
pretensions,  that,  although  it  was  his  greatest  wish  to  proceed 
energetically  with  the  work  of  reform,  the  authority  with 
which  God  had  invested  him  must,  at  the  same  time,  not 
be  impugned.1  Events  would  prove,  after  the  conclusion  ot 
the  Council,  and  the  end  of  the  war  concerning  Parma, 
whether  he  was  really  determined  to  carry  out  his  work  of 
reform.  The  plan  of  continuing  this  in  Rome,  with  the  help 
of  the  members  of  the  suspended  Council,  was  not  approved 
of  by  them,2  and  he  was  therefore  obliged  to  take  up  the 
laborious  task  alone. 

How  earnestly  the  Pope  felt  about  this  matter  is  shown  by 
the  fact  that  during  the  whole  of  May,  1552,  his  mind  was 
occupied  with  the  idea  of  degrading  the  unworthy  Cardinal  del 
Monte,  whose  elevation  had  so  severely  compromised  him,  and 
of  setting  him  back  into  the  lay  state.3  Unfortunately,  the 
idea  came  to  nothing,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  work  con- 
cerning the  reform  of  the  conclave  was  again  taken  up.  The 
draft  of  a  Bull  drawn  up  by  Maffei  and  Medici  concerning  this 
matter  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Cervini  for  final  revision. 
The  latter  handed  the  Pope  his  work  at  the  end  of  July,  and 
the  decisive  steps  were  to  be  taken  after  the  summer  vacation.4 
During  the  vacation,  Julius  III.,  in  a  consistory  of  August 
24th,  published  a  salutary  restriction  of  the  giving  of  benefices, 
which  were  frequently  asked  for  on  the  most  frivolous  grounds. 
Henceforth  only  the  canonical  grounds  were  to  be  regarded 
as  valid,  and  the  association  of  any  definite  condition,  in 
connection  with  the  grant,  was  also  forbidden.5 

1  See  supra  p.  124.  2  See  supra  pp.    127   seq. 

3  "  II  card,  di  Carpi  mi  ha  detto  sapere  di  buon  luogo  che  S.Sta 
ha  in  animo  di  far  tornare  al  seculo  il  card,  de  Monte  et  darli  per 
moglie  la  sigra  Ersilia."  Coded  *report  of  Serristori  of  May  10, 
1552   (State  Archives,   Florence). 

4  See  Cervini's  letter  in  Druffel,  II.,  669  ;  cf.  Sagmuller, 
Papstwahlbullen,  26. 

5  See  Acta  consist,   in   SCHWEITZER,  56. 


164  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

A  consistory  of  September  16th,  1552,  in  which  the  Pope 
produced  a  comprehensive  plan  for  carrying  out  the  work  ot 
reform,  caused  a  great  sensation.  This  was  to  begin  with  the 
new  regulations  about  the  conclave,  so  that  the  candidate 
whom  God  desired  should  be  chosen,  and  the  election  not  be 
hampered  by  human  cunning  and  trickery.  The  one  chosen, 
continued  the  Pope,  should  be  admonished  to  observe  the 
commandments  of  God  and  the  Church  with  fidelity.  It  was 
to  be  impressed  on  the  Cardinals  that  their  most  sacred  duty 
was  to  assist  the  Pope  with  such  counsel  as  they  considered 
wholesome  and  salutary  ;  they  were  not  to  possess  more  than 
one  bishopric,  which  they  were  to  visit  in  accordance  with  their 
duty,  and  they  were  forbidden  to  hold  pastoral  offices  in 
commendam.  Julius  III.  recommended  to  the  bishops  a  strict 
observance  of  their  duty  of  residence,  from  which  only  those 
were  to  be  exempt  who  had  to  hold  a  fixed  office  in  Rome  or 
elsewhere.  The  bishops  were  to  invest  with  benefices  only 
such  priests  as  were  worthy,  and  no  one  was  to  receive  Holy 
Orders  in  Rome  or  elsewhere  without  the  permission  of  his 
ordinary.  After  the  confirmation  of  these  regulations,  the 
reform  of  the  Dataria,  of  the  Penitentiary,  and  lastly,  of 
worldly  princes,  was  to  be  carried  out.1 

The  Pope  had  spoken  so  earnestly  that  even  the  Spaniards, 
such  as  Pacheco,  believed  in  the  sincerity  of  his  intentions.2 
The  representative  of  King  Ferdinand  I.,  Diego  Lasso,  was  of 
opinion  that  even  the  Council  could  undertake  no  greater 
reform.3 

At  the  end  of  October,  1552,  the  Cardinals  of  the  reform 
commission  began  their  deliberations  under  the  presidency  of 
Cervini,  who  had  been  summoned  to  Rome  ;    two  protocols 

1  Schweitzer  was  the  first  to  draw  attention  (p.  57)  to  the 
speech  of  Julius  III.  preserved  by  Massarelli.  Serristori  refers 
in  his  *report  of  September  16,  1552  (State  Archives,  Florence), 
to  the  consistory,  but  just  as  briefly  as  do  the  Acta  consistorialia 
of  the  Consistorial  Archives. 

2  See  the  *letter  of  Card.  Pacheco  to  Card.  Madruzzo,  dat. 
Rome,  September  20,   1552  (Vice-regal   Archives,  Innsbruck). 

3  See  Druffel,  II.,   767. 


WORK     OF     THE     REFORM     COMMISSION.       1 65 

inform  us  of  the  progress  they  made.  One,  that  of  Cardinal 
Maffei,  includes  the  months  of  October  and  November,  while 
the  other,  drawn  up  by  the  president,  begins  with  the  Novem- 
ber of  1552,  and  continues  until  the  April  of  the  following 
year.1 

At  the  first  sitting,  which  took  place  on  October  26th,  1552, 
Cardinals  Pacheco,  Puteo,  Pighino,  Cicada  and  Maffei  assisted, 
as  well  as  the  president.  From  other  reports  it  appears  that 
Cardinals  Verallo  and  Carafa  were  also  present  at  the  sittings 
of  the  commission  from  time  to  time.2  They  all  worked  in 
accordance  with  the  programme  laid  down  by  Julius  III., 
and,  in  addition  to  the  reform  of  the  conclave,  were  also  occu- 
pied with  that  of  the  consistory.  With  regard  to  the  latter, 
Cervini  proposed  that  every  bishop,  or  other  prelate,  should, 
on  his  election,  make  a  profession  of  faith,  and  that  bishops 
should  be  pledged  to  the  observance  of  their  duty  of  residence 
by  the  formula  of  their  oath.  In  November  the  Cardinals 
dealt  chiefly  with  those  abuses  which  prevailed  in  the  Signa- 
tura  gratia.  One  reason  for  the  state  of  things  existing  there 
was,  it  was  said,  to  be  found  in  the  large  number  of  officials, 
in  consequence  of  which  things  happened  for  which  the  term 
used,  "  exorbitant,"  seems  only  too  fitting.  Complaints  were 
especially  made  with  regard  to  the  laxity  in  the  examination  of 

1  Schwp:itzer  has  also  been  the  first  to  bring  these  two  pro- 
tocols to  light  {$y,  58)  of  which  one  (Concilio,  LXXVIII.,  72 
seqq.)  is  in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  the  other  (Carte 
Cervini,  XXXII.,  17  seqq.)  in  the  State  Archives,  Florence.  In 
the  Maffei  Archives,  Volterra,  which,  unfortunately  are  not  well 
arranged,  there  are  only  a  few  unimportant  letters  of  the  Cardinal. 
Besides  Cervini,  Card.  Mignatelli  was  also  summoned  to  Rome  by 
the  *brief  of  September  28,  1552  (Arm.  41,  t.  65,  n.  636.  Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

2  See  Lasso's  report  in  Druffel,  II.,  825,  and  Masius,  Lettere, 
121.  The  commission  does  not  seem  to  have  possessed  more 
than  six  members  (see  the  Portuguese  report  of  November  2,  1552, 
in  the  Corpo  dipl.  Port.  VII.,  193).  When  the  names  of  the 
Cardinals  are  changed,  this  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  each  of 
them  had  a  representative. 


[66  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

candidates  for  Holy  ( Orders  in  Rome,  the  acceptance  of  presents 
by  the  ordaining  prelates,  the  non-observance  of  the  canonical 
age,  the  bestowal  of  benefices  on  youths,  connivance  at  the 
concubinage  of  higher  clerics  and  other  evil  practices.1  In 
December  the  views  of  the  Spanish  bishops  were  laid  before 
the  commission,2  and  on  December  20th  the  Pope  deliberated 
in  a  Congregation  concerning  the  reform  of  plenary  indul- 
gences, desired  by  the  commission  of  Cardinals.3 

The  work  of  the  commission  in  January  and  February, 
1553,  was  chiefly  concerned  with  the  duty  of  residence  of 
the  bishops,  and  it  was  not  until  the  middle  of  March,  that 
the  matter  was  so  far  arranged,  that  canons  could  be  drawn 
up,  whereupon  the  reform  of  the  Penitentiary  was  next  taken 
in  hand.4 

On  April  17th,  1553,  the  Pope  informed  the  members  of  the 
Sacred  College,  assembled  in  consistory,  of  the  proposals  of  the 
reform  commission,  which  were  then  read  out,  and  he  gave  it 
as  his  opinion  that  a  beginning  should  be  made  with  the  Bull 
concerning  the  conclave.  All  the  Cardinals  were  to  submit 
their  views,  so  that  after  these  had  been  examined,  the  final 
text  of  the  Bull  could  be  drawn  up.5  That  the  Pope  himself 
took  a  personal  share  in  the  work  may  be  seen  from  the  fact 
that  he  himself  prescribed  the  subjects  for  the  further  delibera- 
tions of  the  commission,  which  lost  a  valuable  member  in  July, 

1  See  Schweitzer,  58-9. 

2  See  Cervini's  letter  in  Druffel,  II.,  828. 

3  See  Camillo  Capilupi's  *report  to  Card.  E.  Gonzaga,  dated 

Rome,  December  21,  1552,  in  which  he  says  :" Hieri  si 

fece  una  congregatione  inanti  S.S^  dove  si  parlo  del  modo  che 
che  si  ha  a  tenere  nel  concedere  queste  indulgenze  plenarie  che 
vengono  ogni  di  dimandate  a  S.S^  da  questi  rmi,  parendo  ad 
alcuni  card  1{  della  riforma,  che  quest'  usanza  che  si  tiene  del 
publicare  dette  indulgenze  sia  per  essere  cagione  che  vengano  in 
dispreggio,  attacandosi  per  i  cantoni  delle  strade  stampate." 
(Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua). 

4  See  Schweitzer,  59-60;    cf.  Masius,  Lettere,   118-9. 

5  See  Acta  consist,  in  Raynaldus,  1553,  n.  46  ;  cf.  Sagmuller, 
Papstwahlbullen,  26. 


WORK     OF     THE     REFORM     COMMISSION.       1 67 

I553>  through  the  death  of  Cardinal  Maffei.1  Two  of  the 
documents  which  the  Pope  dictated  to  Massarelli  at  the  end 
of  December,  1553,  are  still  in  existence.2 

The  year  1554  is  described  by  experts  as  being  the  most 
fruitful  period  of  work  in  the  pontificate  of  Julius  III.3  How 
fully  this  opinion  is  justified  is  shown  by  the  collection  of 
drafts,  proposals  and  protocols  concerning  the  reform  negotia- 
tions of  that  period  preserved  in  the  Papal  secret  archives.4 
From  these  we  can  understand  with  what  true  zeal  this  difficult 
task  was  handled  in  the  numerous  sittings.  The  deliberations, 
begun  on  January  1st,  1554,  dealt  with  the  entrance  into  the 
clerical  state  and  the  granting  of  benefices.  From  January 
10th  the  commission  was  also  occupied  with  the  reform  of 
monasteries.  On  January  14th  the  Florentine  ambassador 
wrote  of  the  favourable  prospects  for  the  realization  of  reform  ; 
the  disputes  which  had  arisen  in  Spain  concerning  the  meaning 
of  several  of  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent  also  contributed 
to  the  acceleration  of  the  work.5  In  the  later  deliberations, 
the  settlement  of  the  duty  of  residence  and  the  reform  of  the 
Signatura  were  more  fully  discussed  than  any  other  subjects 
before  the  commission.  On  February  12th  the  Pope  personally 
took  part  in  the  deliberations,  and  declared  that  although  the 
matters  of  reform  were  not  yet  fully  settled,  he  considered  it 
better  that  a  part  of  the  resolutions  should  now  be  published. 
To  this  end,  a  Bull  should  be  drawn  up,  which  was  to  introduce 

1  The  Pope's  sorrow  at  the  loss  of  this  man  is  brought  out  by 
Serristori  in  his  "report  of  July  17,  1553  (State  Archives,  Florence). 
The  death  of  Card,  de  Cupis  (December  10,  1553),  was  also  a  great 
blow  to  him. 

2  More  details  in  Schweitzer,  61.  The  Pope  also  speaks  of 
the  continuation  of  the  reform  work  already  begun,  in  his  instruc- 
tions for  Delfino  of  December  1,  1553,  see  Pieper,  183. 

3  Schweitzer,  61. 

4  *Concilio,  LXXVIII.,  248-9  (January,  1554),  285-6  (February, 
I554),  prepared  by  the  indefatigable  Massarelli,  first  used  by 
Schweitzer  (62). 

5  See  in  Appendix  No.  21a,  Serristori's  *report  of  January  14, 
1554.      (State  Archives,  Florence). 


l68  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

the  matter,  the  draft  of  which  should  bo  sent  to  the  Cardinals 
for  their  approval.  Eight  of  these  documents,  among  which 
are  the  opinions  of  Cardinals  Morone  and  Carpi,  are  still 
preserved.1 

With  regard  to  the  summer  of  1554  we  have,  unfortunately, 
up  to  the  present,  no  detailed  information,  although  there  is  a 
decree  of  Julius  III.  of  this  time,  which  ordains  that  no  member 
of  a  religious  order  may,  for  the  future,  accept  a  bishopric 
without  the  consent  of  his  Superior  and  the  Protector  of  his 
order.  At  the  end  of  November  the  Pope  addressed  earnest 
admonitions  to  the  Cardinals  to  keep  their  dwellings  and 
entourage  in  all  modesty  and  propriety,  and  to  distinguish 
themselves  by  well-doing  and  generosity  to  the  poor.2  In 
the  same  month  the  deliberations  concerning  the  reform  of  the 
Papal  election  were  also  finally  concluded.  The  Bulls  to  be 
issued  on  this  matter,  the  improvement  in  which  had  been 
repeatedly  discussed,  remained  as  drafts,  and  their  publica- 
tion, in  the  opinion  of  the  Florentine  ambassador,  would 
take  place  before  the  end  of  January,  1555.3  As,  however, 
the  work  was  taken  in  hand  in  the  most  painstaking 
manner,  and  the  intention  was  to  abolish  all  possible  hin- 
drances to  a  conscientious  election,  the  new  Bull  concerning 
the  conclave  could  only  be  read  aloud  in  the  consistory  of 
November  12th,  1554,  after  which  it  was  sent  to  the  different 
Cardinals.4 

The  commission  was  above  all  occupied  at  that  time  with 
the  question  of  the  reform  of  the  bishops.  This  part  of  the 
programme  was  so  far  worked  out  by  the  end  of  November, 
that    it  outlines  could  be  read  in  the  consistory  and  handed 

1  *Concilio,  LXVIII.,  226a,  353-370  (Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican).     Cf.  Schweitzer,  62. 

2  See   *Acta  consist,    in    Consistorial  Archives  ;    Schweitzer, 

64-5. 

3  *Letter  of  Serristori  of  January  26,  1553  (State  Archives, 
Florence) . 

4  See  *Acta  consist,  in  Consistorial  Archives  ;  Raynaldus, 
1554,  n.  23  ;  Sagmuller,  Papstwahlbullen,  27-8,  291-2  ;  Schweit- 
zer, 63. 


A     REFORM     BULL     DRAWN     UP.  169 

to  all  the  Cardinals  for  approval.1  In  December  a  draft  for 
the  reform  of  the  seculars  and  regulars  was  also  prepared,  to 
which  the  Cardinals  likewise  gave  their  sanction.2  A  draft 
from  the  hand  of  Julius  III.  himself  proves  that  he  was  also, 
at  this  time,  engaged  upon  the  reform  of  the  College  of  Car- 
dinals.3 At  the  end  of  Januar}^  1555,  the  Pope  was  able  to 
inform  the  King  of  Spain  that  he  had  succeeded,  in  spite  of  the 
opposition  of  clergy  and  laity,  in  preparing  a  comprehensive 
Reform  Bull,  which  would  soon  appear.4  The  death  of  the 
Pope  intervened  and  prevented  this  ;  the  official  document 
is  preserved  in  the  Papal  secret  archives.5  It  begins,  in 
accordance  with  the  original  plan  drawn  up  by  Julius  III. 
himself,  with  the  Pope  and  Cardinals,  then  passing  on  to  the 
bishops,  the  ordination  of  the  clergy,  the  bestowal  of  benefices, 
the  Signatura,  the  Penitentiary  and  the  regular  clergy.  Besides 
these  points,  the  explanation  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  the 
nature  and  preaching  of  Indulgences,  are  also  dealt  with.  A 
special  Reform  Bull  for  the  Penitentiary  had  already  been 
drawn  up,  which  had  not  yet  been  made  public,  but  which, 
it  seems,  had  already  in  many  respects  been  carried  into 
practice.6 

When  the  work  of  Julius  III.  for  reform  is  impartially 
considered,  it  becomes  quite  clear  to  us  that  it  must  in  no  way 
be  judged  in  such  a  depreciatory  manner  as  was  done  by 
his    contemporaries,7    and    the    investigators    who    followed 

1  See  *Concilio,  LXXVIII.,  331-2  (Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican)  ;  Schweitzer,  63-4.  In  Appendix  No.  24  Serristori's 
♦report  of  December  1,  1554  (State  Archives,  Florence). 

2  See  *Concilio,  LXXVIII.,  339-40  ;   Schweitzer,  64. 

3  See  *Concilio,   LXXVIII.,   344. 

4  See  the  instructions  for  A.  Agostino  in  Laemmer,  Mantissa, 
169-70  ;    cf.  Sagmuller,  Papstwahlbullen,  28-9. 

5  *  Reformatio,  quae  addenda  erat  per  Julium  III.  Pont.  Max., 
I555,  sed  non  conclusa.  Concilio,  LXXVIII.,  374  seqq.  (Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

6  Cf.  Goller,  II.,  1,  121-2. 

7  Especially  by  Seripando,  whose  judgment  was  first  published 
by  Hofler  in  the  Abhandlungen  der  Munchner  Akademie,  IV.,  3, 


IyO  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

them.1  It  is  absolutely  false  to  say  that  Julius  111.  had  done 
nothing  with  regard  to  this  most  important  question.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  he  once  more  took  up  the  reform  work  of  Paul 
III.,  showed  the  most  lively  interest  in  it,  and  employed  himself 
in  the  most  painstaking  way  with  the  reform  of  the  College  of 
Cardinals,  the  conclave,  the  Dataria,  the  Signatura  and  the 
Penitentiary.  If  conclusive  results  were  not  attained  this 
was  in  no  way  owing  to  any  unwillingness  or  want  of  activity 
on  the  part  of  the  Pope  ;  there  can  be  no  possible  doubt  as  to 
his  earnest  desire  and  efforts  to  attain  the  desired  end.  It  is 
also  due  to  him  that  a  great  deal  of  preparatory  work  was 
done,  without  which  the  later  reforms  could  not  have  been 
carried  out.  The  appointment  of  new  Cardinals  holds  a  much 
more  important  place  in  the  diplomatic  correspondence  of  the 
times  of  Julius  III.  than  the  work  of  reform  in  the  Church. 
As  Cosimo  de'  Medici  and  Charles  V.  both  knew  the  compliant 
disposition  of  the  Pope,  they  at  once  began  to  urge  him  to 
put  an  end  to  the  preponderance  of  the  adherents  of  France 
in  the  Sacred  College,  at  one  decisive  blow,  by  a  great  creation 
of  Cardinals.  The  Florentine  ambassador,  Serristori,  was, 
above  all,  active  in  urging  this.  He  had  already,  immediately 
after  the  election  of  Julius  III.,  drawn  the  attention  of  Cosimo 
de'  Medici  to  the  danger  of  the  hopes  of  the  hated  Cardinal 
Salviati  being  in  all  probability  crowned  with  success  in  the 
next  conclave.  As  he  found  little  sympathy  for  his  schemes 
on  the  part  of  the  Pope,  the  ambassador  endeavoured  to  win 
over  the  influential  Cardinal  Crescenzi.2  Cosimo  de'  Medici 
pointed  out  to  Julius  III.,  by  a  letter  in  his  own  hand,  of 
February  ioth,   1551,   the  danger  that  would  result  from  a 

53,  and  afterwards  printed  by  Calenzio  (Documenti,  III.,  222). 
Cantu  has  already  noticed  (Eretici,  II.,  8)  that  the  document  on 
reform  made  public  by  O.  Gratius  is  a  forgery. 

1  As  is  the  case  with  Ranke,  Druffel,  Maurenbrecher  and 
even  with  Reumont  (III.,  2,  512).  Schweitzer  (51-52)  was  the 
first  to  state  the  truth  from  the  original  documents,  after  Sag- 
muller  (Papstwahlbullen,  24-25)  had  already  disputed  the  tra- 
ditional opinion. 

2  Cf.  Legaz.  de  Serristori,  241-2,  254-5. 


CANDIDATES  FOR  THE  CARDINALATE.    171 

Pope  following  him  who  would  be  quite  devoted  to  France, 
and  that  only  a  corresponding  increase  in  the  Sacred  College 
could  obviate  this  disaster.1  Even  should  the  Pope  raise 
strong  objections  to  such  a  proceeding,  Serristori  still  believed 
that  the  war  about  Parma  would  force  him  to  this  step,2  and, 
indeed,  Julius  III.  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Emperor  on  July 
27th,  155 1,  in  which  he  complained  of  the  intrigues  of  the 
French  party  with  regard  to  the  Papal  election,  and  declared 
that  he  would,  and  that  before  All  Saints,  appoint  new  Car- 
dinals. Charles  V.  thereupon  requested  that  the  four  Spanish 
Cardinals  already  in  the  Sacred  College  should  be  strengthened 
by  the  appointment  of  eight  new  ones.  To  the  remark  of  the 
nuncio,  Bertano,  that  eight  was  too  many,  he  agreed  that  four 
would  be  sufficient.3  No  special  names  were  referred  to  at 
this  time  by  the  Emperor,  but  serious  difficulties  arose  when  the 
question  had  to  be  treated  in  detail.  Julius  III.  was  agreeable 
to  the  appointment  of  Pighino  and  Bertano,  but  was  strongly 
opposed  to  the  elevation  of  the  Archbishops  of  Palermo  and 
Otranto.  The  matter  was  still  further  complicated  by  the 
demand  of  Charles  V.  that  four  Cardinals  should  be  reserved 
in  petto,  upon  whose  names  the  Emperor  should  decide  later.4 
This  last  proposal  Julius  III.,  with  perfect  justification, 
refused  to  accept.  His  irresolution  and  the  difficulty  of  his 
position  were  further  increased  by  the  threats  of  the  French, 
who  craftily  represented  that  the  restoration  of  peace  would 
only  be  possible  if  their  king  were  not  irritated.5  To  the  fear 
of  a  French  schism  was  added  the  consideration  which  had  to 
be  shown  with  regard  to  the  prelates  of  the  Council,  besides 
the  fact  that  other  powers  also  were  urging  the  claims  of  their 
candidates  in  a  creation  of  Cardinals.  While  the  representa- 
tives of  France  were  working  for  the  advancement  of  Louis 

1  Desjardins,  III.,  241-2. 

2  Legaz.  di  Serristori,  264  ;    cf.  279. 

3  See  Druffel,  III.,  252  (cf.  I.,  732)  ;   Nuntiaturberichte,  XII., 
75-6. 

4  See  Druffel,  III.,  243-4,  254- 

5  Legaz.  di  Serristori,  288. 


172  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

de  Guise,  a  brother  of  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine,  Serristori,  was 
actively  engaged  on  behalf  of  Luigi  and  Giovanni,  sons  of 
Cosimo  I.1 

It  is  no  wonder  that  the  Pope,  irresolute  by  nature  as  he  was, 
deferred  the  decision  of  the  matter.  A  letter  of  Bertano,  of 
November  12th,  1551,  urging  him  to  wait  no  longer,  and  thus 
avoid  new  complications,2  at  length  put  an  end  to  his  hesi- 
tation, and  on  November  20th  the  first  great  creation  of 
Cardinals  of  Julius  III.  took  place.3     All  the  eleven  who  were 

1  See  Legaz.  di  Serristori,  285.  In  his  *letter  to  Cosimo  I.  on 
November  27,  155 1,  Julius  III.  made  excuses  for  the  non-appoint- 
ment of  Luigi  (Addit.  MSS.  8,366,  p.  17b.,  British  Museum). 

2  Nuntiaturberichte,  XIL,  102. 

3  Only  two  Cardinals  had  been  appointed  previously  :  Inno- 
cenzo  del  Monte  on  May  30,  1550  (cf.  supra  p.  69  seq.),  and  on 
October  12,  155 1,  the  Croatian  Paulist  monk,  George  Utissenich 
(cf.  Druffel,  III.,  253-4  >  Raynaldus,  155 i,  n.  71-2)  who  enjoyed 
his  dignity  but  a  short  time  as  he  was  put  to  death  by  the  autho- 
rized agent  of  Ferdinand  I.,  on  December  17,  155 1,  on  a  false 
suspicion  of  carrying  on  traitorous  dealings  with  the  Turks  (see 
Bucholtz,  VII.,  283  ;  Krones,  Ostr.  Gesch.,  III.,  216  seqq.  ; 
Huber  in  the  Archiv.  fur  Ostr.  Gesch.,  LXXV.,  528-9,  539,  541  ; 
Platzhoff,  Mordbefugnis,  41,  Berlin,  1906).  The  news  reached 
Rome  on  January  14,  1552  (Nuntiaturberichte,  XIL,  138  ;  cf. 
also  Serristori's  *reports  of  January  19,  and  22,  1552  (State 
Archives,  Florence),  where  the  representative  of  Ferdinand  I., 
Diego  Lasso,  did  not  succeed  in  gaining  anything  further  than 
that  his  master  was  absolved,  on  January  30,  until  a  stricter 
examination  "  ad  cautelam  "  took  place,  from  the  eccles- 
iastical punishment  to  which  the  murderer  of  a  Cardinal  was 
liable.  Ferdinand  had  to  take  an  oath  before  the  nuncio,  Marti- 
nengo,  "  de  parendo  nostris  et  ecclesiae  mandatis  "  (see  Theiner, 
Mon.  Slav,  merid.,  II.,  30  ;  Druffel,  II.,  86-7).  A  very  searching 
examination  followed,  in  which  116  witnesses  were  heard,  and  then 
long  negotiations  ensued.  It  was  not  until  February  14,  1555, 
that  the  Papal  sentence  was  finally  pronounced,  that  the  King  and 
the  murderer  of  the  Cardinal  were  not  liable  to  punishment,  and 
deserved  none  (see  Bucholtz,  IX.,  612-13,  and  Utiesenovic, 
Lebensgersch.  des  Kard.  Georg,  Vienna,  1881,  Append.  73).  Con- 
cerning the  Cardinal's  relations  to  the  Reformation  in  Hungary  and 


THE     NEW     CARDINALS.  173 

appointed  were  Italians  ;  Sebastiano  Pighino  was  added  to 
these,  but  out  of  consideration  for  his  position  at  the  Council, 
he  remained  reserved  in  petto,  and  his  creation  was  only 
published  on  May  30th,  1552. 1 

The  most  able  of  the  new  Cardinals2  were  undoubtedly  the 
Papal  private  secretary,  Girolamo  Dandino,  and  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Bari,  Jacopo  dal  Pozzo,  known  under  the  name  of 
Puteo.  Besides  Pozzo,  Giammichele  Saraceni  and  the  Bishop 
of  Albenga,  Giambattista  Cicada,  distinguished  themselves 
among  the  new  Cardinals  by  their  learning,  while  Pietro 
Bertano,  then  acting  as  nuncio  at  the  court  of  the  Emperor, 
and  the  Sienese,  Fabio  Mignanelli,  were  experienced  diplo- 
matists. The  two  nephews  of  Julius  III.,  Cristoforo  del  Monte 
and  Fulvio  della  Corgna,  were  also  worthy  of  the  purple. 
Corgna  displayed,  as  Bishop  of  Perugia,  very  remarkable 
activity  in  the  cause  of  Catholic  reform.  Two  of  the  other 
Cardinals  appointed  at  this  time,  Giovanni  Poggio  and  Aless- 
andro  Campegio,  proved  clearly,  like  Corgna,  the  ecclesiastical 
spirit  which  animated  them,  by  their  protection  of  the  Jesuits. 
Giovanni  Ricci,  originally  from  Montepulciano,  owed  the  red 
hat  to  his  skill  in  business  affairs,  by  which  he  had  made 
himself  indispensable  to  Julius  III.  ;  his  manner  of  life  was 
not  blameless,  but  later  he  entered  on  a  better  course.3     In 

Siebenbiirgen,  see  Sch wicker,  in  the  Oestr.  Vierteljahrsschrift  fur 
Kath.  Theologie,  1867,  397-8. 

1  See  Firmanus,  499. 

2  Concerning  the  promotion  of  November  20,  1551,  see  Acta 
consist,  in  Gulik,  35-6;  Druffel,  I.,  811-2,  820,  III.,  239-40; 
Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  n.  108.  Concerning  the  personality  of 
the  different  Cardinals,  see  *Contelorius  in  the  Secret  Archives  of 
the  Vatican,  XL,  49,  and  Ciaconius,  III.,  768,  seqq.  ;  Cardella, 
IV.,  306-7  (with  wrong  date  December  20th)  ;  cf.  Pallavicini,  13, 
1-2. 

3  Friedensburg  and  Kupke  give  an  account  of  Bertano's  previous 
life  in  the  Nuntiaturberichte,  XL,  xviii.  ;  XII.,  xix.  seq.  ;  cf. 
Merkle,  II.,  321  n.  2,  and  Lauciiert,  671.  After  the  death  of 
Bertano,  Claudio  Malopera*  wrote  on  March  12,  1558,  to  Card. 
Madruzzo  :   "  Era  un  huomo  da  bene  et  molto  dotto  "  (Vice-regal 


174  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

the  year  1557  he  interested  himself  greatly  in  bringing  the 
Jesuits  to  Montepulciano.1  In  the  appointment  of  Gianandrea 
Nfercurio  the  Pope  took  into  consideration  the  important 
services  which  he  had  rendered  him  as  secretary,2  while  Julius 
III.  was  still  a  Cardinal,  and  in  the  case  of  the  Venetian 
patrician,  Luigi  Cornaro,  the  recommendation  of  the  Republic 
of  St.  Mark  had  great  weight. 

As  far  as  the  political  views  of  the  new  Cardinals  were 
concerned,  the  experienced  agent  of  Cardinal  Ercole  Gonzaga 
gave  it  at  once  as  his  opinion  that  most  of  them  would  incline 
more  to  the  French  than  to  the  Imperial  side.3  The  complaint 
of  the  French,  that  Julius  III.  had  only  undertaken  the 
increase  of  the  Sacred  College  in  the  interests  of  Charles  V., 
proved  to  be  quite  unfounded.4 

Requests  that  the  Pope  would  undertake  a  further  creation 
were  repeatedly  made  in  the  time  that  immediately  followed  ; 
the  French  were  especially  active  in  endeavouring  in  every  way 
to  get  their  former  candidate,  Louis  de  Guise,  appointed,5  and 

Archives,  Innsbruck).  Concerning  Mignanelli  see  Nuntiatur- 
berichte,  III.,  41,  42;  VIII.,  10,  11;  Merkle,  I.,  162,  and 
besides  the  eye-witnesses,  quoted  in  previous  note,  also  Azzolini, 
Le  Pompe  Sanesi,  I.,  83,  84,  Pistoia,  1649.  Concerning  Cicada,  cf. 
also  Marocco,  Monumenti,  IV.,  89,  92,  concerning  Poggio, 
see  Garampi,  286  ;  and  Hinojosa  87  ;  concerning  Ricci,  see 
Garampi  289  ;  Merkle,  I.,  149,  194  ;  MacSwiney,  Portugal,  III. 
216,  and  especially  L.  Mele,  *Genealogia  d.  famiglia  Ricci  (Ricci 
Archives,  Rome).  F.  della  Corgna  afterwards  built  himself  a 
magnificent  palace  near  Perugia,  now  the  Villa  Umberto  I.,  which 
Zuccaro  embellished  with  paintings. 

1  Cf.  Vol.,  V.  109  of  the  "  Istromenti  e  lettere  "  in  Ricci  Archives, 
Rome. 

2  Cf.  Boglino,  45  seqq.,  Campori,  CIII.  d.s.  pontefici,  7. 

3  See  Nuntiaturberichte,  XII.,  94,  n.  1. 

4  See  Ribier,  II.,  357-8  ;  Romier,  52  ;  Adriani,  VIII.,  5  ; 
Sagmuller,  Papstwahlen,  199. 

5  See  in  Appendix  No.  20,  the  *report  of  C.  Titio  of  March  14, 
1553  (State  Archives,  Florence). 


THE     NEW     CARDINALS.  175 

in  the  Curia  itself  there  were  only  too  many  aspirants.1  Julius 
III.  was  repeatedly  offered  large  sums  from  this  quarter,  but, 
great  as  the  need  of  financial  aid  was  at  this  time,  the  Pope 
would  have  nothing  to  do  with  such  shameful  bargains.2  It 
need  hardly  be  said  that  the  relatives  of  Julius  were  also  active 
in  begging  for  consideration.  As  the  Pope  often  changed  his 
mind,  it  was,  however,  difficult  for  the  ambassadors  to  foresee 
what  would  actually  take  place.  The  well-informed  Serristori 
was,  at  anyrate,  in  a  position  to  report  to  Florence  on  October 
26th,  1553,  the  promotion  of  Guise,  of  two  relatives  of  the 
Pope,  and  of  an  Imperial  candidate  not  yet  definitely  settled, 
as  being  extremely  probable.3  This  promotion  was  confi- 
dently expected  by  many  on  November  29th  ;  Serristori 
learned  at  the  last  moment  from  the  Pope's  brother  that  the 
settlement  of  the  matter  had  been  postponed,  but  certainly 
not  over  the  Ember  Days,  and  that  the  number  was  pro- 
visionally settled  at  four.4  This  proved  to  be  the  case,  and 
the  creation  of  four  Cardinals  finally  took  place  on  December 
22nd,  1553.  Besides  the  Imperialist  Archbishop  of  Palermo, 
Pietro  Tagliavia,  two  very  youthful  relatives  of  the  Pope, 
Roberto  de'  Nobili  and  Girolamo  Simoncelli,  received  the 
purple  on  that  day,  while  Henry  II.  ought  to  have  been  satisfied 
by  the  elevation  of  Louis  de  Guise.5     Tagliavia,   renowned 

1  The  Pope  complained  of  this  ;  see  the  *letter  of  Ipp.  Capilupi 
to  Card.  E.  Gonzaga  of  November  22,  1553  (Gonzaga  Archives, 
Mantua) . 

2  See  Serristori's  **report  of  November  26,  1553  (State  Archives, 
Florence). 

3  **Letter  of  October  26,  1553  (State  Archives,  Florence).  Cf. 
Report  of  the  Portuguese  Ambassador  of  October  22,  1553,  in 
Corpo  Dipl.  Port.,  VII.,  266. 

4  Serristori's  **letter  of  November  28,  1553  (State  Archives, 
Florence).  Cf.  Report  of  the  Portuguese  ambassador  of  Novem- 
ber 11,  1553  in  Corpo  Dipl.  Port.,  VII.,  272. 

5  Concerning  the  creation  of  December  22,  1553,  see  Serristori's 
♦reports  of  December  21  and  22,  1553  (State  Archives,  Florence)  ; 
Acta  consist,  in  Gulik,  36-37  ;    Ribier,  II.,  480-1  ;    Corpo  Dipl. 

Port.,     yij,,     306-7;      *  CONTELORIUS,    loC.    tit.  \      ClACONIUS,     III., 


176  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

far  and  wide  for  his  boundless  love  of  the  poor,  is  universally 
acknowledged  to  have  been  an  admirable  man.  Roberto  de' 
Nobili  was  a  Cardinal  upon  whom  the  representatives  of  the 
Catholic  reform  party  could  rest  their  greatest  hopes.  Highly 
gifted  trom  an  intellectual  point  of  view — he  is  said  to  have 
spoken  Latin  and  Greek  at  ten  years  of  age — he  distinguished 
himself  still  more  by  his  great  piety.  Like  Aloysius  of  Gonzaga, 
whom  he  specially  resembles,  he  was  most  scrupulously  pure 
of  heart.  He  could  never  do  enough  in  his  ascetic  exercises  ; 
he  fasted  strictly,  slept  on  a  board,  wore  a  hair  shirt,  assisted 
at  Mass  every  day,  listened  frequently  to  sermons  and  often 
received  Holy  Communion,  and  from  motives  of  humility 
would  not  allow  his  portrait  to  be  painted.  A  beautiful  letter 
of  consolation  which  he  addressed  to  a  sick  friend  testifies, 
among  other  things,  to  the  depth  of  his  sincere  piety.  The 
favour  which  he  enjoyed  from  Julius  III.  was  only  used  to 
assist  the  needy.  He  repeatedly  thought  of  renouncing  the 
dignity  of  Cardinal  and  of  retiring  into  a  religious  order,  but 
his  confessor,  the  Jesuit,  Polanco,  dissuaded  him  from  this 

784-5  ;  Cardella,  IV.,  331-2.  Concerning  Tagliavia,  cf.  also 
Massarelli,  325,  and  Boglino,  46-7  ;  concerning  Simoncelli,  see 
Merkle's  note  to  Firmanus,  502  ;  concerning  the  appointment  of 
Guise,  a  *brief  of  Julius  III.  to  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine,  dat.  1553, 
December  22,  in  the  Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  69,  n.  809  ;  ibid.  n.  812, 
a  *  brief  to  R.  de'  Nobili  of  same  date,  in  which  the  Pope  makes  the 
following  remark,  as  a  postcript,  concerning  the  reason  for  the 
promotion  :  "  quamquam  et  ingravescentis  nostrae  aetatis  cogi- 
tatio  et  charissimorum  consanguineorum  nostrorum  quotidianae 
flagitationes,  non  nihil  nos,  ut  humanos,  ut  idipsum  maturaremus 
perpulerunt."  It  was  originally  intended  that  Ambrosius  Catha- 
rinus  should  also  have  received  the  purple  at  that  time  ;  Julius  III. 
had  in  1552  appointed  him  Archbishop  of  Conza,  but  he  died  on 
November  8th,  1553  (see  Schweitzer,  A.  Catharinus,  229-230, 
Miinster,  1910).  Ipp.  Capilupi  also  names  Mons.  d'Arras  in  the 
♦letter  of  November  22,  1553,  quoted  supra  p.  175  n.  1,  as  a  probable 
candidate  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua).  A  Bull  issued  on  January 
26,  1554,  forbade  two  brothers  to  be  Cardinals  at  the  same  time  ; 
see  Bull.,  VI.,  475-6. 


FRANCIS     BORGIA.  177 

step.  Assisted  by  him,  he  died,  after  a  painful  illness,  with 
the  most  perfect  resignation  to  the  Divine  Will,  on  January 
18th,  1559.  Men  like  Charles  Borromeo,  Bellarmine  and 
Baronius  venerated  this  Cardinal  so  early  called  away  to  a 
better  life  as  a  Saint.1 

Julius  III.  would  gladly  have  welcomed  another  man,  who 
possessed  the  same  distinguished  qualities  as  de'  Nobili,  into 
the  Senate  of  the  Church.  This  was  the  Duke  of  Gandia, 
Francis  Borgia,  a  great  grandson  of  Alexander  VI.  Borgia 
had  come  to  Rome  on  October  23rd,  1550,  stayed  with  the 
Jesuits,2  and  several  days  later  was  received  by  the  Pope. 
It  was  believed  that  he  had  come  to  Rome  on  account  of  the 
Jubilee,  and  only  very  few  were  aware  that  Francis  Borgia 
had  already  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  as  early  as  1548,  but 
had  received  permission  from  Paul  III.  to  retain  his  position 
as  prince  for  three  years  longer.3  This  period  he  employed  to 
marry  his  elder  children,  to  arrange  his  affairs,  and  to  conclude 
the  theological  studies  he  had  begun  in  1546  by  passing  his 
examination  as  doctor  on  August  20th,  1550.     As  his  eldest 

1  Besides  the  biographies  of  Turigio  (1632)  and  Bartolucci  (1675), 
see  especially  Nardo,  Vita  del  card.  Rob.  Nobili,  Urbino,  1728. 
Parigi  (Notizie  del  card.  R.  Nobili,  Motepulciano,  1836)  gives 
hardly  anything  new.  The  letter  of  condolence,  which  merited  a 
place  in  the  collection  of  Reumont,  in  Naro,  20-1.  Julius  III. 
gave  Nobili  excellent  teachers  in  Giulio  Poggiano  and  Ottavio 
Pantagato  (Cf.  Tiraboschi,  VII.,  1,  28  [Roman  edition].).  As  to 
the  Cardinal's  death,  see  Massarelli,  329,  who  bestows  the 
greatest  praise  on  him,  and  "  *Avviso  di  Roma  "  of  January  21, 
1559,  in  Cod.  Urb.  1039  of  the  Vatican  Library.  The  epitaph  of 
Nobili  in  Forcella,  V.,  254.  A.  Cervini  also  says,  in  the  *Vita  di 
Marcello  II.  (cf.  Vol.  XIV.  of  this  work)  of  R.  Nobili  :  "  Questo 
mirabilmente  risplende  in  tutte  le  virtu  morali  come  christiane,  ma 
il  mondo  non  fu  degno  di  cosa  si  pura  "  (Library  in  Ferrara). 
For  the  laudatory  inscription  which  was  placed  in  the  Palazzo  at 
Montepulciano,  see  the  Miscell.  Montepul.  of  the  Ricci  Archives, 
Rome. 

2  See  Cartas  de  S.  Ignacio,  II.,  534-5. 

3  Cf.  our  statements  in  Vol.  XII.,  p.  96  seq.  of  this  work. 

VOL.    XIII.  12 


I78  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

son  had  attained  his  majority  in  August,  1550,  he  intended 
handing  over  his  dukedom  to  him  and  placing  himself  in  Rome 
at  the  disposal  of  his  superior,  Ignatius  of  Loyola.1 

After  Borgia  had  received,  on  January  5th,  1551,  the  neces- 
sary consent  of  the  Emperor  to  the  carrying  out  of  his  plan,  he 
informed  the  Pope  of  the  vows  of  his  order,  by  which  he  was 
bound,  and  of  his  intention  to  renounce  all  worldly  honours. 
Julius  III.,  nevertheless,  formed  the  plan  of  making  this 
distinguished  prince  a  Cardinal.  This,  however,  Borgia 
evaded,  by  flying  at  the  approach  of  darkness  on  the  night  of 
February  4th,  1551,  to  the  little  Basque  town  of  Onate  in 
Guipuzcoa.2  Here  he  relinquished,  after  the  arrival  of  the 
Emperor's  permission,  all  his  estates,  rents  and  titles,  by  a 
notarial  document  of  May  nth,  155 1,  and  began  his  new  life 
by  going  about  the  streets  of  Onate,  clad  in  the  simple  habit 
of  the  Jesuits,  and  carrying  a  beggar's  sack  to  collect  alms. 

This  change  of  life,  in  the  case  of  a  man  of  such  high  rank, 
caused  the  greatest  sensation.  Julius  III.  had  granted  a 
plenary  indulgence  for  the  devout  assistance  at  Borgia's  first 
public  Mass,  which  he  had  to  say  on  November  15th  in  the 
open  air  ;  12,000  persons  had  flocked  together  for  this  occasion 
and  he  distributed  Holy  Communion  to  more  than  1240  of  the 
faithful. 

Borgia  afterwards  rendered  his  Order  the  greatest  services, 
first  as  a  preacher,  and  then  as  General,  through  the  reputation 
in  which  he  was  held  as  well  as  through  his  talent  for  admin- 
istration. By  two  large  donations,  he  rendered  it  possible 
for  Ignatius  of  Loyola  to  found  the  Roman  College  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus,  an  educational  establishment  which  soon 
overshadowed  the  University  of  Rome,  in  the  wealth  of  its 
teaching  power  and  the  excellence  of  its  curriculum.3 

1  P.  Suau,  Hist,  de  S.  Francois  de  Borgia,  210  seqq.  Paris,  1910. 
Astrain,  I.,  290  seqq.  The  doctor's  diploma  for  Borgia,  of  August 
20,  1550,  in  Sanctus  Franciscus  Borgia,  II.,  703  ;  his  will,  of 
August  26,  1550,  ibid.  I.,  537  seqq. 

2  Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  I.,  iii.,  353  ;   iv.,  257,  430. 

3  Polanco,  September  14,  1555  ;    Mon.  Ign.  Ser.,  I.,    x.,  608. 


BORGIA  REFUSES  THE  CARDINALATE.   179 

When  Charles  V.  again  proposed  this  eminent  Spaniard  for 
the  cardinalate,  in  March,  1552,  Julius  III.  was  inclined  to 
grant  his  request,1  but  Ignatius  of  Loyola  went  himself  to  the 
Pope  and  represented  to  him  that  it  would  be  of  far  greater 
service  to  the  glory  of  God  if  the  former  Duke  of  Gandia  were 
to  remain  in  the  humble  position  he  himself  had  chosen.2 
Julius  III.  allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded,  and  even  remarked 
that  he  also  would  prefer  the  position  of  a  simple  Jesuit  to  his 
own,  for  "  you  only  require  to  think  how  you  can  serve  God 
best,  while  we  have  many  obstacles  which  distract  us."3  The 
Pope,  however,  would  not  decide  the  matter  against  the 
wishes  of  Borgia  ;  the  latter  remained  silent  and  thus  the 
affair  appeared  to  be  settled. 

It  was,  nevertheless,  the  general  opinion  that  a  grandee  of 
Spain  could  not  remain  a  simple  priest.  Already  by  1554 
the  former  Duke  was  repeatedly  proposed  for  the  red  hat  by 
Charles  V.  and  Philip  II.,  while  a  report  of  unknown  origin  was 
current  among  the  Roman  as  well  as  the  Spanish  Jesuits  in 
that  year  that  he  would  this  time  accept  the  purple.4  These 
rumours,  however,  proved  to  be  unfounded,  and  Borgia 
induced  the  Spanish  king  co  abandon  his  plan,  through  the 
influence  of  the  Princess  Juana,  the  sister  of  Philip  II.,  and 
his  representative  during  her  brother's  absence  in  England, 
while  Julius  was  again  turned  from  his  purpose  by  Ignatius.5 
At  the  latter's  instigation,  Borgia  was  at  that  time  the  first 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus  to  take  that  vow,  through  which  the 
Constitution  of  the  order  endeavoured,  as  far  as  possible,  to 
prevent  the  aspiration  after  places  of  honour,  and  the  wish 
to  mitigate  the  poverty  imposed  by  the  Rule.6 

1  Cf.  Suau,  270. 

2  Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  I.,  iv.,  255  seqq.,  283  seq. 

3  Ibid.  257. 

4  Polanco  to  Nadal,  May  15,  1554  >  Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  I.,  vi.,  712 
seq.  ;   Nadal  to  Borgia,  June  17,  1554  »"   Nadal,  Epist.  I.,  265  seq. 

5  POLANCO,   IV.,   494-5. 

6  Ibid.,  592.     S.  Franc.  Borgia,  III.,  174. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

Spread    of   the    Society    of    Jesus. — Their    Reforming 
Activities  in  Spain,  Portugal,  Italy  and  Germany. 

The  friendly  relations  of  Julius  III.  with  the  Jesuits  dated 
from  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  where  the  Pope,  as 
Legate,  had  become  acquainted  with  the  distinguished  quali- 
ties of  several  members  of  the  Order,  and  had  learned  to  appre- 
ciate them.  Except  for  a  temporary  misunderstanding  in  the 
year  1553, 1  he  remained  more  favourably  inclined  to  the  Society 
of  Jesus  than  to  any  of  the  other  reform  orders,2  during  the 

1  Cf.  O.  Manareus,  De  Rebus  Soc.  Jesu,  121  seqq.,  Florence, 
1886. 

2  Julius  III.  confirmed  and  increased  the  privileges  of  the 
Barnabites,  by  two  Bulls,  of  February  22  and  August  11,  1550  (see 
Litt.  et  constit.  cleric.  S.  Pauli,  17  seqq.,  25  seqq.  ;  the  second  Bull 
in  Bull.  VI.,  426-7.  Cf.  also  Barelli,  232  seqq.,  235,  245-6,  249). 
On  the  recommendation  of  Card.  Carafa,  Julius  III.,  also  con- 
firmed, by  the  Bull  of  June  10,  1551,  all  the  privileges  of  the 
Theatines.  (Original  in  the  General  Archives  of  the  Theatines  in 
Rome.  See  Silos,  I.,  308  seqq.  ;  cf.  also  Maggio,  Vita  di  Maria 
Carafa,  279,  Naples,  1670).  By  the  *brief  of  October  4,  1552,  for 
Ludovico  infante  Portug.,  Julius  III.  gave  permission  that  the 
congregation  founded  by  Martinus,  O.  Min.  in  the  diocese  of 
Lisbon,  and  confirmed  by  the  Holy  See,  should  wear  the  cuculla  of 
the  Italian  Capuchins.  Arm.  41,  t.  66.  n.  651  ;  ibid.  t.  67,  n.  13  a 
♦brief  for  Card.  Messanens.,  that  Bernardus  Balbanus,  O.  Cap., 
who  had  expounded  the  gospel  during  the  past  year  amid  a  great 
concourse  of  people,  and  whom  the  public  also  wished  to  have  for 
this  year,  might  continue  his  mission  of  preaching,  dated  January  8 
J553  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).  According  to  Marocco, 
Monumenti,  I.,  140-1,  the  Capuchins  founded  a  mission  in  Colle- 

180 


NEW     CONFIRMATION     OF     THE     SOCIETY.       l8l 


whole  of  his  pontificate.  By  a  Bull  of  August  21st,  1552,  he 
instituted  and  delivered  to  the  Jesuits  the  German  College,  of 
the  increasing  importance  of  which  mention  will  often  be  made. 
A  Bull  of  October  22nd  of  the  same  year  not  only  confirmed 
all  the  privileges  of  the  Order,  but  added  important  ones 
thereto,  especially  the  authorization  bestowed  on  the  General 
and  on  the  superiors  of  the  order  to  invest  the  students  of 
their  colleges  with  the  degree  of  doctor.  The  greatest  benefit, 
however,  which  Julius  III.  conferred  on  the  Society  of  Jesus 
consisted  in  the  Bull,  already  published  on  July  21st,  1550, 
which  confirmed  the  Order  anew,  supplementing  anything 
that  might  be  wanting  in  the  bull  of  Paul  III.,  and  completing 
everything  in  the  sense  and  spirit  of  the  holy  founder.1 

That  a  new  confirmation  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  would  have 
to  be  sought  from  the  Apostolic  See  was  very  soon  apparent.2 
Many  things  were  not  so  clearly  expressed  in  the  Bull  of 
foundation  as  to  exclude  the  idea  that  it  would  be  advantage- 
ous to  supplement  and  explain  it  more  fully,  but  the  draft  for 
the  new  Bull  was  not  seriously  taken  in  hand  till  1547.  It  was 
clear  that  this  must  possess  four  qualities  ;  first,  completeness, 
so  that  it  might  show  forth  all  the  essential  points  of  the 
constitution  of  the  Order  ;  secondly,  it  must  possess  a  certain 
breadth  of  expression,  so  as  not  to  render  useful  alterations 
impossible  ;  thirdly,  clearness,  and  fourthly,  a  really  devotional 

vecchio  in  the  Sabine  district  in  1552.  Concerning  the  promotion 
of  Peter  of  Alcantara  by  Julius  III.,  see  the  Freiburger  Kirchlex., 
IX.,  1862.  Proofs  of  favour  for  the  Dominicans  in  Ripoll- 
Bremond,  V.,  15  seqq.  On  January  30,  155 1,  Julius  III.  approved 
cf  the  reformed  statutes  of  the  Augustinians  (see  Empoli,  Bull.  ord. 
Erem.  S.  Aug.,  Romae,  1628,  214-215  ;  cf.  Paulus,  Hoffmeister, 
168).  On  October  24,  155 1,  Julius  confirmed  the  indulgences  for 
the  devotional  exercise  of  the  Forty  Hours  Prayer  (Quaranf  Ore) 
introduced  by  the  new  Reform  Order;  see  Sala,  Docum.  di  S. 
Carlo  Borromeo,  II.,  117  seq. 

1  The  three  documents  in  the  Bull.,  VI.,  422  seqq.,  459  seqq.,  464 
seqq.     See  also  Inst.  Soc.  Iesu,  I.,  seqq.,  29  seqq.,  Florence,  1892. 

2  Constitutiones  Soc.  Iesu  latinae  et  hispanicae,  App.  306, 
Madrid,   1892. 


l82  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

character,  so  that  of  those  who  read  it,  and  felt  drawn  to  the 
Order,  those  whose  vocation  was  genuine  might  remain,  while 
those  who  were  not  suitable  might  be  frightened  away.  Much 
work  was  necessary  in  order  to  meet  these  requirements,  as  the 
Bull  had  to  be  altered  or  supplemented  in  more  than  a  hundred 
places.1  The  draft  finally  accepted  contained,  indeed,  all 
the  principles  peculiar  to  the  Jesuit  Order,  so  as  to  make  it 
for  ever  its  foundation  stone.2 

This  matter,  which  was,  in  essential  points,  briefly  outlined 
in  the  Papal  Bull,  Ignatius  now  began,  in  the  same  year  1547, 
to  elaborate  in  the  constitutions  of  his  Order.  By  1550  these 
points  were  dealt  with  in  the  first  draft,  and  fully  completed  by 
1552  in  the  second,  which  Ignatius  never  altered,  except 
superficially,  before  his  death  in  1556.  They  were  at  once 
published  in  the  Order,  and  introduced,  by  way  of  experiment, 
first  by  Nadal  in  Sicily  in  the  year  1552,  in  the  following  year  in 
Spain  and  Portugal,  and  by  Ribadeneira  in  North  Germany.3 

1  Ibid.,  330  seqq.,     Astrain,  I.,  126,  seqq. 

2  An  enumeration  of  the  most  important  deviations  from  the 
text  of  the  Bulls  of  Paul  III.  in  Astrain,  I.,  133. 

3  Cf.  Vol.  XII.  of  this  work,  p.  59  seqq.  In  many  handbooks  of 
Church  history  and  in  the  reference  books  (Ersch  &  Gruber, 
Allgemeine  Enzyklopadie  der  Wissenschaften  und  Kiinste,  Sect.  2, 
XLI.,  195  seqq.,  Leipsic,  1887  ;  cf.  XV.  433-4)  Lainez  is  represented 
as  the  organizer  of  the  Jesuit  order,  and  described  as  the  co-founder 
who  was  the  first  to  draw  up  the  constitutions  of  the  order  in  their 
final  form.  This  view  is  not  tenable  according  to  the  information 
afforded  by  the  authorities.  It  is  true  that  Ignatius  consulted 
Lainez,  as  he  did  others  ;  Ignatius  himself  says  that  the  idea  of 
establishing  colleges  originated  with  Lainez  (Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  4,  I., 
220)  ;  his  influence,  however,  is  not  authenticated  beyond  this. 
The  first  general  congregation  in  1558  makes  it  quite  clear  that  the 
constitutions  introduced  in  1552  and  confirmed  by  it,  were  drawn 
up  by  Ignatius  (Deer.  post,  elect.,  15,  53,  78).  The  same  convic- 
tion is  also  frequently  expressed  by  those  in  the  confidence  of 
Ignatius  :  Polanco,  Nadal,  Goncalvez,  Ribadeneira,  and  Cani- 
sius  ;  through  these  one  can  learn  all  the  details  of  the  history  of 
the  development  of  the  constitutions.  The  contrary  view,  which 
makes  Lainez  the  co-founder  or  the  real  founder  of  the  order,  a  rose 


LAST     YEARS     OF     ST.     IGNATIUS.  183 

Full  authority  was  given  to  them  in  the  first  General  Congrega- 
tion of  the  Order  in  1558. 

After  the  publication  of  the  constitutions  the  life  work  of 
Ignatius  was  essentially  completed.  At  the  death  of  Julius 
III.,  the  last  year  of  his  own  life  was  drawing  near,  and  during 
this  he  could  not  undertake  much  that  was  new.  Under  Paul 
IV.  he  was  to  see,  not  only  the  Roman  and  German  colleges, 
but  his  whole  work,  threatened  with  annihilation,  without 
having  any  other  defence  to  offer  than  his  own  heroic  trust  in 
God.  Ever-increasing  illness  warned  him  of  the  approach  of 
death  ;  indeed,  he  had  already  believed  that  the  end  had  come 

very  late  and  is  supported  by  nobody  who  has  really  studied  the 
sources  of  Jesuit  history.  As  the  constitutions  confirmed  in  the 
first  general  congregation  contained  the  declarations  as  well  (Deer, 
post  elect.,  24,  25,  31,  38,  41,  42,  54,  55,  57,  58,  68,  69,  78)  there  can 
at  least  be  no  idea  that  these  originated  with  Lainez  and  were 
added  to  the  constitutions  at  the  first  general  congregation  (as  in 
Herzog-Hauck,  Realenzyklopadie  fur  protestantische  Theologie 
und  Kirche,  1900,  VIII.,  747,  769).  Theoph.  Raynaud  was  of 
opinion  that  the  declaration  to  the  Const.  P.,  4c,  14,  1,  was 
composed  by  Lainez  during  the  life  of  Ignatius  and  sanctioned  by 
him  (Opera,  XVI 1 1.,  167,  Lyons,  1665).  Bayle  understood  this  to 
mean  that  Lainez  had  drawn  up  the  whole  of  the  declarations 
(Dictionnaire,  III.,  139,  Basle,  1741).  This  assertion  of  Bayle  was 
taken  up  by  others,  but  of  late  non-Catholic  historians  seem  to  be 
again  giving  up  these  views.  Gothein,  405-408,  does  not  mention 
any  co-operation  in  the  composition  of  the  constitutions,  and 
Herzog-Hauck,  Realenzyklopadie,  VIII.,  746  names  Ignatius 
alone  as  "  creator  "  of  the  organisation  of  the  order,  although  he  is 
not  credited  with  the  declarations.  Herm.  Muller  endeavoured 
(Les  origines  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus.  Ignace  et  Lainez,  Paris, 
1908)  to  prove  from  an  Arabian  text  (of  the  XlXth  century)  that 
Ignatius  had  drawn  from  Islamic  sources,  especially  in  his  precepts 
concerning  obedience,  and  that  Lainez  had  altered  the  constitu- 
tions after  him,  and  had  therefore  become  the  real  organizer  of  the 
order.  F.  Hubert  wrote  against  him  in  the  Theol.  Literatur- 
zeitung,  1899,  310-1  ;  Jos.  Brucker  in  the  Etudes,  December  5, 
1898,  705-709;  H.  Thurston  in  the  Month,  XCIV.  (1899), 
518-526. 


184  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

in  1550,  and  he  joyfully  awaited  his  dissolution.1  On  January 
30th,  1551,  after  the  first  draft  of  the  constitutions  had  been 
sanctioned  by  the  members  of  the  Order  assembled  in  Rome, 
he  expressed  the  desire  to  relinquish  the  dignity  of  General.2 
I  [e  was  confined  to  his  bed  during  almost  the  whole  of  the  year 
1554,  so  that  a  representative  had  to  be  chosen  for  him  on 
November  1st,  in  the  person  of  Nadal.3  He  quickly  recovered, 
however,  after  his  unskilful  physician,  whom  Ignatius  obeyed 
implicitly,  had  been  replaced  by  a  better  one,4  but  in  the 
middle  of  July,  1556,  he  gave  up  temporary  affairs  for  ever, 
and  in  the  morning  of  July  31st  the  soul  of  the  saint,  who  had 
spent  himself  for  the  greater  glory  of  God,  passed  to  the  vision 
of  its  Creator.5 

Sixteen  years  had  not  yet  passed  since  the  life  work  of  the 
dead  Saint  had  been  first  crowned  with  the  approbation  of  the 
Holy  See,  on  September  27th,  1540.  Ten  unknown  strangers, 
whom  the  people  had  mocked  at  a  short  time  before  on  account 
of  their  broken  Italian,  and  spitefully  designated  as  heretics, 
had  at  that  time  been  named  in  the  Papal  brief  as  members  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus.  Now,  the  new  order  was  spread  over  the 
four  quarters  of  the  globe,  as  far  as  Japan,  Brazil,  Abyssinia 
and  even  the  Congo  ;  the  members  of  the  Order  numbered  some 
15006  as  early  as  1554,  and  in  the  following  year  the  number 
of  missions  amounted  to  65. 7     Among  the  members,  doctors 

1  Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  4,  I.,  56. 

2  Ibid.  Ser.  1,  III.,  303.     Cartas  de  S.  Ignacio,  II.,  295. 

3  Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  1,  VIII.,  42  ;    Ser.  4,  I.,  169. 

4  Ibid.  Ser.  4,  I.,  169. 

5  See  Polanco,  VI.,  35.  The  exceedingly  simple  rooms  in 
which  Ignatius  of  Loyola  lived  from  1544  till  his  death  (cf.  Tacchi 
Venturi  in  the  Studi  e  docum.  XX.,  316-17),  have  been  spared 
at  the  building  of  the  professed  house,  out  of  veneration  for  the 
holy  founder  of  the  order,  and  converted  into  chapels,  and  are  in 
existence  at  the  present  day.  The  low  narrow  rooms  contain 
countless  inscriptions  and  costly  mementoes.  Further  details 
in  the  interesting  pamphlet  "  Les  chambres  de  S.  Ignace  de  Loyola 
au  Jesus  de  Rome."     Rome,  1900. 

6  Polanco,  IV.,  476.  7  Ibid.  V.,  n.  6. 


ORGANIZATION     OF     THE     ORDER.  185 

from  the  first  universities,  and  nobles  from  the  greatest  families 
were  to  be  found.  As  Papal  nuncios,  they  had  penetrated  to 
Ireland,  Poland,  Egypt  and  Japan  ;  as  theologians  they  had 
shone  at  the  Council  of  Trent  ;  as  preachers  they  had  attracted 
great  notice  at  the  universities  of  Louvain  and  Salamanca, 
and  at  the  courts  of  Valladolid,  Brussels  and  Vienna  ;  as 
missionaries  they  had  reawakened  Christian  life  in  districts 
where  it  had  seemed  extinct,  and  as  instructors  of  youth  they 
had,  with  unostentatious  activity,  raised  up  a  new  generation 
of  zealous  Catholics.  The  outward  organization  of  the  Order 
had  also  made  much  progress.  Portugal  could,  as  early  as 
1546,  be  constituted  as  a  separate  province,1  with  its  own 
provincial  superiors.  Spain  followed  in  15472,  and  after  that 
one  or  more  new  provinces  were  added  every  year, until,  in 
1556,  these  numbered  twelve,  including  Abyssinia.  The 
whole  of  this  mighty  edifice,  had  arisen  as  a  logical  develop- 
ment of  the  resolution,  formed  thirty-five  years  before  on  a 
sick  bed  in  Loyola  by  a  knight  who  had  hitherto  led  a  worldly 
lite,  and  who  was,  till  that  moment,  completely  uneducated 
and  untrained  from  an  intellectual  point  of  view.  From  such 
an  insignificant  germ  had  this  wonderful  development  come, 
in  spite  of  continual  opposition,  persecution  and  calumny. 

The  strongest  response  to  the  idea  of  Loyola  was  naturally 
to  be  found  in  Spain.  The  old  Catholic  ideals,  for  the  most 
part  untainted  by  the  innovations  in  religion,  wTere  still  para- 
mount there,  and,  unlike  the  Catholics  in  other  lands,  people 
still  had  the  courage  and  enthusiasm  to  fight  for  them.  The 
struggle  for  the  defence  and  propagation  of  the  faith  had  been 
a  powerful  incentive,  not  so  long  before,  in  the  wars  against  the 
Moors,  and  in  the  voyages  of  discovery,  and  when  Ignatius 
showed  how  this  fight  could  be  continued  with  spiritual 
weapons,  it  was  bound  to  meet  with  an  enthusiastic  response. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  among  the  first  six  followers  of  Loyola, 
we  find,  besides  one  Portuguese  and  one  Savoyard,  four 
Spaniards,  and  for  a  long  time  to  come,  the  founder's  own 

1  Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  1,  I.,  449. 

2  Polanco,  I.,  247. 


l86  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

country  provided  him  with  those  able  disciples  who  were  all  the 
more  valuable  to  their  master,  as  many  of  them  only  placed 
themselves  at  his  disposal  after  they  had  completed  their 
studies  as  doctors  of  theology7  or  law,  or  as  experienced  preach- 
ers or  spiritual  directors.  One  finds  Spaniards,  therefore,  in 
almost  every  place  where  the  new  Order  was  at  work.1  The 
Spaniard  Domenech  planted  it  in  Sicily,  d'Eguia  in  France, 
Francis  Xavier  and  Cosmo  de  Torres  in  India  and  Japan. 
Spaniards  accompanied  the  Papal  Legates  to  Poland  and 
Germany,  and  were  as  eminent  as  theologians  at  the  Roman 
College  and  in  Paris  as  at  Trent.  The  principal  counsellors 
of  Loyola  were  Spaniards,  viz.  :  Polanco,  Nadal  and  Lainez, 
while  the  first  three  Generals  of  the  Order  were  also  Spaniards. 
The  friendly  reception  which  the  creation  of  Loyola  met  with 
in  his  native  land  is  evidenced  by  the  large  number  of  colleges 
which  arose  there  within  a  very  short  time.  Under  Paul  III. 
Valencia  already  had  one  in  1544  ;  in  1545  Valladolid,  Gandia 
and  Barcelona  followed  ;  in  1546  Alcala,  in  1548  Salamanca  ; 
after  the  accession  of  Julius  III.,  Burgos  was  founded  in  1550, 
Medina  del  Campo  in  1551,  Onate  in  1552,  and  Cordova  in 
I553-  in  the  year  1554,  missions  were  established  in  Avila, 
Cuenga,  Placencia,  Seville,  Granada,  Simanca  (noviciate)  and 
Sanlucar  de  Barameda,  in  1555  in  Murcia  and  Saragossa,  and 
in  1556  a  college  in  Monterrey  in  Galicia.2  In  the  year  1554 
139  Jesuits3  were  already  resident  in  these  colleges,  and  in  the 
first  four  months  of  the  same  year,  nine  able  men  entered  the 
order  in  Alcala  and  ten  in  Valencia.  At  the  end  of  March 
Nadal  received  eleven  students  at  Salamanca.4  Under  Julius 
III.  Ignatius  had,  by  1552,  established  two,  and  in  1554,  three 
additional  provinces  of  the  Order  in  Spain,  in  accordance  with 
a  new  classification  :  Castile,  Aragon  and  Andalusia.  He 
appointed  a  common  superior  for  all  the  provinces  of  the 
peninsula  in  the  person  of  Francis  Borgia.5     The  golden  age  of 

1  Astrain,  II.,  567. 

2  Ibid.  I.,  257  seqq.,  298  seqq.,  412  seqq. 

3  Inventory  ibid.  409-411. 

4  Ibid.  I.,  413  ;    cf.  312-3,  315,  435  ;    II.,  244  seqq. 

5  Ibid.  I.,  401.     Cartas  de  S.  Ignacio,  IV.,  9-10. 


THE     JESUITS     IN     SPAIN.  187 

the  Spanish  provinces  is,  in  no  small  degree,  to  be  attributed 
to  the  zeal  of  Borgia  and  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held.1 

What  gave  most  edification  in  Spain  on  the  part  of  the  first 
Jesuits  was  the  new  life  which  they  brought  into  the  care  of 
souls.  There  was  at  that  time,  a  great  deficiency  of  religious 
instruction  for  the  people  in  the  Iberian  peninsula  ;  preaching 
was  regarded  as  the  prerogative  of  the  monks,  parish  priests 
devoting  so  little  attention  to  it  that  it  actually  gave  offence 
if  a  secular  priest  made  an  appearance  as  a  preacher.2  It  was, 
therefore,  very  much  appreciated  when  the  Jesuits  made  it 
their  business  to  announce  the  Word  of  God  in  their  churches, 
many  of  them  passing  through  the  country  as  travelling 
preachers,  and  taking  up  their  abode  for  shorter  or  longer 
periods  in  different  towns,  to  open  out  the  way  for  a  moral 
renovation  of  the  people.3  Wonders  are  related  of  the  success 
of  the  missionaries.  In  Alcala,  during  the  carnival  of  1558, 
Antonio  de  Madrid,  in  an  address  lasting  a  quarter  of  an  hour, 
induced  all  the  prostitutes  who,  by  order  of  the  authorities,  had 
to  assemble  before  the  doors  of  their  houses,  to  give  up  their 
sinful  calling.4  In  Granada,  Bautista  Sanchez  preached  so 
impressively  concerning  the  neglect  of  the  poor  in  the  hospital, 
that  the  audience  at  once  offered  gold  rings,  ear-rings  and 
costly  raiment  for  their  relief,  and,  on  the  following  day,  sent 
generous  alms  to  the  institution  and  personally  took  part  in  the 
duty  of  attending  to  the  poor.5  One  result  of  their  preaching 
was  that  religious  life,  and  especially  the  reception  of  the 
Sacraments,  was  greatly  improved.  The  number  of  confes- 
sions, not  by  any  means  very  large,  which  is  quoted  as  a  proof 
of  this, 6  witnesses  to  the  depths  to  which  matters  had  sunk  in 
this  respect.7 

1  Astrain,  II.,  104-5.  2  Ibid.  II.,  502,  512,  519. 

3  Ibid.  502  seqq.  4  Ibid.  506. 

5  Ibid.  509. 

6  In  four  months  of  the  year  1564,  3500  confessions  were  heard 
in  Valladolid,  5265  in  Avila,  6300  in  Salamanca.     Ibid.  503. 

7  It  is  significant  that  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo  forbade  the 
faithful  to  communicate  more  frequently  than  once  a  year. 
Polanco,  II.,  121  n.  287. 


l88  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

The  now  Order  won  all  hearts,  however,  through  its  work  in 
connection  with  the  instruction  of  youth.  Hitherto  it  had 
been  quite  unheard  of  that  members  of  a  religious  order  should 
engage  in  such  an  unlearned  occupation.1  It  touched  and 
affected  people  when  the  Jesuits,  with  a  bell  in  their  hands,  now 
collected  the  children  in  the  streets  and  took  them  in  procession 
to  the  church  to  give  them  religious  instruction.  In  Toledo, 
the  people  rushed  to  the  windows  at  such  an  unusual  sight, 
and  gave  praise  to  God.2  The  visits  of  the  Jesuits  to  the  prisons 
and  hospitals,  as  well  as  their  heroic  self-sacrifice  at  the  time 
of  the  plague,  also  served  to  win  for  them  general  respect  and 
esteem.  Many  Jesuits  lost  their  lives  in  the  service  of  the 
sick.3 

The  teaching  activity  of  the  new  Order  in  its  colleges  was  of 
the  greatest  importance  for  ecclesiastical  reform.  As  soon  as 
instruction  for  externs  began  in  these  institutions,  pupils 
flocked  to  them.  The  college  of  Murcia  numbered  140  of  these 
in  the  first  two  years  of  its  existence.  Belmonte  in  1569  had 
some  400,  Seville  in  1561  about  500,  Cordova  650  at  the  same 
period,  and  Monterrey  in  the  fourth  year  of  its  existence  800. 4 
Such  able  clerics  came  from  the  college  of  Monterrey  that  it 
became  a  sort  of  proverb  among  the  bishops  :  "  He  comes 
from  Monterrey  ;  therefore  we  can  ordain  him  with  full  confi- 
dence."5 The  college  of  Medina  gave  different  Orders  such 
able  members  that  one  superior  said  :  "  Let  us  leave  aside  our 
theological  lectures  and  sermons,  and  confine  ourselves  to 
teaching  grammar  ;    we  shall  attain  more  in  this  way."6 

If  the  Society  of  Jesus  nowhere  found  more  numerous 
friends  than  in  Spain,  it  also  nowhere  else  met  with  such 
violent    opposition.     The    dislike    of    Archbishop    Siliceo    of 

1  Astrain,  II.,  553. 

2  Ibid.  II.,  522-3. 

3  Ibid.   525   seqq. 

4  Ibid.  587-8. 

5  Report  of  Father  Valderrabano  S.  J.  of  the  year  1562,  Ibid. 
II.,  574- 

6  Report  of  Father  Olea  S.  J.  of  the  year  1563,  Ibid.  576. 


OPPOSITION     TO     THE     SOCIETY.  189 

Toledo  was  clearly  expressed  in  the  reign  of  Julius  III.1  In 
October,  1551,  he  forbade  all  members  of  the  new  Order  to 
practise  their  official  priestly  duties,  and  this  prohibition  was 
solemnly  announced  in  all  the  churches  of  the  archdiocese 
during  High  Mass.  By  this  step,  however,  the  archbishop  had 
attacked  the  Papal  privileges  of  the  new  Order,  and  thereby 
the  honour  of  the  Holy  See.  Julus  III.,  therefore,  addressed 
to  Siliceo,  on  January  2nd,  1552,  a  letter  in  which  he  highly 
praised  the  Jesuits,2  and  the  nuncio,  Poggio,  defended  the 
oppressed  Order  most  warmly.  As  Philip  II.  also  declared 
himself  against  Siliceo,  there  was  no  other  course  open  to  him 
than  to  withdraw  his  decree. 

A  privilege  of  the  older  Orders,  to  the  effect  that  no  other 
monastery  might  be  built  within  a  radius  of  140  yards,  led  to 
stormy  manifestations  in  Saragossa  against  the  Jesuit  college 
opened  there  on  April  17th,  1555. 3  The  Augustinians  especi- 
ally declared  that  their  rights  were  infringed  upon  by  the 
erection  of  the  college.  The  archbishop  took  their  part  and 
the  Jesuits  were  looked  upon  and  treated  as  if  they  were 
excommunicated,  the  populace  getting  into  a  state  of  the 
greatest  excitement  against  them.  Matters  went  so  far  that 
the  Jesuits  had  to  leave  the  city  on  August  1st  ;  the  struggle, 
however,  was  decided  in  their  favour  on  September  8th,  and 
it  became  possible  to  re-open  the  college. 

The  attack  on  the  book  of  the  Exercises  also  continued 
during  the  whole  pontificate  of  Julius  III.  In  1553,  Siliceo 
appointed  a  commission  for  the  examination  of  the  accusa- 
tions, which  censured  nineteen  propositions.4  As,  however, 
Paul  III.  had  already  confirmed  the  Exercises  in  1548,  the 
attacks  did  not  succeed  in  winning  much  support. 

The  Order  developed  in  Portugal  even  more  rapidly  than  in 
Spain.     Nothing  under  the  sun  was  prized  more  highly  in  that 

1  Ibid.  I.,  351-365.  Documents  concerning  the  struggle, 
in  the  Cartas  de  S.  Ignacio,  III.,  455-475. 

2  Cartas  de  S.  Ignacio,  III.,  460. 

3  Astrain,   I.,   438  seqq. 

4  Ibid.  I.,  366-384.  The  censure  is  printed  in  Polanco,  Chron., 
III.,  App.  501  seqq. 


190  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

country,  says  a  shrewd  observer,1  than  the  king's  favour,  and 
the  fatherly  care  of  John  III.,2  whose  relations  with  Julius  III. 
were  very  friendly,  was  always  accorded  to  the  Jesuits,  while 
his  royal  brothers,  the  Infantes  Louis  and  Henry,  followed  the 
example  of  the  king  ;  the  former,  indeed,  would  willingly  have 
entered  the  Order  himself.3  The  Cardinal  and  Grand  In- 
quisitor, Henry,  also  interested  himself  in  all  the  affairs  of  the 
Jesuits,  "  as  if  they  had  been  his  own."4 

The  enmities  and  difficulties  with  which  the  rising  Society 
of  Jesus  had  to  struggle  in  Spain,  did  not,  happily,  assail  them 
in  the  neighbouring  country  of  Portugal.  By  the  year  1552, 
the  number  of  those  who  had  entered  the  Order  had  risen  to 
318, 5  among  whom  were  to  be  found  the  sons  of  the  Governor 
of  Lisbon  and  the  Grand  Captain  of  Madeira.6  In  the  year 
1551,  the  Cardinal-Infante,  Henry,  gave  up  his  college  in 
Evora7  to  the  Jesuits,  which,  by  1554,  possessed  300  pupils  ;  in 
1555,  the  Order  received  the  so-called  Royal  college  of  Coimbra,8 
from  John  III.,  which  formed  part  of  the  University  ;  the 
Jesuits,  however,  soon  relinquished  this.  In  1553,  a  second 
mission  in  Lisbon,  the  so-called  professed  house  of  St.  Roch, 

1  Polanco,  IV.,  558. 

2  This  was  expressly  mentioned  in  the  concessions  with  regard 
to  the  great  military  orders  (cf.  Schafer,  III.,  85  ;  V.,  150, 
156  ;  and  Corpo  Dipl.  Port.,  VI.  and  VII.  passim).  In  the  year 
1 55 1  the  Pope  sent  the  Golden  Rose  to  the  eldest  son  of  the  King 
(see  MacSwiney,  Portugal,  III.,  228  seqq.)  and  also  made  him 
other  presents  ;  see  Ant.  de  Portugal  de  Faria,  Portugal  e 
Italia,  203-204,  Lisbon,  1901  ;  cf.  ibid.  J%-J9  concerning  the 
ecclesiastical  relations  with  the  Holy  See.  For  the  beatification 
of  the  Portuguese  Gundisalvo,  see  Novaes,  VII.,  91. 

3  Cartas  de  S.  Ignacio,  IV.,  n.  268. 

4  Polanco,  VI.,  751,  n.  3250. 

5  Epist.  mixtae,  III.,   25. 

6  Astrain,  I.,  586-7. 

7  Polanco,  II.,  377  ;  III.,  422  ;  IV.,  543.  Paul  IV.  confirmed 
the  granting  of  the  college  to  the  Jesuits  on  April  15  and  September 
20,  1559  (Delplace)  Synopsis  actorum  S.  Sedis  in  causa  Soc. 
Iesu,  I.,  17,  Florence,  1887. 

8  Polanco,  V.,  588-9. 


THE     SOCIETY     IN     PORTUGAL.  191 

was  established,1  while  in  the  same  year  instruction  for  extern 
students  was  begun  in  the  college  of  Lisbon,2  at  which  the 
attendance  in  1554  was  600. 3  In  the  opinion  of  the  public 
there  was  nobody  like  the  Jesuits,  and  they  had  so  much  work 
to  do  in  the  care  of  souls  and  in  imparting  instruction  that 
their  numbers  were  not  equal  to  the  task.4 

The  opposition  of  the  Grand  Inquisitor,  Cardinal  Henry, 
preserved  them  from  the  heavy  burden  of  being  obliged  to 
undertake  the  work  of  the  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition  at 
Lisbon,  thereby  rendering,  according  to  Polanco,  a  great 
service  to  the  Order.5  Ignatius  was  put  into  great  perplexity 
by  the  wish  of  the  king  in  this  matter,  not,  indeed  on  account 
of  any  principle  being  involved,  but  rather  because  the  office 
of  Inquisitor  would  be  regarded  as  a  sort  of  prelacy,  and  his 
Order  was  not  permitted  to  accept  any  such  dignities.  He 
caused  six  of  the  most  able  Jesuits  to  consult  on  the  matter 
for  three  days,  and  then  resolved  to  submit  the  question  to  the 
decision  of  the  king.  When  the  answer  reached  Portugal  the 
office  of  Inquisitor  had,  however,  already  been  given  to  a 
Dominican.6 

In  spite  of  all  this  outward  success,  however,  it  was  precisely 
in  Portugal  that  the  Order  had  to  pass  through  a  crisis  such 
as  had  presented  itself  in  no  other  country.7  There  was  no 
firm  guiding  hand  there  ;  Simon  Rodriguez  had  proved 
himself  inefficient  in  his  position  as  provincial.  In  the 
reception  of  novices  the  selection  was  not  sufficiently 
careful,  and  a  striving  after  independence  and  a  tendency 
towards  worldliness  began  to  make  itself  felt  among 
the    members    of    the    Order,    which,    in    the    end,    would 

1  Nadal,  Epist.,  I.,  197  seqq. 

2  Polanco,  III.,  394,  402-3. 

3  Ibid.  IV.,  524. 

4  Ibid.  II.,  135-6,  676  ;    IV.,  527  ;    V.,  566. 

5  "  Prorsus  de  Societate  benemeritus  fuit,  quod  imped ivit,  ne 
id  fieret."     Ibid.  V.,  603,  n.  1663. 

6  Ibid.  Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  1,  IX.,  226;  Ser.  4,  I.;  320,  327.  Epist. 
Mixtae,  IV.,   702. 

7  ASTRAIN,   I.,   585-629. 


I92  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

have  led  to  the  most  evil  consequences  ;  in  addition  to  this, 
Rodriguez  himself  was  endeavouring  to  make  his  province 
independent  of  the  rest  of  the  Order,  and  to  form  it  according 
to  his  own  ideas.  The  dissatisfaction  of  the  insubordinate 
elements  found  open  expression  when  Rodriguez  was  deposed 
in  1552.  However,  it  was  precisely  in  this  crisis  that  Ignatius 
and  his  disciples  showed  in  the  clearest  manner  that  they  were 
determined  to  oppose  the  threatened  disaster  with  inflexible 
energy.  Some  130  members  of  the  order,  who  refused  to 
submit,  were  at  once  expelled,  and  Ignatius  gave  his  sanction 
to  this  step  on  the  part  of  his  delegate,  Torres.1  In  July, 
1553,  there  only  remained  105  Jesuits  in  Portuguese  terri- 
tory.2 

Peace  was  again  threatened  in  the  beginning  of  1553, -when 
Rodriguez  returned  to  Portugal  and  endeavoured  to  win  over 
the  court  to  his  reinstatement.  It  was  only  in  June,  1553, 
that  he  obeyed  the  order  of  Ignatius  to  repair  to  Rome.  He 
thereupon  insisted  that  his  case  should  be  formally  and  justly 
examined.  After  some  hesitation,  however,  he  submitted  to 
the  decision  of  the  judge,  which  proved  to  be  unfavourable  to 
him.3  In  the  meanwhile  the  constitutions  of  the  order  had 
been  published  in  Portugal,  and  on  this  foundation  the  Portu- 
guese province  took  a  new  lease  of  life. 

In  Italy,  a  specially  wide  field  of  work  was  displayed  for  the 
reforming  activities  of  the  order.  The  reports  of  the  Jesuit 
missionaries,  as  well  as  other  sources,  show  how  neglect  of 
religion  had  increased  in  that  country  to  an  almost  incredible 
extent.  The  missionaries  often  complain  that  the  people  are, 
for  the  most  part,  ignorant  of  the  commonest  prayers,4  and 
that  persons  are  to  be  met  with  who  have  not  been  to  confession 

1  Brief  of  December  18th,  1552  :  Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  1,  IV.,  559 
seqq. 

2  Epist.    Mixtae,    III.,    397. 

3  Letter  of  Luis  Goncalvez  of  May  20,  1554  :  Epist.  Mixtae, 
IV.,  180  seqq.  When  an  old  man,  Rodriguez  in  1574  returned 
to  Portugal  and  died  in  Lisbon  in  1579. 

4  Polanco,  II.,  175,  503.     Tacchi  Venturi,  267  seqq. 


ITALIAN     INDIES.  193 

for  seven  and  eight,  and  indeed  for  thirty  or  forty  years.1 
However  much  the  neglect  of  religion  may  be  attributed  to 
the  consequences  of  the  almost  incessant  feuds  and  wars  which 
ravaged  Italy,  the  state  of  affairs  was  undoubtedly  in  part  an 
inheritance  from  the  Renaissance  period,  in  which  not  a  few 
bishops  and  Popes  neglected  their  duties  in  the  most  repre- 
hensible manner.  The  injury  to  religious  worship  by  neglect 
was  especially  noticeable  in  the  most  remote  parts  of  the 
peninsula.  The  ignorance  in  the  Abruzzi,  in  Calabria  and  in 
Apulia  was  still  so  great  in  the  period  between  1561  and  1570, 
that  the  Jesuit  missionaries  named  those  districts  the  "  Italian 
Indies."2  The  people,  were,  however,  by  no  means  inimical 
to  religion  ;  whenever  worthy  priests  took  them  in  hand, 
they  flocked  to  them  and  were  easily  led  to  adopt  an  exemplary 
Christian  mode  of  life.  Landini  writes  in  1551,  from  the  dis- 
trict round  Modena,  that  he  could  clearly  see  the  moral 
improvement  which  had  taken  place  since  his  first  visit  ;  the 
people  now  came  to  hear  sermons,  even  on  week  days,  who 
formerly  did  not  understand  even  what  the  ringing  of  the  bells 
meant  ;  no  one  left  the  church  before  he  did,  and  some  went 
to  other  places  in  order  to  hear  sermons  there  ;  the  people 
would  not  let  him  go  until  he  had  promised  to  come  back, 
and  they  would  come  to  meet  him  when  he  approached  a 
place,  while  the  priests  from  distant  neighbourhoods  would 
beg  him  to  visit  their  parishes.3 

Conditions  in  the  island  of  Corsica  were  particularly  bad, 
and,  at  the  request  of  the  Signoria  of  Genoa,  Pope  Julius  III. 
on   August   5th,    1552,    appointed   two    Jesuit    missionaries, 

1  Polanco,  II.,  19-20  (Tivoli),  224,  226,  245  (Sicily),  483 
(Venice).  Tacchi  Venturi,  268;  Buschbell,  12  (Verona). 
When,  as  in  Camerino  in  1556,  a  Jesuit  summoned  anyone  to 
confession,  outside  Lent,  the  people  at  first  laughed  ;  the  women 
were,  however,  so  astonished  that  people  should  speak  of  sermons 
and  of  going  to  the  sacraments  at  such  a  time,  that  they  almost 
thought  the  end  of  the  world  had  come.     Polanco,  VI.,  84. 

2  Tacchi  Venturi,  269-270. 

3  Brief  of  May  16,  155 1  :  Epist.  Mixtae,  V.,  700  ;  cf.  Epist. 
quadrimestres,  I.,  31 1. 

VOL.   XIII.  13 


194  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

endowed  with  full  authority  for  the  visitation  of  churches 
and  monasteries.1  The  reports  of  these  two  Papal  commis- 
saries, Silvestro  Landini  and  Emmanuel  Gomez  de  Monte 
Mayor,  afford  a  by  no  means  gratifying  picture  of  religious 
conditions.2  The  island  was  divided  into  six  bishoprics,  but 
for  60  or  70  years  none  of  the  said  bishops  had  been  seen  in 
Corsica.  The  priests  were  so  ignorant  that,  at  the  beginning 
of  February,  1553,  not  one  of  those  whom  Landini  had  ex- 
amined, even  knew  correctly  the  formula  of  consecration  for 
Mass  ;  they  went  about  in  secular  dress  and  worked  the  whole 
day  in  the  woods  in  order  to  gain  a  living  for  themselves  and 
their  children.  The  churches  were  in  ruins,  and  wTere  often 
used  for  the  shelter  of  cattle.  The  people  were  in  the  greatest 
poverty  and  suffered  greatly  from  the  corsairs,  while  in  all 
religious  matters  the  grossest  neglect  prevailed.  Landini, 
who,  in  his  missionary  journeys  in  the  Modena  and  Genoa 
districts  in  1551  and  1552,  had  experienced  the  most  incredible 
things,  writes  on  February  7th,  1553, 3  that  he  had  never  seen 
anything  to  equal  the  state  of  affairs  in  Corsica  ;  what  had 
been  written  to  him  from  Rome  was,  indeed,  true,  that  he 
would  find  his  Indies  and  Abyssinia  here,  for  the  greatest 
ignorance  prevailed  concerning  God,  the  most  dreadful  super- 
stition, countless  feuds,  the  most  bitter  hatred,  murder  in  all 
directions,  satanic  pride,  unceasing  immorality,  and  to  all  this 
was  added  usury,  fraud,  perfidy  and  outbursts  of  ungovernable 
fury.  Some  were  secretly  infected  with  heresy,  many  did  not 
know  how  to  make  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  grey-haired  men 
and  women  could  not  say  the  Our  Father  or  the  Hail  Mary. 

In  spite  of  all  this  it  was  easy,  here  as  well,  to  bring  the 
people  back  to  the  practice  of  their  religion,  and  to  a  change  in 
their  morals.  The  missionaries  were  besieged  by  the  people 
from  morning  till  night.     The  church  in  Bastia  was  daily 

1  Extract  from  the  Brief  in  (Delplace),  Synopsis  actorum 
S.  Sedis  in  causa  Soc.  Iesu,  I.,  13  ;  cf.  Appendix,  Instructions 
for  reform. 

2  Polanco,  II.,  464  ;  III.,  80  seqq.  The  letters  of  Landini 
and  Gomez  in  the  Epist.  Mixtae,  III.,  62,  88,  91,  &c. 

3  Epist.  Mixtae,  III.,   114  seqq. 


LANDINI     IN     CORSICA.  195 

thronged  at  the  sermons  of  Landini,  and  more  than  six  Fran- 
ciscans had  to  assist  him  daily  with  the  confessions,  while 
there  were  from  60  to  150  Communions  every  day.  People 
who  had  lived  for  twenty  years  in  enmity  were  reconciled,  and 
countless  cases  of  concubinage  were  either  dissolved  or  the 
parties  married.1  Landini  compared  the  newly  inflamed  zeal 
with  that  of  the  early  church.2 

While  several  bad  priests  were  endeavouring,  through 
calumnies  in  Rome,  to  obtain  the  recall  of  the  Papal  com- 
missaries, the  members  of  the  senate  in  Bastia,  the  governor 
of  the  island,  and  numerous  influential  Corsicans  bore  splendid 
testimony  to  the  Pope  and  Ignatius  of  Loyola  concerning  the 
activities  of  the  missionaries.3  The  mission  had,  however, 
to  be  abandoned  in  the  following  year,  1554,  because  the 
Corsicans,  trusting  to  help  from  France,  had  risen  in  rebellion 
against  the  suzerainty  of  Genoa,  and  the  whole  island  was  filled 
with  the  tumult  of  war.  Landini  succumbed  there  to  the 
effects  ot  his  hardships  and  privations,  on  March  3rd,  1554  ;4 
in  Corsica  he  was  venerated  as  a  saint.5 

The  cause  of  the  deplorable  state  of  religious  life  in  the' 
island  was,  above  all,  to  be  found  in  the  ignorance  of  the 
priests.  It  was  a  quite  unheard  of  thing,  even  in  Italy,  that 
parish  priests  should  preach  ;  many  of  them  never  heard 
confessions,  while  numbers  were  hardly  able  to  read.6  For 
this  reason  Ignatius  of  Loyola  was  anxious,  above  all  things,  to 
establish  colleges,  since  religious  reform  could  only  be  built 
up  on  the  basis  of  instruction,  and  there  were  no  adequate 
means  of  providing  such.  Domenech  writes  from  Palermo 
on  July  4th,  1547,  tnat  a  Jesuit  college  was  much  required 
there  "  because  such  crass  ignorance  prevails  here  among  the 
clergy  that  it  would  hardly  be  credible,  did  one  not  have  it 

1  Ibid.  in.  114,  168-9. 

2  Ibid.  114,  167,  173. 

3  Printed  in  Epist.  Mixtae,  III.,  182-201,  210  seq. 

4  Polanco,  IV.,  36  seqq. 

5  Ibid.     Appendix    681    seqq.  :     Processo   intorno   alia   santita 
del  P.  Silv.  Landini. 

6  Tacchi  Venturi,  27  seqq. 


196  history  of  the  popes. 

before  one's  own  eyes.  The  reason  for  this  is  to  be  found, 
for  the  most  part,  in  the  fact  that  there  is  no  opportunity  for 
learning,  as  here,  in  the  capital  of  the  kingdom,  there  is  not 
even  one  public  grammar  school."1 

Jesuit  colleges  were,  therefore,  urgently  required.  To  the 
missions  of  the  Order  in  Rome,  Tivoli,  Padua,  Bologna, 
Messina,  and  Palermo,  which  had  already  been  established 
under  Paul  III.,  there  were  added,  apart  from  the  Roman 
College,  during  the  reign  of  Julius  III.,  Venice,  1550,  Ferrara, 
Naples,  Florence,  1551,2  Modena,  Parma,  Bassano,  1552, 
Monrealc,  1553,  Argenta  near  Ferrara,  Genoa,  Syracuse, 
Catania,  and  Loreto  in  1554.  In  the  year  of  Loyola's  death, 
there  also  arose  colleges  in  Siena  and  Camerino.  So  many  new 
foundations  were,  naturally,  only  possible  because  of  the 
numbers  of  those  who  applied  for  admission  into  the  Order. 
Julius  III.  asked,  in  astonishment,  when  the  candidates 
destined  for  the  colleges  of  Florence  and  Naples  were  presented 
to  him  in  155 1  :  "  Will  there  then  be  anyone  left  in  Rome  ?  " 
They  were,  however,  able  to  reassure  the  Pope  on  this 
point.3 

The  incentive  to  the  establishment  of  these  institutions  were 
usually  the  sermons  preached  by  an  important  member  of  the 
Order  in  a  particular  city.  When  the  arrangements  for  the 
establishment  of  a  college  were  completed,  however,  Ignatius 
did  not  send  any  piominent  subjects,  but  merely  several  young 
men  from  the  Roman  College,  as  he  thought  it  more  advantage- 
ous for  such  a  house  to  begin  in  a  modest  way,  and  then  to 
develop  into  a  flourishing  state,  than  that  it  should  commence 
with  a  great  brilliancy  which  it  could  not  afterwards  retain.4 
It  was  also  his  principle  that  every  college  must  be  self-sup- 

1  Litterae  quadrimestres,  I.,  51. 

2  Cf.  ibid.  Fueter,  Das  erste  Auftreten  der  Jesuiten  in 
Florenz  ;  Zeitschrift  fur  Kirchengeschichte,  XXVIII.,  432-3, 
Gotha,  1907.  Concerning  the  protection  of  the  Jesuits  by  the 
Duchess  of  Florence,  see  Tacchi  Venturi  in  the  Civilta  Cattolica, 
July  16,  1898,  and  Arch.  stor.  Jtal.,  Ser.  5,  XXII.,  217. 

3  Polanco,  II.,  173. 
i  Ibid.  432. 


FOUNDATION     OF     COLLEGES.  197 

porting,1  so  that  almost  all  these  establish  merits  had  at  first  to 
contend  with  great  poverty.  In  Perugia  the  Jesuits  lived  for 
a  time  only  on  bread,  wine  and  soup,2  and  in  other  places,  they 
were  also  in  very  straitened  circumstances.  In  Venice  they 
had  to  exercise  the  greatest  caution,  even  before  they  got  as 
far  as  the  foundation  of  a  college.  The  Republic  suspected 
political  intrigues  everywhere,  and  the  very  fact  of  the  Jesuits 
writing  to  Rome  every  week  awakened  suspicion.  It  was  a 
dangerous  thing  to  hear  the  confessions  of  ladies  of  the  aris- 
tocracy and  to  admonish  them  as  to  the  frequent  reception 
of  the  Sacraments,  a  thing  tor  which  the  Barnabites  had  shortly 
before  been  driven  from  the  city.  When  the  college  really 
was  founded,  many  of  the  students  did  not  persevere,  for  the 
commercial  spirit  of  this  centre  of  trade  was  not  favourable 
to  learning.3  In  Messina,  people  wanted  a  college,  it  was  true, 
but  they  were  not  provided  with  the  necessary  capital  ;  in 
Modena  the  Jesuits  were  reviled  as  hypocrites  and  ignorant 
men  ;4  gradually,  however,  the  new  Order  struck  firm  roots, 
in  spite  of  all  difficulties.  The  instruction  of  youth  was  the 
chief  weapon  which  the  Jesuits  employed  in  Italy  to  fight  the 
incursions  of  Protestantism. 

Looked  at  from  a  literary  point  of  view,  the  reform  work 
of  the  new  Order  vindicated  itself  in  all  directions,  in  scientific 
as  in  everyday  life,  with  the  learned  as  with  the  unlearned,  even 
during  the  lifetime  of  its  founder.  Convents  of  nuns,  Which 
had  got  into  a  depraved  state,  were  again  brought  by  the 
Jesuits,  by  means  of  the  Exercises,  into  a  proper  way  of  life.5 
Vagrant  monks,  who  often  had  enlisted  among  the  soldiery,6 
the  Jesuits  endeavoured  to  bring  back  to  their  monasteries.7 
They  went  to  the  prisons  and  galleys  to  bring  spiritual  con- 
solation to  the  neglected  prisoners.8  Lainez  and,  later,  Nadal, 
as  well  as  several  Capuchins,  accompanied,  as  military  chap- 

1  Ibid.  507.  2  Ibid.  438. 

3  Ibid.  480.  4  Ibid.  459. 

5  Ibid.  175,  502.  6  Ibid.  238,  n.  164. 

7  Ibid.  29,  461. 

8  Ibid.  37-8  (Palermo),  184  (Florence),  231  (Messina),  425 
(Rome),  435  (Perugia),  458  (Modena),  483  (Venice). 


198  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Lains,  th<  Christian  fleets  which  sailed  from  Sicily  against  the 
corsairs  ;*  Baptista  Romanus,  a  converted  Jew,  made  use  of 
his  acquaintance  with  oriental  languages  to  win  over  the 
Mahommedans  and  renegades  on  Turkish  ships  for  the  Church.2 
The  Jesuits  fought  against  usury,3  collected  alms  for  the  poor,4 
reconciled  enemies,5  endeavoured  to  procure  refuges  for 
repentant  Magdalens,6  and  were  already  making  attempts  to 
train  up  Arabic  speaking  missionaries  for  the  conversion  of 
North  Africa.7 

By  far  the  most  thorny  field  of  operations  presented  itself, 
however,  to  the  reforming  zeal  of  the  young  Order,  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Alps.  Nadal,  who  knew  the  conditions  in  the 
Iberian  and  Appenine  peninsulas  from  his  own  experience, 
went  to  inspect  the  German  Jesuits  as  visitor  in  1555,  and  he 
openly  declares  that  the  work  in  Geimany  is  considerably 
more  difficult  and  just  as  glorious  as  that  in  the  Indies.8 
"  It  is  an  unspeakable  misfortune  that  such  a  great,  powerful 
and  noble  nation  should  be  in  such  a  sad  state.  With  the 
grace  of  Christ,  there  is,  however,  much  hope  that  she  may  be 
helped,  and  I  am  persuaded  that  God  will  do  so  through  our 
Order,  with  the  authority  and  favour  of  the  Apostolic  See."9 
"  Woe  to  us  "  he  says  in  another  place,  "if  we  do  not  help 
Germany."10  "  There  are  neither  members  of  religious  orders 
here,  nor  clergy,  nor  theologians,  so  that  the  Catholic  princes 
and  bishops  do  not  know  where  to  begin.  Good  Catholics  have 
of  necessity  to  put  up  with  married  parish  priests,  public 
concubinage,  and  half-Lutheran  preachers."  One  reason  for 
the  terrible  state  of  affairs  was  the  fact  that  there  was  no 

1  Ibid.  45-6,  237-8.     Guglielmotti,  Guerra  de'  pirati,  II.,  208. 

2  Polanco,  II.,  484,  n.  159. 

3  Ibid.  36,  483. 

4  Ibid.  233,  503. 

5  Ibid.  225,  and  passim. 

6  Ibid.  234. 

7  Ibid.    51-2 

8  Epist.  IV.,  214. 

9  To  Ignatius,  Dillingen,  April  22,  1555,;    Epist.,  I.,  298. 

10  Ibid.  IV.,  215-6. 


THE     JESUITS     IN     GERMANY.  199 

Catholic  in  Germany  who  did  not  read  the  books  of  the  religious 
innovators,  and  that  other  religious  works  were  not  sold  at  all. 
"  We  found  all  the  inns  full  of  the  works  of  Luther  and  other 
heretics  ;  women  and  children  read  them,  and  we  were  only  in 
districts  which  call  themselves  Catholic."1  There  was  hardly 
any  Catholic  in  Germany  who  wrote  in  opposition  to  these 
books  ;2  the  older  Catholic  works  were  no  longer  published 
and  could  hardly  be  obtained,  so  that  Catholics  said  they  had 
nothing  to  read  except  heretical  books.3  Catholic  theologians 
also  read  these  works  everywhere,  and  thus  got  into  a  state  of 
theological  bewilderment.4 

This  shrewd  observer  perceived  that  the  cure  of  these  great 
evils  could  only  be  effected,  in  Germany  as  elsewhere,  by  the 
foundation  of  colleges.  Nadal  also  pointed  out  a  means  for 
helping  Germany,  of  which  there  was  hardly  any  mention  in 
other  lands,  viz.  :  literary  activity.  He  wished  that  Lainez 
might  come  to  Germany  and  write  there  against  the  Lutherans  ; 
he  also  discussed  with  the  chancellor,  Widmannstadt,  as  to 
whether,  on  his  application,  a  printing  press  might  not  be 
established  in  Vienna,  which  would  daily  issue  Catholic 
pamphlets  against  the  Lutherans.5 

During  the  lifetime  of  Loyola,  however,  they  did  not  succeed 
in  founding  any  great  number  of  colleges  in  Germany.  The 
German  princes  did  not  understand  why  establishments  for 
religious  orders  should  be  founded,  seeing  that  it  was  not 
monasteries,  but  bishops  and  parish  priests  that  were  required.6 
Only  in  1552  did  they  manage  to  found  a  college  in  Vienna  ; 
by  the  year  1555,  this  already  numbered  400  students,  under 
10  professors.7     Besides  this  the  city  possessed  a  noviciate 

1  Ibid.  I.,  301-2.  2  Ibid.  306. 

3  Ibid.   309.  4  Ibid.  303. 

5  Ibid.  305,  309. 

6  Ibid.  289  ;    Polanco,  II.,  262. 

7  Duhr,  Gesch.  der  Jesuiten  in  den  Landern  deutscher  Zunge, 
I.,  49,  Freiburg,  1907.  The  introduction  of  the  Jesuits  into 
Trent,  planned  by  Madruzzo,  did  not  succeed  ;  see  *letter  of 
Card.  Pole  to  Madruzzo,  dated  Rome,  February  27,  1553,  m  tne 
Arch.  Trid.  caps.     LV.,  n.  25   (Vice-regal  Archives,  Innsbruck). 


200  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

and  a  house  of  studies  in  the  year  of  Loyola's  death,  while 
three  other  colleges,  in  Cologne,  Ingolstadt  and  Prague,  arose 
during  the  last  year  of  the  life  of  the  founder. 

The  Order  owed  the  college  in  Cologne,  and  still  more  those 
in  Ingolstadt  and  Prague,  to  the  influence  of  that  man  who  in 
the  time  to  come  was  to  be  the  founder  of  the  German  province 
of  the  order,  and  the  animating  spirit  of  all  their  undertakings 
— Peter  Canisius.  Cologne,  for  the  Church  of  the  XVIth 
century  a  post  as  important  as  it  was  often  imperilled,  received 
the  Jesuits  at  first  in  a  manner  anything  but  friendly.1  It 
was  especially  the  sermons  of  Canisius  which  gradually  gained 
them  friends.2  "If  we  could  only  open  a  school,"  writes 
Leonhard  Kessel,  the  superior  of  the  Jesuits  in  Cologne,  in 
1549,  "  then  all  the  youth,  and  with  them  the  others,  would 
be  won  for  Christ."3  This  wish  wras  fulfilled  when  the  post  of 
director  of  the  "  Collegium  Tricoronatum  "  became  vacant, 
owing  to  the  apostacy  of  its  head.  The  city-council  did  not 
wish  to  give  this  establishment  into  the  hands  of  the  Jesuits, 
but  the  son  of  their  Burgomaster,  Johannes  Rethius,  who  had 
taken  their  side,  induced  them  to  do  so.  The  "  Collegium 
Tricoronatum "  developed  very  rapidly,  and  became  for 
Germany,  very  much  what  the  Roman  College  was  for  the  whole 
Order,  a  school  to  send  out  workers  in  all  directions.4 

Canisius  had  at  once  been  sent,  with  Salmeron  and  Le  Jay, 
to  Ingolstadt,  to  give  lectures  at  the  university.  The  new 
professors,  however,  had  only  an  audience  of  fourteen,  of  whom 
the  greater  number  possessed  neither  the  necessary  preliminary 
instruction  nor  any  interest  in  religion  or  science.  Salmeron 
and  Le  Jay  were  therefore  soon  recalled,  but  Canisius  remained; 
he  attained  many  successes  and  gained  general  esteem  by  his 

1  Braunsberger,  I.,  136,  672-3. 

2  Ibid.   143. 

3  To  Ignatius,  October  4,  1549,  in  the  Litt.  quadrim.,  I.,  172. 
Concerning  L.  Kessel,  whose  greatness  lay  in  the  care  of  souls, 
see  Th.  Virnich  in  the  Annalen  des  Histor.  Vereins  fur  den 
Niederrhein,  part  90,  Cologne,  191 1. 

4  Duhr,  I.,  33  seqq.  Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  1,  XL,  200  seqq.  Klin- 
kenberg,  Das  Marzellen-gymnasium,  Cologne,  191 1. 


THE     CHURCH     IN     BOHEMIA.  201 

private  lessons  among  the  students,  by  his  lectures  and  by  his 
zeal  in  the  care  of  souls.  A  college  would  have  been  the  most 
important  step,  in  view  of  the  insufficient  preliminary  training 
of  the  students,  but  the  negotiations,  begun  in  1555,  did  not 
advance,  and  Ignatius,  therefore,  summoned  the  Jesuits  from 
Ingolstadt  to  Vienna.  Three  years  later  Canisius  was  recalled 
to  Bavaria,  and  the  college  was  opened  in  the  following  year.1 

Many  Bohemians  were  in  the  habit  of  studying  in  Ingol- 
stadt. The  success  of  the  Jesuits  there,  as  well  as  in  Vienna, 
awakened  the  hope  in  the  minds  of  Bohemian  Catholics  of  being 
able  to  procure  the  theological  seminary  of  which  their  country 
stood  in  need,  through  the  help  of  the  new  Order.  In  the  year 
1552  they  addressed  themselves,  with  this  intention,  to  King 
Ferdinand  I.,  who  assented  all  the  more  readily  to  the  proposal, 
as  the  state  of  the  Church  in  Bohemia  seemed  even  more  hope- 
less than  in  Germany.  Catholics,  Utraquists,  Bohemian 
Brethren  and  Lutherans  all  struggled  together  for  the  mastery  ; 
there  was  no  bishop  in  the  country,  unworthy  subjects  crept 
into  the  priesthood  from  abroad  in  all  sorts  of  ways,  while  the 
clerical  state  was  despised,  many  parishes  being  without 
priests,  which  were  then  seized  by  Protestant  preachers,  the 
University  also  being  in  the  hands  of  the  Utraquists.  Canisius 
had  been  negotiating  since  1554  about  the  foundation  of  a 
college,  to  be  directed  by  the  Jesuits  ;  two  years  later  it 
became  possible  to  open  one  in  the  convent  of  St.  Clement  in 
Prague.2 

While  Canisius  was  pursuing  his  activities  for  the  colleges 
of  Prague  and  Ingolstadt,  his  fixed  residence  was  in  Vienna, 
where  the  position  was  so  serious  that,  in  the  opinion  of  Nadal, 

1  Duhr,  I.,  53  seqq.  Braunsberger,  I.,  688  seqq.  Mon. 
Ign.  Ser.  1,  X.,  535  seqq.  W.  Friedensburg,  Zur  ersten  Fest- 
setzimg  der  Jesuiten  in  Bayern,  1548-1549  :  Archiv  fur  Ref- 
Gesch,   1912,  85-89. 

2  A.  Kroess,  Gesch.  der  bohm.  Provinz  der  Gesellschaft  Jesu, 
I-,  3-36,  Vienna,  1910.  Braunsberger,  I.,  495  seqq.,  545  seqq., 
762  seqq.  Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  1,  VIII.,  78-9  ;  X.,  689  seqq.  Cf. 
Schmidtmayer  in  the  Mitteil.  fur  die  Gesch.  der  Deutschen 
in  Bohmen,  XLIII.,  122  seqq. 


202  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

the  whole  city  would  have  fallen  a  victim  to  Luthcranism,  had 
it  not  been  for  the  efforts  of  the  Jesuits.1  Canisius  took  an 
active  part  in  the  work  of  his  brethren  ;  he  preached  with  great 
success  in  German  and  Italian,  gave  lectures  on  the  Epistle 
to  the  Romans,  took  charge  of  the  prisoners,  and  visited  the 
parishes  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city,  which  were  all 
without  priests.2  Ferdinand  I.  was  most  desirous,  in  the  years 
from  1553  to  1556,  of  having  him  made  Bishop  of  Vienna,  and 
was  earnestly  urged  thereto  by  the  Papal  nuncio,  but  Canisius 
absolutely  refused  this  dignity.3  In  spite  of  considerable 
progress,  things  remained  in  a  very  serious  condition  in 
Vienna,  and  Canisius  writes  on  January  5th,  1554,  that  he  is 
astonished  that  it  has  not  come  to  martyrdom  for  the  Catholics 
who  have  remained  true  to  their  faith  in  the  city  on  the 
Danube.4 

It  was  in  Vienna  that  Canisius  composed  that  most  import- 
ant of  all  his  works,  his  Catechism.5  Hitherto  there  had  been 
no  handy  abstract  of  the  Catholic  religion,  suited  to  the  needs 
of  the  times  ;  the  school  teachers,  even  in  Catholic  districts, 
were  usually  Lutherans,6  and  Catholic  children  were  taught 

1  Epist.  I.,  311. 

2  Duhr,  I.,  73-4.  A.  Kroess,  Der  sel.  Petrus  Canisius  in 
Osterreich,  31  seqq.,  37  seqq,,  Vienna,  1898. 

3  For  the  question  whether  Canisius  really  carried  on,  for  a  time 
at  least,  the  direction  of  the  bishopric,  cf.  N.  Paulus  in  the  Zeitsch- 
rift  fur  Kath.  Theologie,  1898,  742  seqq.  A  brief  of  Julius  III., 
of  November  3rd,  1554,  entrusted  him  with  the  management 
of  the  bishopric  for  a  year  (Braunsberger,  I.,  506  seqq.)  ; 
Polanco  writes  to  him  on  April  2,  1555  :  "  Delia  administratione 
del  vescovato  non  se  parla  piu,  si  che  V.  R.  e  libera  al  tutto." 
Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  1,  VIII.,  623  ;  cf.  ibid.  279,  400,  403,  the  letters  of 
January  15,  February  12  and  13,  1555. 

4  Braunsberger,  I.,  443. 

5  Braunsberger,  Entstehung  und  erste  Entwicklung  der 
Katechismen  des  sel.  Petrus  Canisius,  Freiburg,  1893.  Brauns- 
berger, II.,  883  seqq.  Paulus  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  kath. 
Theologie,  1903,  170  seqq. 

6  Nadal,  Epist.  I.,  311. 


THE     CATECHISM     OF     CANISIUS.  203 

according  to  a  Lutheran  catechism.  Ferdinand  I.  therefore 
called  upon  the  Vienna  Jesuits  to  draw  up  a  catechism  of  the 
Catholic  faith.  Immediately  after  his  arrival  in  Vienna  in 
1552,  Canisius  was  entrusted  with  this  work,  and  as  early  as 
1554  he  was  able  to  lay  the  first  part  of  his  Catechism  before 
the  king.  It  appeared  in  the  following  year  without  the  name 
of  the  author,  but  with  an  Imperial  decree  at  the  beginning 
which  prescribed  the  use  of  the  little  book  for  the  schools  of  the 
hereditary  Austrian  dominions.  It  was  intended  for  teachers 
and  young  students,  and  was  therefore  written  in  Latin.  As 
early  as  1556  a  short  extract  from  the  larger  catechism  appeared 
at  Ingolstadt  in  Latin  and  at  Dillingen  in  German.  A  third 
catechism,  which  was  intermediate  between  the  two  others, 
was  first  printed  in  Cologne  in  1558.  All  these  catechisms 
went  through  many  editions  and  were  extensively  translated. 
They  were  of  the  utmost  importance  in  Germany  for  the  work 
of  Catholic  reform,  as  children  were  taught  in  accordance  with 
them  for  hundreds  of  years.1 

To  possess  a  college  in  Paris,  the  centre  of  theological  studies, 
had  very  early  been  the  cherished  desire  of  Loyola,  but  it  was 
precisely  in  France  that  the  Society  of  Jesus  had  to  wage  a  long 
battle  with  the  officials  and  prelates  of  gallican  leanings,  before 
winning  the  right  of  admission.2  It  is,  however,  a  fact  that 
they  soon  gained  powerful  friends  there.  Charles  de  Guise, 
Cardinal  of  Lorraine,  won  over  by  Ignatius  during  his  residence 
in  Rome  in  1550,3  proved  himself  a  real  protector.  Henry  II. 
was  favourable  to  them  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  his  imme- 
diate entourage.4  No  fewer  than  three  Jesuit  colleges  soon 
afterwards  owed  their  foundation  to  the  Bishop  of  Clermont, 
Guillaume  du  Prat,  among  them  the  very  important  college 
of  Paris.  But  the  Jesuits  had  to  carry  on  a  more  than  ten  years' 
struggle  concerning  the  foundation  of  this  Paris  college,  in  the 

1  Cf.  Jannsen-Pastor,  IV.,  437  seqq. 

2  H.  Fouqueray,  Hist,  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus  en  France, 
195   seqq,   Paris,     19 10. 

3  Polanco,  II.,  89-90.     Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  1,  XL,  451  ;   cf.  Romier, 
35-36. 

4  Mon.  Ign.  loc.  cit. 


204  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

course  of  which  interesting  side  lights  were  thrown  upon  the 
attitude  in  influential  circles  towards  the  Holy  See. 

Bishop  du  Prat  had  recognized  that  the  raising  of  the 
standard  of  higher  education  was  essential  for  combating  the 
advance  of  Lutheranism.  He  therefore  fixed  upon  a  house 
in  Paris,  belonging  to  the  bishops  of  Clermont,  for  a  college, 
in  which  professors  for  the  schools  of  his  diocese  could  receive 
the  necessary  scientific  training.  The  only  difficulty  was 
the  dearth  of  young  men  who  were  inclined  to  enter.  He 
applied,  therefore,  to  Ignatius,  from  Trent,1  in  1546,  through 
Le  Jay,  and  when  he  had  returned  to  France  in  the  following 
year,  he  thought  of  handing  over  his  house  of  studies  to  the 
Jesuits  there  as  their  own  property.2 

This  plan,  however,  could  only  be  carried  out  if  the  new  Order 
were  received  in  France  through  a  royal  decree.  The  king 
indeed  did  sign  such  a  document  as  early  as  1550,  and  again 
in  1551,  at  the  request  of  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  ;  before 
this  decree  could,  however,  be  made  legally  absolute  it  had  to  be 
examined  by  the  Royal  Council,  have  the  chancellor's  seal 
affixed  to  it,  and  be  registered  by  the  Parliament.  The  agree- 
ment of  the  gailicanly-inclined  Parliament  was  very  hard  to 
obtain,  and  the  difficulties  were  increased  by  a  misunderstand- 
ing on  the  part  of  Viola,  the  superioi  of  the  Jesuits.  In  order 
to  induce  the  Royal  Council  to  give  its  approval,  Viola  had 
laid  before  it  the  Papal  decree  of  October  x8th,  1549,  by  which 
the  privileges  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  were  confirmed,  and  the 
Council  communicated  this  Papal  document  to  the  Parliament. 
The  whole  affair-  thus  took  on  an  entirely  different  aspect. 
It  was  no  longer  a  question  of  allowing  the  Jesuit  colleges  into 
France,  but  rather  a  discussion  of  the  privileges  of  the  Jesuits, 
and  in  particular  of  the  validity  of  Papal  privileges  on  French 
soil. 

Special  offence  was  given  to  the  procurator-general  of  the 
Parliament,  Noel  Bruslart,  by  the  Pope's  withdrawal  of  the 

1  Epist.  Broeti,  Iaii    &c,  307-8. 

2  Tournier  in  the  Etudes,  XCVIII.  (1904),  465  seqq.,  622 
seqq.     Fouqueray,   150  seqq. 


THE  JESUITS  IN  PARIS.  205 

new  Order  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops,  and  his  releasing 
them  from  the  duty  of  ecclesiastical  tithes.  Parliament 
declared,  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  Bruslart,  that  the 
Jesuit  Order  transgressed  the  rights  of  the  king,  as  well  as  those 
of  Parliament,  and  also  violated  the  episcopal  regulations.1 
The  matter  remained  in  this  state  for  a  time,  and  the  Papal 
document  was  returned  to  the  Jesuits. 

It  was  only  at  the  end  of  1552  that  Paschasius  Broet,  a 
native  of  France  and  a  student  of  the  University  of  Paris,  who 
had  been  appointed  provincial  for  France  in  the  June  of  that 
year,  took  some  further  steps.  He  succeeded,  by  means  of  a 
royal  command  of  January  10th,  1553,  which  instructed  the 
Parliament  to  register  the  former  mandate  in  favour  of  the 
Jesuits.  The  opposition  of  the  Paris  jurists  was,  however,  by 
no  means  yet  overcome  ;  on  January  16th  the  advocate- 
general,  Seguier,  demanded  that  representations  should  be 
made  to  the  king,  and  on  February  8th  the  resolution  was 
adopted  that,  before  the  proceedings  went  any  further,  the 
royal  patent  and  the  Papal  Bull  must  be  delivered  to  the 
Bishop  of  Paris,  Eustache  du  Bellay,  and  the  theological 
faculty  for  examination. 

Eustache  du  Bellay  was  a  gallican  ;  he  did  not  regard  the 
Jesuit  Order  as  legally  established,  and  had  refused  to  its 
members  the  right  to  hear  confessions  and  the  permission  to 
preach,  because  they  were  not  subject  to  his  jurisdiction. 
They  could  therefore  only  carry  on  their  priestly  duties  in  the 
Benedictine  abbey  of  St.  Germain-des-Pres,  which  was  not 
subject  to  the  diocese  of  Paris,  or  work  in  the  neighbouring 
diocese  of  Soissons.  The  jurisdiction  over  the  Jesuits  which 
he  had  always  claimed  now  seemed  assured  to  him,  when 
Parliament  assigned  to  him  the  decision  concerning  them  ; 
naturally,  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  he  would  decide 
against  himself,  by  acknowledging  the  Papal  privileges  of  the 
Jesuits. 

When  Broet  presented  himself  before  the  bishop,  in  order 
to  deliver  the  Papal  Bull  to  him,  du  Bellay  declared  quite. 

1  Ibid.  197,  199. 


206  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

plainly  that  there  were  already  too  many  Orders  even  without 
the  Jesuits.  Upon  the  reply  that  the  Pope  and  the  king  had 
confirmed  the  Society  of  Jesus,  the  bishop  answered  that  the 
Pope  could  give  no  confirmation  for  France,  and  the  king  just 
as  little,  since  it  was  a  matter  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.1 
His  judgment  was  therefore  unfavourable.  The  very  name, 
"  Society  of  Jesus,"  he  declared  to  be  arrogant.2  The  Jesuits, 
by  their  vow  of  poverty,  injured  the  mendicant  orders,  and 
the  parish  priests  by  their  preaching  and  hearing  confessions, 
while  many  of  their  privileges  encroached  on  the  rights  of  the 
bishops,  of  the  Pope,  and  of  the  universities.  As  they  pro- 
fessed to  be  desirous  of  working  for  the  conversion  of  the  Turks 
and  unbelievers,  they  were  at  liberty  to  erect  houses  at  the 
confines  of  Christianity  ;  it  was  a  long  way  from  Paris  to  Con- 
stantinople. 

The  theological  faculty  proved  no  less  unfriendly.  They 
first  of  all  sought  to  delay  matters,  but  finally  the  dean  declared 
to  the  provincial,  Broet,  that  the  Jesuits  would  not  be  success- 
ful, that  their  privileges  had  not  been  confirmed  by  "  the 
Church,  that  is  to  say,  a  Council,"  and  that  the  Pope  could 
confer  no  prerogatives  to  the  detriment  of  bishops  and  parish 
priests.3 

When,  on  August  3rd,  1554,  the  Parliament  pressed  for  an 
answer  concerning  the  question  of  the  Jesuits,  twenty  theo- 
logians examined  the  Papal  Bulls  daily,  until  a  decision  was 
arrived  at  on  December  1st,  1554.  This  amounts  to  a  com- 
plete condemnation.4  The  very  name  of  the  new  Society  is 
offensive,  according  to  this  document  ;  it  is  deserving  of  cen- 
sure, because  it  receives  everyone  without  distinction.  All 
deviations  from  the  older  Orders  in  the  constitutions  of  the 
Society  are  held  to  be  blameworthy,   and  the  accusation  is 

1  Broet  to  Ignatius  on   March  4,  1553  :    Epist.  Broeti,  &c,  87. 

2  Du    Plessis    d'Argentre,     Collectio    iudiciorum,    II.,    194. 

FOUQUERAY,    206. 

3  Broet  to  Ignatius  on  March  August  9,    1553  :    Epist.  Broeti, 
&c,  94. 

4  In  Du  Plessis  d'Argentre,  II.,   194,  and  (without    the  in- 
troduction) in  Polanco,  IV.,  328. 


OPPOSITION     IN     PARIS.  20J 

again  made  that  their  privileges  are  contrary  to  the  rights  of 
ecclesiastical  and  secular  personages.  Finally  and  compre- 
hensively, the  Society  of  Jesus  is  declared  to  be  dangerous  to 
the  Faith,  disturbing  to  the  peace  of  the  Church,  destructive 
to  the  religious  Orders,  and  to  pull  down  more  than  it  builds 
up.  This  condemnation  of  a  Papal  document  is  prefixed  by 
an  introduction,  in  which  the  doctors  express  their  "  deep 
veneration  for  the  Holy  See." 

That  such  an  august  and  learned  body  should  express  itself 
in  this  manner,  naturally  occasioned  the  greatest  excitement 
against  the  new  Order  ;  sermons  against  the  Jesuits  were 
heard  in  the  pulpits,  and  placards  against  them  were  affixed  to 
the  walls.  On  May  27th,  1555,  the  bishop  forbade  them  the 
exercise  of  their  priestly  functions,  under  pain  of  excom- 
munication, until  the  Bull  should  be  confirmed  by  him,  the 
faculty  and  the  Parliament.  Broet  submitted,  although  the 
excommunication  would  have  been  invalid,  but  he  appealed 
to  the  Holy  See.1 

The  founder  of  the  Order  remained  quite  unmoved  by  the 
general  excitement  caused  among  the  Jesuits  by  the  Paris 
decree.  When  the  most  esteemed  Roman  fathers  represented 
to  him  that  the  decree  should  be  contested  in  writing,  and  the 
false  accusation  denied,  he  replied  with  perfect  composure  that 
this  was  not  necessary,  nor  would  he  allow  any  direct  steps  to 
be  taken  against  the  distinguished  faculty  later  on.  The 
Society  of  Jesus,  he  said,  would  last  for  a  long  time  yet,  and 
the  University  of  Paris  likewise,  and  he  did  not  therefore  think 
it  advisable  that  opposition  should  be  further  increased  and 
perpetuated  by  a  direct  reply.2  His  plan  was  to  obtain 
testimonials  from  ecclesiastical  and  secular  princes,  as  well  as 
from  universities  in  all  districts  where  the  Jesuits  were  in 
active  work,  and  to  lay  these  before  the  Pope,  of  whose  author- 
ity there  was  question  in  this  matter,  and  then  quietly  wait 
to  see  which  would  be  the  mightier,  the  Paris  decree  or  the 

1  Epist.  Broeti  &c,  102. 

2  Mon.  Ign.,  Ser.  4,  I.,  216  (Goncalvez  for  February  17,  1555) 
375-6,  426. 


208  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPESi 

judgment  of  the  whole  world.  These  testimonials  were  given 
in  great  numbers  by  the  most  distinguished  persons  ;  among 
others  by  the  Portuguese  king,  John  III.,  the  Viceroy  of  Sicily, 
the  Duchesses  of  Tuscany  and  Ferrara,  by  many  bishops,  by 
the  Universities  of  Ferrara,  Valladolid,  Coimbra  and  Louvain, 
and  by  the  Inquisitors  at  Ferrara,  Florence,  Evora  and  Sara- 
gossa.1 

It  was  not,  however,  necessary  to  make  use  of  these  docu- 
ments. When  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  came  to  Rome,  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  political  alliance  with  Paul  IV.,  in  1555,  there 
were  four  Paris  doctors  in  his  retinue,  among  whom  was  the 
composer  of  the  decree  of  December  1st,  1554.  A  calm 
discussion  between  these  doctors  and  four  of  the  most  learned 
Jesuits  was  arranged,  under  the  presidency  of  the  Cardinal  of 
Lorraine,  the  result  of  which  was  that  the  Cardinal  decided 
in  favour  of  the  Jesuits,  and  the  doctors  acknowledged  their 
mistake.  A  short  written  refutation  of  the  decree,  drawn  up 
by  the  Jesuit,  Olave,  who  was  himself  a  doctor  of  the  Paris 
faculty,  strengthened  the  effect  of  the  Roman  pronouncement. 
The  decree  of  December  1st  was  soon  forgotten,  even  though 
it  was  never  formally  revoked. 

During  the  lifetime  of  Loyola,  the  order  only  obtained  one 
college  in  France,  at  Billom,  in  1556. 2  This  town  was,  even  in 
secular  matters,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Bishop  of  Cler- 
mont, and  the  latter  endowed  the  college  from  his  own  private 
means.  Royal  recognition  was,  therefore,  in  this  case,  not 
necessary.3 

Similar  difficulties  to  those  in  France  were  also  met  with 
by  the  Jesuits  at  the  introduction  of  the  Order  into  the  Nether- 
lands.4 There  as  well  no  college  could  be  opened  as  long  as 
the  Society  of  Jesus  had  not  been  sanctioned  by  the  govern- 

1  Printed  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  Iulii,  torn.  VII.,  Einleitung 
zum  Leben  des  hi.  Ignatius,  47,  48. 

2  Fouqueray,  175  seqq.     Mon.  Ign.,  Ser.  1,  XL,  366. 

3  Epist.  Mixtae,  V.,  725.     Epist.  Broeti  &c,  184. 

4  (Delplace),  L'etablissement  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus  dans 
les  Pays  -Bas,  Brussels,   1886.     Astrain,  II.,  366  seqq. 


THE     JESUITS     IN     THE     NETHERLANDS.        20g 

merit,  and  it  proved  extremely  difficult  to  obtain  this  sanction. 
Charles  V.  was  prejudiced  against  the  new  Order,  and  when 
the  Emperor  had  gone  to  Spain,  the  opposition  of  the  two  most 
influential  men  in  the  country,  Granvelle  and  Viglius  van 
Zwichem,  had  still  to  be  reckoned  with.  Van  Zwichem  raised 
great  difficulties  ;  he  was  specially  of  opinion  that  the  privileges 
of  the  Jesuits  could  not  be  reconciled  with  the  rights  of  the 
bishops  and  parish  priests.1 

Ignatius,  however,  did  not  despair.  At  the  end  of  1555  he 
sent  the  still  youthful  Ribadeneira  to  the  Netherlands,  who 
attracted  attention  in  Louvain  and  Brussels  by  his  Latin 
sermons,  winning  the  favour  of  powerful  members  of  the  court, 
especially  of  the  Count  of  Feria,  and  obtained  in  February, 
1556,  through  their  mediation,  an  audience  with  Philip  II., 
who  received  him  in  a  friendly  manner.  He  had  been  carrying 
on  negotiations  since  June,  especially  with  Ruiz  Gomez  de 
Silva,  whose  influence  in  favour  of  the  Jesuits  was  of  the 
utmost  importance,  and  what  remained  to  be  done  was 
achieved  by  means  of  letters  of  recommendation  from  the 
Infanta  Juana  of  Spain,  and  from  Francis  Borgia  to  Queen 
Maria  of  Hungary,  who  spent  some  time  in  Brussels  in  July, 
1556.  On  August  20th,  1556,  Philip  II.,  regardless  of  the 
opposition  of  the  president  of  the  Council,  Viglius,  issued  the 
decree  by  which  the  Society  of  Jesus  received  civic  rights  in 
Belgium.2 

1  Cartas  de  S.  Ignacio,  VI.,  573  seqq. 

2  Ibid.  575  seqq.  ;  cf.  Cauchie  in  the  Bullet,  de  la  Comm. 
Roy.  d'hist.,  Ser.  5,  II.,  160  (1892). 


VOL.   Xlll.  14 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

Activity  of  the  Roman  Inquisition  in  Italy. — Spread 
of  Heresy  in   Germany,   Poland  and  France. 

In  his  struggle  against  the  Protestant  movement  which 
threatened  the  unity  of  the  faith  in  Italy,  Julius  III.  followed 
in  the  footsteps  of  his  predecessor.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  his 
reign  was  the  confirmation  of  the  Roman  Inquisition,  recently 
founded  by  the  Farnese  Pope.  On  February  27th,  1550,  he 
appointed  six  Cardinals  as  members  of  this  tribunal  :  de 
Cupis,  Carafa,  Sfondrato,  Morone,  Crescenzi  and  Pole.  Their 
first  duty  was  to  decide  on  an  answer,  which  had  been  asked 
for  by  the  nuncio,  Prospero  Santa  Croce,  then  at  the  court  of 
King  Ferdinand  I.,  with  regard  to  the  matter  of  the  Bohemian 
Utraquists.1  It  is,  therefore,  evident,  and  this  is  confirmed 
by  other  documents,  that  the  Roman  Inquisition  was  to  be 
considered  as  a  central  court  for  all  the  countries  of  Christen- 
dom, although  its  principal  sphere  of  activity  was  in  Italy, 
where,  now  as  always,  countless  false  doctrines  were  con- 
tinually making  their  appearance.  Besides  Modena  and 
Ferrara,  the  dominions  of  the  Republic  of  Venice  were  in 
special  danger.2     Julius  III.,  in  the  year  1550,  carried  on  an 

1  See  Massarelli  157. 

2  See  the  briefs  in  Raynaldus,  1550,  n.  37-38,  57,  and  Fontana, 
411,  418,  419,  420  seqq.  Cf.  Tacchi  Venturi,  I.,  306,  329,  330. 
Comba  gives  a  list  of  those  accused  by  the  Venetian  Inquisition 
from  1541  to  1600,  in  the  Riv.  Crist.,  III.  and  IV.  Concerning 
the  Anabaptists  in  the  Venetian  territory  see  Druffel,  II., 
15  ;  Theol.  Stud,  und  Krit.,  1885,  22,  23  ;  Benrath,  Reform, 
in  Venedig,  y8  seqq.  With  regard  to  Brescia,  see  the  *  brief  for 
the  suffragan-bishop  there,  of  May  22,  1550.  (Arm.  41,  t.  56, 
n.  459.  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).  Cf.  Brown,  VI., 
3,  App.  n.   122. 

210 


THE     INQUISITION     IN     VENICE.  211 

active  correspondence  with  the  nuncio,  Beccadelli,  concerning 
this  matter.  The  Signoria  was  not  remiss  in  taking  measures 
against  the  heretics,  among  whom  were  many  Anabaptists  } 
the  agieement  between  Rome  and  Venice  was,  however, 
seriously  interfered  with  when  the  Council  of  Ten  resolved,  in 
November,  1550,  that  a  representative  of  the  secular  authority 
should  always  be  present  at  the  final  judgment  of  a  heretic. 
The  Pope  saw  in  this  a  threat  to  ecclesiastical  liberty,  and  a 
transgression  of  the  old  canons,  and  expressed  his  disapproval 
of  the  decision  to  the  Venetian  ambassador,  as  well  as  to  the 
nuncio.2 

As  such  a  procedure  was  often  followed,  Julius  III.  issued  a 
Bull  for  the  protection  of  ecclesiastical  rights  against  the 
encroachment  of  the  secular  power.  He  laid  the  document 
before  the  Roman  Inquisition,  whose  sanction  it  first  received 
in  a  sitting  of  December  30th,  1550,  and  again  on  January  2nd, 
1551.3  The  Bull  was  published  on  March  27th,  1551  ;  it 
expressly  laid  down,  under  the  threat  of  excommunication, 
that  no  one  except  the  persons  authorized  by  the  Roman 
Inquisition  should  occupy  themselves  with  the  proceedings 
against  heretics,  by  which  regulation,  however,  the  rights  of 
the  bishops  should  not  be  prejudiced.4  Thanks  to  the  skill 
of  the  nuncio,  Beccadelli,  the  question  was  settled  by  an 
arrangement  with  the  Venetian  Republic,  which  was  also 
sanctioned  by  Achille  de'  Grassi,  who  was  expressly  sent  to 
Venice  by  the  Pope.5 

1  Besides  Fontana,  411  and  Massarelli,  170,  172,  175,  184, 
cf.  Beccadelli,  I.,  96  seqq.  A  complete  collection  of  Beccadelli's 
♦nunciature  reports  from  Venice  of  the  years  1550-1554  are  in  the 
Cod.  Vat.  6752  of  the  Vatican  Library. 

2  See  Massarelli,  202,  203,  204  ;    cf.  Beccadelli,  I.,  99-100. 

3  See  Massarelli,   207-8,   209. 

4  The  Bull  Licet  a  diversis  (Bull.  VI.,  431  seq.,  and  Fontana, 
416-417)  is  dated  March  18,  155 1,  but  was  first  published  on  March 
27  (see  Massarelli,  220).  Cf.  concerning  this  document 
Phillips,  VI.,  581  seq.  ;    Hergenrother,  Staat  und  Kirche,  607. 

5  Hinschius,  VI.,  336,  only  refers  to  Sarpi's  "  Discorso  dell* 
officio  dell'  inquisitione,"  2,  39  seqq.,  Geneva,  1639,  for  the  agree- 


212  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

It  had  often  happened,  even  under  Clement  VII.,  that 
heretical  opinions  were  proclaimed  from  the  pulpit.  The 
Roman  Inquisition  therefore  issued  a  decree,  on  May  20th, 
1550,  according  to  which  all  those  who  expounded  the  Word 
of  God  were  bound  to  preach  openly  against  Lutheran  tenets, 
otherwise  they  would  be  regarded  with  suspicion,  and  steps 
taken  against  them.1 

In  the  following  year  the  members  of  the  Roman  Inquisition 
took  part  in  deliberations  concerning  the  issue  of  a  Bull  by 
which  the  system  of  preaching  and  hearing  confessions  should 
be  reformed.  In  the  summer  of  1552  they  were  also  engaged 
in  an  inquiry  against  members  of  the  new  orders  of  the  Barna- 
bites  and  Angeliche,  who  had  fallen  into  a  dangerous  position, 
through  the  over-excited  behaviour  and  arrogance  of  Paola 
Antonia  Negri.  The  end  of  the  proceedings,  in  which  Cardinal 
Carafa  had  displayed  all  his  energies,  was  the  expulsion  of 
Paola  Negri  from  the  order  of  the  Angeliche,  the  separation 
of  the  latter  from  the  Barnabites,  and  the  condemnation  of 
the  writings  of  the  late  (d.  1534)  Fra  Battista  da  Crema,  from 

ment  with  Venice  ;  the  important  communications  and  reports 
of  Beccadelli  (I.,  102-104)  seem  to  have  escaped  his  notice,  as 
well  as  that  of  Druffel,  I.,  865.  Gothein's  (Ignatius,  526) 
information  is  far  from  complete.  Cf.  also  Massarelli,  223. 
Serristori's  *report  of  April  2,  1550  (State  Archives,  Florence, 
proves  that  the  Pope,  shortly  after  his  election,  made  up  his  mind 
to  take  steps  against  the  constant  intervention  of  the  laity  in 
Venice  ;  see  further  Brown,  V.,  n.  656  ;  cf.  ibid.  684.  Julius 
III.  defines  his  attitude  with  regard  to  this  matter  in  his  instruc- 
tions for  Archille  de  Grassi,  dated  August  23,  1551  (Casanate 
Library,  Rome,  XIV.,  38,  pp.  97  seqq.)  printed  incorrectly  in  Weiss, 
Pap.  de  Granvelle,  III.,  579-580,  corrections  by  Druffel,  I., 
866,  and  in  the  Nuntiaturberichte  XII.,  n.  62.  The  instructions 
bear  the  date  August  23,  not  August  27,  in  the  collection  of 
Istruzioni  (I)  in  the  Doria-Pamphili  Archives  in  Rome,  while 
the  copy  in  Stockholm  (Library  H.,  22)  has  the  wrong  date 
August  27.  Concerning  the  dispatch  of  the  "  Magister  s.palatii," 
caused  by  the  appearance  of  the  Anabaptists  in  Venice,  see 
Muzio,   Lettere,    217  seq. 

1  See  Pastor,  Dekrete  der  romisch.  Inquisition,  61. 


HERETICAL     BOOKS     IN     ITALY.  213 

whom  Paola  Negri  and  her  followers  had  taken  many  dangerous 
views.  In  order  to  prevent  such  abuses  for  the  future,  Julius 
III.  appointed,  on  July  29th,  1552,  a  friend  of  Carafa,  Cardinal 
Alvarez  de  Toledo,  who  held  the  same  views  as  the  latter,  as 
protector  of  the  Barnabites,  and  he  was  authorized  to  visit 
both  them  and  the  Angeliche.1  The  jurisdiction  of  the  tribunal 
was  considerably  extended  by  a  severe  edict  which  Julius  III. 
published  on  February  1st,  1554,  against  blasphemers.  The 
Roman  Inquisitors  were  appointed  as  judges  for  this  crime, 
and  authority  was  bestowed  on  them  to  inflict  corporal 
punishment.2 

One  of  the  principal  reasons  for  the  spread  of  Protestant 
opinions  in  Italy  was  the  inundation  of  the  country  with 
heretical  books.3  The  permission  to  read  such  books,  reserved 
to  the  Pope  by  the  Bull  In  Coena,  had  been  very  extensively 
granted  since  the  time  of  Leo  X.  ;  the  hoped  for  advantage 
of  a  more  effective  fight  against  error  had  not,  however,  been 
gained.  The  evil  consequences  which  ensued  were  all  the  more 
to  be  deplored,  as  such  writings  were  widely  read  by  monks 
and  lay  persons,  under  the  pretext  that  they  had  the  necessary 
permission  for  doing  so.  Carafa  had,  as  early  as  1532, 
demanded   the   withdrawal   of   all   such   permissions   in   the 

1  Cf.  the  valuable  work  of  O.  Premoli,  Fra  Battista  da  Crema 
secondo  documenti  inediti,  Rome,  1910,  in  which,  however, 
the  important  *brief  of  Julius  III.,  which  I  discovered  (Appendix 
No.  16)  in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  does  not  appear. 
Proceedings  were  taken,  not  by  the  Inquisition,  but  by  the  Tri- 
bunal of  the  Governor,  against  a  Roman  woman,  Fausta  Orsi, 
in  1552  (see  Bertolotti  in  the  Riv.  Europ.,  XXIII. ,  618,  1883). 
"  Fu  rimessa  in  carcere  "  says  Bertolotti,  and  he  continues  without 
giving  any  further  proof  "  e  senza  fallo  abbruciata  come  strega 
confessa."  Ibid.,  627  seq.,  concerning  another  witchcraft  case 
in  Rome,  in  the  year  1557. 

2  Bull,.  VI.,  478  seqq.  The  *letter  of  Serristori  dated  July  3, 
1554,  shows  how  Julius  III.  supported  the  Inquisition  in  their 
proceedings  against  those  who  came  under  this  Bull  (State  Ar- 
chives, Florence). 

3  See  Tacchi  Venturi,  I.,  307  seqq.,  313  seqq. 


214  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

programme  for  reform  addressed  to  Clement  VII.1  Julius  III. 
carried  out  these  measures,  and  by  a  Bull  of  April  29th,  1550, 
recalled  all  those  authorizations  to  read  or  keep  Lutheran  or 
other  heretical  or  suspect  books,  which  had  been  granted  by  his 
predecessors,  by  Papal  legates,  by  grand  penitentiaries  or  by 
anyone  else.  Everybody,  no  matter  what  their  rank  or 
position,  was  bound  to  deliver  such  workb  to  the  Inquisition 
within  sixty  days,  the  sole  exception  to  this  regulation  being 
the  Inquisitors  or  the  commissaries  of  the  Inquisition,  during 
the  term  of  their  office  ;  measures  against  disobedience  to  this 
order  were  to  be  taken  by  the  Inquisitors-General.2  The  fact 
that  a  burning  of  heretical  books  took  place  in  Rome,  as  early 
as  June  3rd,  1550,  shows  with  what  expedition  this  regulation 
was  carried  out.3 

The  Pope  who,  in  spite  of  his  clemency,  was  repeatedly 
obliged  to  take  stricter  measures  against  the  Jews,4  had  agreed 

1  See  Bromato,  II.,  186  ;  cf.  Reusch,  I.,  179  seq.  Concerning 
Carafa's  programme,  see  Vol.  X.  of  this  work,  310  seq. 

2  The  Bull  in  Eymericus,  App.  115-6,  and  Fontana,  412-13  ; 
cf.  Reusch,  I.,  171-2,  180  seq.  The  president  of  the  Council 
received  special  authorization  on  June  4th,  155 1  ;  see  Theiner, 
I.,  482  ;    Hilgers,  Index,  505. 

3  See  Seripandi  Comment,  in  Merkle,  II.,  440.  An  *edict  of 
the  Inquisition  against  an  Italian  book,  dated  August  12,  1553, 
in  the  Archives  of  S.  Angelo,  caps.  II.,  n.  17  (Papal  Secret  Archives) 

4  See  Bull,  VI.,  404  seqq.,  484  seqq.  ;  Erler  in  the  Archiv.  fur 
Kirchenrecht,  LIIL,  43-44  and  Rieger-Vogelstein,  II.,  145 
seqq.  Pietro  M.  Lonardo  (Gli  Ebrei  a  Benevento,  Benevento, 
1889)  mentions  measures  against  the  Jews  in  Benevento  (May  2, 
1550).  I  also  noted  in  the  Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  58,  n.  1034  : 
*Hier.  Gualterutio,  December  29,  1550,  "  Commissio  ad  inquiren- 
dum contra  Hebreos,"  as  many  Jews  are  carrying  on  usury  in  the 
States  of  the  Church  and  forging  coins  ;  ibid.  t.  60,  n.  426.  *Legato 
Romandiole,  dated  June  3,  1551  :  Jews  may  not  ask  more  interest 
than  in  Bologna  and  Imola  ;  t.  63,  n.  203  :  *Seb.  Martio,  dated 
March  22,  1552  :  against  Jews,  unbelievers  and  Portuguese,  who 
practise  usury  in  Ancona,  measures  will  be  taken  ;  t.  64,  n.  264  : 
Marco  Spaventio,  dated  April  25,  1552  :  against  usury  of  the  Jews 
in  Bologna  ;   Arm.  42,  t.  1,  n.  44  :    *Bull.  pro  Hebreis  status  eccl., 


THE     INQUISITION     AND     THE     JEWS.         215 

that  the  Inquisition  should  confiscate  and  burn  the  Talmudical 
books  in  the  year  1553.  He  also  authorized  an  edict  of  the 
Inquisition  of  September  12th,  1553,  whereby  all  the  princes, 
bishops  and  inquisitors  received  instructions  to  do  the  same 
thing.1  The  Jews  begged  the  Pope  to  recall  the  decree,  or  at 
least  to  allow  them  the  use  of  the  simple  rabbinical  writings. 
Thereupon  there  followed  a  Bull  of  May  29th,  1554,  ordering 
the  Jewish  communities  to  deliver  up  all  books  containing 
blasphemies  and  aspersions  against  Christ,  within  four  months  ; 
no  one  was  to  trouble  them  with  regard  to  other  books,  which 
did  not  contain  such  blasphemies.2  The  Inquisition  speedily 
set  about  the  execution  of  this  decree  in  the  States  of  the 
Church.3 

As  regards  the  activity  of  the  Roman  Inquisition  against 
heresy,  the  latest  investigations  of  the  time  of  Paul  III.  go  far 
to  confirm  the  expert  opinion  of  Seripando,  that  the  proceed- 
ings of  this  tribunal  were  conducted  in  a  moderate  and  clement 
manner,  in  keeping  with  the  nature  of  the  Farnese  Pope,  that 
severe    corporal    punishment    and    executions    were    of    rare 

dated  February  1,  1555  :  removal  of  the  regulation  that  syna- 
gogues must  contribute  to  the  maintenance  of  catechumens  in 
Rome,  and  order  that  the  treasurer  shall  pay  the  latter  a  yearly 
sum  of  200  ducats.     (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

1  See  Eymericus,  App.,  119;  Gratz,  Gesch.  der  Juden,  IX., 
346  seq.  ;  Reusch,  I.,  47  ;  Erler,  loc.  cit.,  44  ;  Berliner,  Zensur 
hebraischer  Bucher,  3  seq.,  Frankfurt,  1891  ;  Rieger-Volges- 
tein,  IT,  146  seq.  ;  Fumi,  156.  Cf.  **letter  of  Sirleto,  Rome, 
September  9,  1553.  Cod.  Vat.  6177,  p.  359  (Vatican  Library). 
Cf.  Luzio,  Pronostico,  88-89,  for  the  friendly  attitude  towards 
the  Jews  adopted  by  Cardinal  E.  Gonzaga. 

2  Bull,  VI.,  482-3. 

3  Cf.  Muzio,  Lettere  Catholiche,  171  seqq.,  Venice,  1571  ; 
Giaxich,  G.  Muzio,  53-54,  Trieste,  1847  ;  Reusch,  I.,  47  seqq. 
The  mitigation  of  the  decree  of  May,  1554,  mentioned  in  Reusch, 
according  to  Gratz,  IX.,  359,  is  contained  in  the  **Bull  of  Decem- 
ber 18,  1554,  in  Arm.  41,  t.  72,  p.  718  ;  Arm.  42,  t.  i,  n.  33  : 
♦Universitati  Hebreorum,  dated  January  26,  1555  :  Prorogatio  4 
mensium  eis  statutorum  ad  corrigendum  eorum  libros  ad  alios 
4  menses  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 


2l6  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

occurence,  and  that  many  acquittals  took  place  when  the 
contrary  had  been  expected.1  The  same  thing  is  also  true  of 
the  time  of  Julius  III.,  as  far  as  an  opinion  can  be  formed 
without  the  perusal  of  the  inaccessible  documents  of  the  Roman 
Inquisition.  It  is  expressly  declared  that  Cardinal  Carafa, 
who  had  great  influence  in  matters  concerning  the  Inquisition,2 
was  not  pleased  with  the  moderate  measures  of  Julius  III.3 
The  ambassador  of  Bologna  also  declares  that  the  Pope  had 
much  milder  views  concerning  proceedings  against  heretics 
than  those  held  by  Cardinal  Juan  Alvarez  de  Toledo,4  a  man 
whose  ideas  resembled  those  of  Cardinal  Carafa.  In  the  case 
which  the  ambassador  had  in  mind,  it  can  be  proved  that  the 
procedure  was  in  accordance  with  his  statement.  The 
naturalist,  Ulisse  Aldrovandi,  who  was  sent  from  Bologna  to 
Rome  in  1549,  was  at  once  set  at  liberty,5  while  others  escaped 
with  slight  punishment.6 

At  the  same  time,  Julius  III.  did  what  his  office  required 
from  him,  for  the  protection  and  purification  of  the  faith.7 

1  See  Buschbell,  220  seqq. 

2  Cf.  opinion  of  Cardinal  E.  Gonzaga  in  his  *letter  to  Capilupi, 
dat.  November  4,  1553,  in  Cod.  6503  of  the  Court  Library,  Vienna. 

3  See  also  Vol.  XIV.  of  this  work,  chap.  VII. 

4  *Letter  of  Gir.  Biagio  to  Bologna,  dat.  Rome,  June  4,  1550, 
with  regard  to  the  proceedings  against  Annibale  Monterentio. 
Biagio  announces  on  July  19,  1550,  that  Monterentio  went  before 
the  Inquisition  himself ;  although  Carafa  and  Toledo  were  very 
much  against  him.  he  was  mildly  treated  (State  Archives,  Bologna) . 

5  See  Fantuzzi,  Scritt.  Bol.,  I.,  167;  Battistella,  119-120  ; 
Massarelli  in  Merkle,  I.,  861  ;   Buschbell,  200-201. 

6  See  the  *Sententia  of  January  29,  1551,  in  App.  No.  10 
(Vatican  Library). 

7  If  Grimm  (Michelangelo,  II.,  423)  means  that  Julius  III., 
"  let  Lutherans  be  Lutherans  "  he  is  quite  mistaken.  Contem- 
poraries judged  him  otherwise.  Andrea  del  Monte  says,  in  the 
♦manuscript  dedicated  to  Julius  III.  :  "  Super  insig.  montium  : 
Horum  temporum  haereses  iam  alias  damnatae  fragiles  sunt  et 
tuo  tempore  tuis  auspiciis  infringi  coeperunt,  quotidie  a  te  fran- 
guntur  malleis  inquisitorum,  quos  infringendis  haeresibus  pre- 
fecisti  "  (Cod.  Vat.  3561,  Vatican  Lib,). 


THE     CARDINAL     INQUISITORS.  2±7 

He  repeatedly  took  part  in  person  at  the  sittings  of  the  Roman 
Inquisition,  especially  in  the  early  years  of  his  pontificate.1 
The  data  concerning  the  members  of  the  tribunal  do  not  allow 
the  membership  to  be  established  with  certainty.  Massarelli 
counts  seven  Cardinals  as  Inquisitors-General  in  February, 
1551,  namely  Carafa,  Carpi,  Alvarez  de  Toledo,  Cervini, 
Crescenzi,  Verallo  and  Pole.2  In  March  of  the  same  year, 
the  Inquisition  was  engaged  on  an  examination  of  the  bishops, 
Thomas  Planta  of  Coire,  and  Vettore  Soranzo  of  Bergamo, 
who  were  suspected  of  heretical  views.  The  investigation 
ended  with  an  acquittal  in  both  cases.3 

1  See  Massarelli,  207,  209,  212,  216,  219. 

2  Massarelli,  216.  This  does  not,  however,  agree  with  the 
fact  that  in  the  sentence  delivered  by  Carpi  on  March  4,  155 1 
(see  Bullet.  Senese,  XV.,  304-305)  the  Cardinal  describes  himself 
as  "  unus  ex  sex  per  univ.  rempubl.  christ.  haeret.  pravit.  inquisi- 
toribus."  It  appears  from  Raynaldus,  1552,  n.  57,  and  Fontana, 
Documenti,  423,  that  the  tribunal  only  counted  four  members  in 
January,  1552,  viz.,  Carafa,  Carpi,  Toledo  and  Cervini.  In  April, 
I553>  there  were  six,  viz.,  Carafa,  Toledo,  Cervini,  Verallo,  du  Puy 
and  Pighino  (see  Fumi,  324)  ;  in  July,  August  and  September  of 
the  same  year,  and  in  the  February  of  1554,  other  names  appear, 
viz.,  Carafa,  Carpi,  Toledo,  Verallo,  Pighino  and  Puteo  (see 
Eymericus,  App.  119;  Fontana,  425,  427,  and  Fumi,  208). 
Medici  only  took  part  in  the  sittings  of  the  Inquisition  temporarily 
as  a  substitute  for  Puteo,  who  was  ill  (see  Muller,  Konklave,  235.) 
In  this  way  the  occasional  appearance  of  new  names  may  be 
explained.  Bartol.  Serristori  *announces  on  November  4,  1553, 
that  Card.  Verallo  was  seized  with  illness  the  day  before  at  the 
sitting  of  the  Inquisition,  so  that  the  session  had  to  be  suspended 
(State  Archives,  Florence). 

3  See  Massarelli,  219,  223,  with  a  correction  p.  892.  Cf.  the 
briefs  to  the  Swiss  of  July  18,  (Archiv.  fur  schweiz.  Reform-Gesch., 
II.,  27)  and  October  10,  1551  (see  Wirz,  Bullen,  360-361).  For 
this  matter  cf..  also  Mayer,  Gesch.  des  Bistums  Chur,  II.,  1 00-101. 
See  further  in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  Arm.  41,  t.  62,  n. 
S95  :  *brief  to  the  Emperor  of  October  10,  155 1  ;  ibid.  t.  70,  n.  94, 
the  ** brief  by  which  Soranzo  was  given  back,  dat.  February  14, 
J554  (t.  71*  n-»  292  again  with  the  date  May  24,  1554).  Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican. 


2l8  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Julius.  III.,  who  had,  even  as  Cardinal,1  shown  himself 
opposed  to  personal  severity  to  those  who  were  accused  of 
heresy,  granted,  by  a  Bull  of  April  29th,  1550,  absolution  to  all 
those  who  had  fallen  into  heresy,  and  were  only  prevented 
from  retractation  by  fear  of  the  public  penance  and  the  shame 
attached  to  it,  on  condition  of  their  presenting  themselves 
privately  before  the  Inquisition,  abjuring  their  errors  and  per- 
forming a  secret  penance.  Those  subject  to  the  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  Inquisitions,  however,  and  especially  the  relapsed 
Jews  in  those  countries,  were  excluded  from  this  absolution.2 

The  execution  of  those  who  obstinately  persevered  in  their 
heresy,  only  took  place  in  Rome  in  isolated  cases  under  Julius 
III.  The  diary  of  the  native  of  Trastevere,  Cola  Coleine, 
mentions  on  June  6th,  1552,  that  seven  Lutherans  were  led 
to  S.  Maria  sopra  Minerva,  where  they  abjured  their  errors. 
From  the  same  source  we  learn  that  on  March  21st,  1553, 
eleven  Lutherans,  among  them  the  Minorite,  Giovanni  Buzio 
from  Montalcino,  were  likewise  taken  there.  On  September 
4th,  1553,  a  silk- weaver  was  executed  with  Buzio  on  the  Campo 
de'  Fiori,  who  not  only  denied  Purgatory,  the  authority  of  the 
Pope,  and  the  doctrine  of  Indulgences,  but  also  declared  that 
Julius  III.  was  Antichrist.  According  to  Coleine,  the  recon- 
ciliation of  sixteen  Lutherans  to  the  Church  again  took  place 
before  S.  Maria  sopra  Minerva  on  November  4th.3  If  the 
Pope  urged  the  execution  of  the  relapsed  heretic  Fanino  in 
Ferrara,4  this  was  more  on  account  of  the  dangerous  state  of 
affairs  prevailing  there,  the  palace  oi  the  Duchess  Renee  being 
known  as  the  "  Refuge  of  the  Heretics."5 

1  Cf.  Buschbell,  202-3,  204,  219,  306-7,  312-3. 

2  See  Bull.,  VI.,  415,  seqq.  ;  Fontana,  Documenti,  415.  Cf. 
also  the  Order  of  the  Roman  Inquisition  of  June  10,  1553,  in 
Pastor,  Dekrete,  61. 

3  See  in  App.  No.  25  the  passages  from  Cola  Coleine  (Chigi 
Library,  Rome). 

4  Fontana,  Documenti,  418  ;  cf.  Fontana,  Renata,  II.,  270, 
seqq.,  275  seqq.  See  also  the  Zeitschrift  fur  luth.  Theol.,  83  seqq., 
1862  ;  Druffel,  Herkules  von  Ferrara,  36-7 ;  Buschbell, 
180-181,  220.  5  Polanco,  IV.,  67. 


MODERATION     OF     THE     INQUISITION.  219 

The  few  cases  in  which  heresy  was  punished  by  death  under 
Julius  III.  were  described  in  detail  in  Germany  by  means  of 
pamphlets,1  in  order  to  give  the  impression  in  that  country 
that  a  violent  persecution  of  Italian  Protestants  was  being 
carried  on.  What  actually  took  place  is  best  understood  from 
the  letter  of  Verge rio  to  Bullinger,  on  October  8th,  1553,  con- 
cerning the  state  of  affairs  in  Italy.  He  says  :  "  People  might 
believe  that  hundreds  were  being  burned  daily,  but  this  is  by 
no  means  the  case  ;  not  a  single  person  has  been  put  to  death, 
although  in  some  places  heretics  are,  to  a  certain  extent, 
persecuted."2 

In  the  Florentine  ambassadorial  dispatches  mention  is 
repeatedly  made  of  heretics  being  sent  from  Tuscany  to 
Rome,3  That  the  same  thing  was  true  of  Naples  can 
be  seen  from  a  letter  of  the  commissary-general  of  the  Roman 
Inquisition,  the  Dominican,  Michele  Ghislieri,  to  Cardinal 
Cervini,  on  August  4th,  1553.  Ghislieri,  who  was  specially 
zealous  for  the  work  of  the  Inquisition,  saved  in  155 1  the  gifted 

1  "  Dreadful  news  as  to  what  Julius  III.  has  done  to  two  Chris- 
tians," trans,  by  Barth.  Wagner,  1551.  .  .  .  F.  Schwartz.  "True 
report  of  thre  martyrs,  killed  by  the  Pope  (1551)."  "  True  story  of 
Montalcino,  who  was  martyred  in  Rome,  for  his  Confession  of 

Faith.  1554 "    "A  true  story  of  two  splendid  men,  called 

Fanina  of  Favencia  and  Dominico  of  Basana,  who,  on  account  of 
the  Holy  Scriptures,  were  killed  and  martyred  in  Italy  by  the 

Pope   named    Julius    III."    (1554) "A   History   of   how 

Antichrist  in  Rome  again  murdered  two  Christians  in  this  year 
1553,"  trans,  by  M.  Waldner,  Nuremberg,  1554.  Concerning  the 
rare  lampoon,  "  Modus  ad  inquirendum  Luteranos  "  composed  in 
Germany  and  bearing  the  name  of  Rome,  1553,  as  the  fictitious 
place  of  publication,  see  Lauchert,  29. 

2  "  Diceres  quotidie  centum  comburi.  Et  non  est  ita,  ne  unus 
quidem,  tametsi  levis  quaedam  persecutio  paucis  in  locis  oborta 
sit"  (Calvini  Opera,  XIV.  [Corp.  Ref.  XLII],  636).  This 
important  testimony  has  not  been  sufficiently  noticed  until  now. 

3  Cf.  Serristori's  *reports,  dat.  Rome,  January  22,  and  February 
2,  1552.  (State  Archives,  Florence).  Concerning  certain  bare- 
footed friars,  who  were  delivered  up  from  Ravenna  and  Rimini  at 
the   same  time,  see  Sleidan,  Correspondence,  231,  235. 


220  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Minorite,  Sisto  da  Siena,  a  converted  Jew,  from  the  threatened 
death  by  lire,  reconciled  him  to  the  Church,  and  thus  gained  a 
useful  champion  for  the  faith.1  On  September  19th,  1554, 
Ghislieri  sent  to  Cervini  a  list  of  sixteen  names  of  Servites,  who 
had  preached  Lutheran  sermons.  It  is  evident,  from  a  pro- 
nouncement of  the  tribunal  of  the  faith  in  Bologna,2  how 
frequently  members  of  the  Servite  Order  were  at  that  time 
convicted  of  heresy.  The  religious  ferment  in  that  town  had 
also  taken  possession  of  the  youthful  students.  Proceedings 
had  to  be  instituted  in  1553  against  a  large  number  of  the 
students  of  the  Spanish  college,  some  of  whom  belonged  to 
very  distinguished  families,  on  account  of  their  Protestant 
opinions.  The  moderate  and  shrewd  manner  in  which  the 
inquiry  was  conducted  would  have  been  impossible  under 
such  a  man  as  Carafa.  The  benevolent  Julius  III.  succeeded 
in  arranging  this  painful  matter  in  private.3  Notice  of  the 
spread  of  heresy  reached  the  Roman  Inquisition  specially  from 
the  duchy  of  Urbino,  the  diocese  of  Lucca  and  the  territory  of 
Milan.  It  was  rather  difficult  to  intervene  in  Milan,  as  the 
archbishop  repeatedly  got  into  conflict  with  the  Inquisitors.4 
Added  to  this  there  was  constantly  in  this  diocese  great  inter- 
ference on  the  part  of  the  secular  authorities,  which  caused  the 
Cardinals  of  the  Roman  Inquisition  to  lay  a  complaint  against 
the  Milanese  Senate  before  the  Emperor  and  the  Governor  in 
the  August  of  1553.  During  these  disputes,  Rome  was  at 
great  pains  to  prevent  the  Spanish  government  from  making 
use  of  the  Inquisition  for  political  purposes.5 

1  Cf.  Cantu,  II.,  451  seq.  ;  Tacchi  Venturi,  I.,  344  ;  Bullet. 
Senese,  XV.,  304-5  ;    XVII,  5,  30  seqq. 

2  See  Buschbell,  212  seqq.,  321,  322  ;  cf.  Tacchi  Venturi,  I., 
532. 

3  Cf.  the  thorough  investigations  of  A.  Battistella  in  the  Atti 
per  le  prov.  d.  Romagna,  XIX.,  138  seqq.  1901. 

4  See  Buschbell,  213  ;  Carcereri,  Riforma  e  Inquisitione  nel 
ducato  di  Urbino,  Verona  191 1  ;    cf.  Fumt,  210-21  i. 

5  See  Fumi,  199-200,  201-2,  205-6.  Cf.  to  complete,  the  two 
♦♦documents  of  November  30,  1552,  and  January  21,  1553  (Arm. 
39,  t.  60,  p.  13-14,  30-31.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 


THE     INQUISITION     IN     NAPLES.  221 

The  territory  of  Milan  was  all  the  more  threatened  by  the 
innovators  because  of  its  proximity  to  Switzerland,  but  the 
Catholics  in  that  country  also  rose  successfully  against  them, 
an  undertaking  which  Julius  III.  supported,  as  far  as  possible, 
through  his  nuncios.1 

Most  disquieting  news  from  Naples,  which  under  Paul  III. 
had  been  a  rallying  point  of  the  innovators,2  had  repeatedly 
reached  Cervini.  Great  excitement  had  been  specially  caused 
when,  in  155 1,  a  grand-nephew  of  Cardinal  Carafa,  the  Marquis 
of  Vico,  Galeazzo  Caracciolo,  fled  to  Geneva  and  became  the 
intimate  friend  and  supporter  of  Calvin.3  In  order  to  provide 
the  Neapolitan  district  with  vigorous  assistance,  a  delegate  of 
the  Roman  Inquisition  was  installed  there  in  the  year  1553. 4 

1  Concerning  Paolo  Odescalchi,  who  was  sent  to  Switzerland  in 
July,  1553,  see,  besides  Hubert,  Vergerio,  133,  288,  Wirz,  Bullen, 
361-2.  The  *brief  of  July  17,  1554,  is  missing  here  ;  it  was 
addressed  to  the  seven  Catholic  Cantons,  and  contained  the 
admonition  to  support  the  Bishop  of  Chur  in  warding  off  the 
Lutherans  and  other  heretics,  who  were  continually  coming  to 
Switzerland  from  Italy  and  elsewhere  (Min.  Brev.  Arm.,  41,  t.  71, 
n.  426.  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).  Ottaviano  Raverta 
(Rovere),  Bishop  of  Terracina,  arrived  in  Switzerland  in  the 
autumn  as  the  Pope's  ambassador.  He  supported  the  Catholic 
Cantons  in  their  proceedings  against  the  innovators  in  Locarno, 
where  the  Protestant  service  was  forbidden,  and  those  who  did  not 
obey  were  driven  out  on  May  3,  1555.  See  Meyer,  Die  evang. 
Gemeinde  in  Locarno  (their  emigration  to  Zurich,  and  their  subse- 
quent fate),  Zurich,  1836.  Dierauer,  Gesch.  der  schweiz. 
Eidgenossenschaft,  III.,  300-301  ;  Rheinhardt-Steffens,  VII. - 
VIII. 

2  See  Vol.  XII.  of  this  work,  495  seqq.  In  1554  Julius  III. 
ordered  that  the  property  of  the  heretics  in  Naples  should  not  be 
confiscated  in  future  ;  see  Amabile,  I.,  219  ;   Hinschius,  VI.,  333. 

3  See  Kampschulte-Gotz,  Calvin,  II.,  247,  Leipsic,   1899. 

4  Cf.  Lea,  The  Inquisition  in  the  Spanish  dependencies,  New 
York,  1908.  Moronessa  mentions  the  activity  of  Pacheco  and 
Rebiba  against  heresy  in  the  Neapolitan  district,  in  L.\uchert,  638, 
n.  2.  Concerning  the  interposition  of  A.  Caro  in  Benevento,  see 
Studi  stor.,  XVII.,  532,  XVIII.,  490. 


222  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Concerning  the  proceedings  instituted  against  the  Neapolitan, 
Matteo  da  Aversa,  Ghislicri  writes  from  Rome  to  Cardinal 
Cervini  on  August  4th,  1553  :  "  The  accused  had  undergone 
the  torture  of  the  scavenger's  daughter,  but  remained  firm  ; 
it  was  only  after  three  or  four  days  that  he  was  brought  to 
acknowledge  many  errors,  as  for  example,  that  he  had  found 
it  impossible  to  believe  that  Christ  was  God."1  Cardinal 
Pole  would  not  consent  to  the  employment  of  this  frightful 
measure  in  the  case  of  Aversa.  In  a  conversation  with  Carafa, 
the  English  Cardinal  told  him  that  although  he  approved  of 
the  object,  he  repudiated  such  means  of  attaining  it.2 

The  Jesuits,  who  were,  in  principle,  in  agreement  with  the 
inquisition,  chiefly  made  use  of  peaceable  instruction  as  a 
means  of  converting  heretics.  It  was  reported  from  many 
places  that  they  had  succeeded  in  reconciling  man}/  to  the 
Church,  even  when  they  had  gone  so  far,  as  several  did  in 
Venice,  as  to  deny  the  immortality  of  the  soul.  In  Ferrara, 
the  Jesuit,  Pelletier,  united  his  efforts  with  those  of  the  King  of 
France  and  the  Duke,  Ercole,  to  obtain  the  conversion  of  the 
Duchess  Renee.  She  confessed  with  many  tears  to  Pelletier 
and  received  Holy  Communion  from  his  hands  in  1554  ;3  it  is, 
however,  true  that  she  afterwards  relapsed  into  heresy.4 

Besides  peaceable  persuasion  the  Jesuits  principally  sought 
to  counter  the  Protestant  invasion  of  Italy  by  the  instruction 
of  the  young.  This  they  did  in  Genoa5  and  Naples.  In  the 
latter  city,  the  followers  of  Juan  Valdes  instigated  a  violent 
persecution  against  them  in  the  year  1552.  This  did  not 
prevent  Salmeron  from  preaching  against  the  reformers  in  the 
following  year,  with  such  success  that  very  many  were  con- 

1  Buschbell,  214-5,  319-20. 

2  See  Beccadelli,  II.,  351. 

3  Cf.  Polanco,  II.,  205,  217,  451,  481  ;  III.,  149  ;  IV.,  77. 
Pelletier's  letter  to  Ignatius,  dat.  Ferrara,  September  24,  in  the 
Epist.  Mixtae,  IV.,  360  seqq.  ;  cf.  ibid.,  390,  429.  How  reserved, 
and  even  disapproving,  Nadal's  attitude  is,  is  seen  in  Polanco, 

IF,  35- 

4  See  Herzog,  Realenzyklopadie,  XVI.,  659-60. 

5  Cf.  Rosi,  La  Riforma  religiosa  in  Liguria,  52-53,  Genoa,  1894. 


PRELATES  FALSELY  ACCUSED.      223 

verted.1  The  measures  employed  by  the  reformers  to  frustrate 
the  activity  of  the  Jesuits  is  evidenced  by  a  characteristic  case 
of  which  we  learn  in  Rome.  A  Calabrian,  33  years  of  age,  was 
sent  by  them  to  the  Jesuits  so  that  he  might  spy  out  their 
pursuits,  as  a  novice,  and  attempt  to  seduce  some  of  them. 
His  outward  life  was  blameless,  and  he  confessed  and  com- 
municated frequently.  When,  however,  it  became  evident 
that  he  held  heretical  views,  he  was  dismissed,  but  on  leaving 
the  noviciate  he  was  arrested  by  the  Inquisition.  As  he 
proved  to  be  repentant,  he  got  off  with  being  condemned  to  the 
galleys.2 

Very  often  quite  innocent  persons  were  accused  of  heresy. 
This  fate  overtook,  not  only  the  above-mentioned  Bishop  of 
Bergamo,  but  other  prelates  as  well.  Even  a  Cardinal,  and 
such  a  distinguished  personage  as  Morone,  came  under  sus- 
picion. A  certain  Frate  Bernardo  of  Viterbo,  who  had  been 
brought  before  the  Inquisition,  called  his  orthodoxy  in  ques- 
tion. Perhaps  it  might  have  gone  as  far  as  the  arrest  of  Morone 
by  the  Roman  tribunal,  if  Julius  III.  had  not  informed  the 
Cardinal,  and  afforded  him  the  opportunity  of  at  once  justifying 
himself,  whereupon  the  Frate  retracted  the  unjust  allegations 
he  had  brought  against  him.3  The  defence  of  the  suspected 
Archbishop  of  Otranto,  Pietro  Antonio  de  Capua,  and  of  the 

1  See  Tacchi-Venturi,  I.,  326-7.  A  *brief  for  the  Neapolitan 
Cardinal  of  July  1,  1552,  authorized  him  to  condemn  heretics  to 
the  punishment  of  the  galleys  (Arm.  41,  t.  65,  n.  451,  Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

2  The  case  is  cited  by  Rule  (Inquisition,  II.,  192-3,  London, 
1874),  who  refers  it  to  Orlandini,  Hist.  Soc.  Iesu,  P.  I.,  11,  7,  338, 
Cologne,  1 62 1 .  Orlandini 's  source  is  the  work  of  O.  Manareus,  first 
printed  in  1886,  where  the  matter  is  stated  on  p.  115  seqq.  ;  more- 
over, it  was  not  the  case  of  a  Calvinist,  as  Rule  states.  Manareus 
(118)  and  Orlandini  in  accordance  with  him  (11,  8)  relates  that  two 
chests  of  books  were  presented  to  the  Roman  professed  house  of 
the  Jesuits  from  Venice  ;  among  them  were  Catholic  books,  but 
they  were  mostly  Protestant  works,  which  Ignatius  caused  to  be 
thrown  into  the  fire.     Cf.  Tacchi  Venturi,  I.,  309,  n.  3. 

3  See  Morone's  report  in  Cantu,  Eretici,  II.,  181-2  ;   cf.  171. 


224  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Patriarch  Giovanni  Grimani  of  Venice  was  not  so  easy.  The 
Emperor  had  repeatedly  and  urgently  requested  the  purple  for 
de  Capua,  but  always  in  vain,  as  the  inquisition  had  instituted 
an  investigation  against  the  archbishop,  on  a  charge  of  hetero- 
doxy. Even  though  the  accused  succeeded  in  proving  himself 
innocent,1  the  dignity  of  the  cardinalate  was  not  conferred  on 
him.  The  absolute  want  of  foundation  for  the  accusation 
against  the  Patriarch  Grimani  was  shown  in  a  similar  manner, 
but  although  nothing  could  be  proved  against  him  but  a  few 
imprudences,  the  red  hat  was  refused  to  him  as  well,  in  spite 
of  urgent  requescs  from  the  Republic  ot  St.  Mark.  The  scandal 
and  shame  of  having  been  brought  before  the  Inquisition  for 
examination  was  so  great  that  Julius  III.  assured  the  Venetian 
ambassador  that  all  the  waters  of  the  Tiber  could  not  wash  it 
away.2 

While  Italy  succeeded  in  warding  off  the  dangers  threatening 
the  Church,  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  countries  beyond  the 
Alps  was  steadily  growing  more  gloomy.  The  issue  in  Germany 
was  no  longer  doubtful,  since  the  revolt  of  the  Elector  Maurice 
of  Saxony  and  his  fellow  conspirators  had  been  successful  and 
the  treaty  of  Passau  had  confirmed  it  (August  15th,  1552). 
Neither  the  Pope  nor  the  Emperor  was  in  a  position  to  give  a 
different  turn  to  affairs.     Julius  III.  resolved,  with  a  view  to 

1  See  in  Appendix  No.  22  the  *  brief  of  May  31,  1554  (Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

2  Cf.  besides  Druffel,  III.,  253-4,  Corpo  Dipl.  Port.,  VII.,  272, 
306  ;  de  Leva,.  G.  Grimani  ;  Atti  d.  Instit.  Veneto,  Ser.  5,  VII. 
(1880-1881)  ;  de  Leva,  Su  duo  lettere  del  card,  di  Trani  ;  ibid. ; 
Carcereri,  G.  Grimani,  8-9,  Rome,  1907  ;  Buschbell,  47  seqq., 
116  seqq.  Card.  Farnese  referred  later  to  the  case  of  Grimani  in 
the  lawsuit  of  the  Carafa  family  (see  *Proc  Carafa,  t.  LVL,  96, 
in  the  Arch.  crim.  of  the  State  Archives,  Rome).  It  was  also 
merely  a  matter  of  thoughtless  utterances  in  the  case  of  the 
Augustinian  hermit  Aurelius  Novocomensis  ;  see  the  "letter  to 
the  Lombardic  Congregation,  dat.  April  5,  1550,  in  the  *Regesta 
H.  Seripandi,  XXIII.,  181  ;  ibid.  182b  the  *Formula  abiurationis 
of  the  said  Novocomensis  (General  Archives  of  the  Augustinians  in 
Rome), 


MORONE  SENT  TO  GERMANY.       225 

saving  what  was  still  possible,  and  strongly  defending  his  own 
position,  to  send  to  the  assistance  of  the  nuncio,  Zaccaria 
Delfino,1  then  at  the  Court  of  Ferdinand  I.,  for  the  Diet  con- 
voked at  Augsburg,  an  experienced  diplomatist  and  a  shrewd 
judge  of  conditions  in  Germany,  in  the  person  of  Cardinal 
Morone.  On  account  of  the  painful  experiences  which  the 
representative  of  the  Pope  had  had  at  former  Diets,  there  were 
at  first  misgivings  in  Rome,  when,  in  accordance  with  the 
wishes  of  Charles  V.,  it  was  proposed  that  a  Cardinal-Legate 
should  be  allowed  to  take  part  in  the  contemplated  discussions 
concerning  religion.2  Cardinal  Otto  von  Truchsess  alone 
represented,  in  a  letter  addressed  directly  to  His  Holiness,  the 
urgent  necessity  for  an  able  Cardinal- Legate,  well  acquainted 
with  the  state  of  affairs  in  Germany.3  Truchsess  also  re- 
peatedly begged  the  influential  Cardinal  Cervini  to  take  steps 
in  Rome  to  gain  this  end.4  The  appointment  of  Morone  as 
Legate  to  Ferdinand  I.  followed  on  January  7th,  1555  ;  on 
February  13th,  the  Pope,  who  was  at  that  time  confined  to  bed 
with  the  gout,  gave  him  the  Cross,  and  live  days  later  Morone 
left  the  Eternal  City.5     His  office,  as  may  well  be  imagined, 

1  Delfino,  the  successor  of  Girolamo  Martinengo,  had  arrived  in 
Vienna  on  February  7,  1554  ;  see  Pieper,  66-67  >  ibid.,  181  seqq. 
his  instructions,  dated  December  1,  1553.  The  credentials  for 
Delfino  in  Druffel,  IV.,  316,  dated  November  1,  are  not,  as 
Pieper  (67  n  )  believes,  of  December  1,  but  of  November  20,  1553. 
It  is  also  quite  wrong  when  Druffel  describes  Bishop  Delfino  as 
legatus  de  latere,  in  the  above  passage.  The  true  state  of  the  case 
is  shown  from  the  text  given  in  Appendix  No.  21  (Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican).  Delfino  received  a  monthly  provision  of  150 
scudi,  the  French  nuncio  twice  that  sum  ;  see  *Intr.  et  Exit., 
I554"I555in  Cod.  Vat.,  10605  of  the  Vatican  Library. 

2  Cf.  Lanz,  III.,  610-61 1  ;  Druffel,  IV.,  529. 

3  **Cardinal  d'Augusta  [Truchess]  to  Julius  III.,  dat.  Dillingen, 
June  26,  1554.  Litt.  di  princ.  XIX.,  275  (Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican) . 

4  See  Druffel,  IV.,  547. 

5  Acta  consist,  in  Pieper,  69,  n.  5.  Firmanus,  505.  *Letter 
of  the  Bolngnese  ambassador  of  February  13,  1555  (State  Archives, 
Bologna).     The  *  passport  for  Morone,  dated  February  16,  1555, 

VOL.    XIII.  15 


226  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

was  a  most  difficult  one,  for,  as  Delfino  states,  a  considerable 
number,  even  of  Catholics,  were  inclined  to  assent  to  the 
dangerous  agreement  of  Passau.1  Julius  III.  gave  the 
Cardinal  strict  injunctions  to  defend,  in  a  fitting  manner,  at 
least  the  Papal  authority  during  the  impending  negotiations.2 
In  Morone's  company  were  the  Jesuits,  James  Lainez  and 
Jerome  Nadal,  to  act  as  his  theological  advisers.3 

For  a  long  time  before  his  departure  on  this  mission,  Morone 
had  been  co-operating  in  a  work  which  was  to  be  of  the  greatest 
importance  for  the  Catholic  regeneration  of  Germany. 

All  those  who  thoroughly  understood  the  conditions  in 
Germany,  the  bishops  as  well  as  the  Papal  nuncios,  had  been 
pointing  out  for  years  that  the  state  of  religious  neglect  of  the 
people  in  the  districts  which  were  still  Catholic,  arose  chiefly 
from  the  extraordinary  scarcity  of  priests,  a  thing  which  had 
made  itself  felt  still  more  since  the  political  and  ecclesiastical 
revolution.  The  Catholic  .clergy,  whom  the  reformers  repre- 
sented as  the  source  of  all  evil,  and  endeavoured  to  bring  into 
contempt  by  every  means  in  their  power,  were  threatened  with 
extinction.4     No    one    understood    better    than    Ignatius    of 

in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  Arm.  44,  t.  4,  n.  62  ;  ibid., 
n.  63-71,  a  number  of  briefs  which  relate  to  this  mission,  and  of 
which  only  one  is  printed  in  Raynaldus,  1555,  n.  4. 

1  **Delfino  to  Card,  del  Monte,  dat.  Augsburg,  March  9,  1555 
(Lett,  di  princ,  XIX.,  154.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

2  See  the  *brief  of  February  16,  1555  (Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican).  Cf.  Raynaldus,  1555,  n.  3-4,  and  in  Appendix  No.  26, 
the  *letter  to  Capilupi  of  February  16,  1555  (Gonzaga  Archives, 
Mantua). 

3  See  Braunsberger,  I.,  521. 

4  See  the  numerous  testimonies  in  Jannsen-Pastor  (VIII.,  418 
seqq.)  which  could  be  largely  added  to.  The  nuncio  Martinengo 
also  repeatedly  speaks  of  the  want  of  priests.  See  his  *letters, 
dated  Vienna,  April  22  and  May  20,  155 1.  In  that  of  April  22  he 
says  :  "  Queste  provincie,  monsignor  mio,  quanto  a  sacerdoti  non 
potrebbon  star  peggio  di  quello  che  stanno.  Mi  vien  detto 
ch'in  alcuna  diocesi  si  trovano  ducento  benficii  curati  senza  pastori 
et  plebani,  et,  si  qui  sunt,  o  sono  infetti  d'heresia  o  vero  uxorati  o 


A     COLLEGE     FOR     GERMANS.  227 

Loyola  that  a  thorough  change  must  take  place,  if  the  Catholic 
regeneration  of  Germany  was  to  be  taken  in  hand  in  an  energetic 
manner.  The  idea  of  founding  in  Rome  a  training  college 
for  secular  priests  who  should  distinguish  themselves  by  their 
piety  and  learning,  and  would  be  capable  of  acting  as  spiritual 
advisers,  preachers,  professors,  and  as  bishops,  and  of  planting 
them  like  leaven  in  the  German  dioceses,  was  maturing  in  his 
mind.  Such  a  college  could  not  be  founded  in  Germany  itself, 
for,  as  Ignatius  pointed  out  in  a  memorandum  intended  for 
Charles  V.,1  not  only  was  heresy  openly  rampant  there,  but 
everything  had  been  so  ruined  by  many  pretended  Catholics, 
that  their  bad  example  could  only  have  the  most  injurious 
effect  on  the  young  students.  The  justice  of  this  consideration 
was  shown  by  the  fate  of  the  college  founded  by  Cardinal 
Truchsess  in  Dillingen  in  the  year  1549,  lor  the  training  of 
priests.  Although  Julius  III.  raised  this  institution  to  be  a 
university  in  1551,2  and  the  Cardinal  devoted  the  whole  of 
his  fortune  and  income  to  it,  it  never  realized  the  expecta- 
tions of  its  founder,  until  it  was  given  into  the  hands  of  the 
Jesuits  in  the  year  1564. 3 

senza  ordini  sacri,  tal  che  per  questa  gran  penuria  de  preti  ogni 
giorno  son  sollecitato  a  dispensar  confrati,  accio  potessero  essi  non 
ostante  l'apostasia  far'  questo  essercitio,  ma  non  estendendosi  tanto 
oltre  le  mie  faculta,  non  posse  sodisfare  alle  loro  domande,  onde  o 
per  via  del  concilio  o  d'altro  hanno  estremo  bisogno  di  qualche 
buona  provisione  "  (Nunziat.  di  Germania,  63.  Secret  Archives  of 
the  Vatican).  See  also  Le.  Jay's  letter  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  Kath. 
Theol.,  XXXII.,  612. 

1  Draft  in  Schroeder,  203-4  ;   cf-  Steinhuber,  I.,  2nd  Ed.,  12. 

2  See  Specht,  Universitat  Dillingen,  Freiburg,  1902,  22  seqq.,  55 
seqq.,  60  seqq.,  609  seqq.  By  a  *brief  of  April  1,  1550,  Julius  III. 
ordered  the  support  of  the  Dillingen  College,  by  carrying  the  brief 
of  Paul  III.  into  effect  (Arm.  41,  t.  55,  n.  248).  A  *brief  for  Card. 
Truchsess  of  January  14,  1555,  allows,  out  of  consideration  for  the 
Dillingen  institution,  and  the  want  of  priests,  the  ordination  of 
illegitimate  students  (Arm.  42,  t.  1,  n.  14.  Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican) . 

3  See  Jannsen-Pastor,  VII. ,  157. 


228  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

A  further  reason  which  Ignatius  had  for  wishing  this  training 
college  for  German  priests  to  be  in  Rome  lay  in  the  difficulty 
of  finding  in  Germany  the  pecuniary  support  for  such  an 
institution,  and  of  providing  it  with  suitable  professors. 
Added  to  this  there  was  the  dislike  for  the  Papacy  which  was 
prevalent  in  Germany,  in  many  cases  even  among  Catholics, 
which  not  infrequently  degenerated  into  actual  hatred.  In 
order  to  combat  this  feeling,  the  students  were  to  be  given  an 
opportunity  of  convincing  themselves,  by  personal  observation, 
of  the  "  love,  benevolence,  and  the  desire  to  help  and  to  save  " 
of  the  Holy  See,  and  in  this  manner  to  induce  people  to  change 
their  opinions. 

The  idea  of  founding  such  an  establishment  first  took  shape 
in  the  mind  of  Cardinal  Morone.  After  he  had  conferred  about 
the  matter  with  Ignatius  of  Loyola,  the  latter  placed  his  Order 
at  the  disposal  of  the  Cardinal  for  this  important  undertaking. 
After  Morone  had  communicated  his  plan  to  Cardinals  Cervini, 
Carpi  and  Alvarez  de  Toledo,  he  went  with  Cervini  to  Julius 
III.,  who  joyfully  gave  his  consent  to  the  proposal.  He  said 
he  had  already  thought  of  something  similar  himself,  and 
would  be  glad  to  further  the  design.1 

The  first  steps  were  taken  as  early  as  1551,  but  on  account  of 
the  unhappy  war  about  Parma  and  the  financial  difficulties 
connected  with  it,  the  carrying  out  of  the  undertaking  was 
deferred.  Ignatius,  however,  did  not  lose  heart,  but  continued 
his  preparations  full  of  confidence  in  Providence.  In  May, 
1552,  he  drew  up  a  memorandum  concerning  the  manner  in 
which  the  foundation  was  to  be  proceeded  with.2  Those 
accepted  should  as  a  rule  be  between  16  and  21,  of  good  dis- 
position, healthy,  and  not  in  any  way  deformed  ;  they  should 
moreover  be  of  average  intelligence,  capable  of  forming  correct 
judgments  and  possessed  of  agreeable  manners.  The  rudi- 
ments of  learning  and  noble  birth  were  desirable,  and  they 
should  also  come  from  different  dioceses.     In  order  to  obtain 

1  See  Polanco,  II.,  421  seqq;     Cf.  Ignatius  to  the  Papal  nuncios, 

1554,  in  SCHROEDER,  211. 

2  Schroeder,  9  seqq.  Steinhuber  I.  2nd  Ed.,  8. 


FOUNDATION     OF     THE     "  GERMANICUM."     22g 

such  students,  the  Pope  was  desired  to  apply  to  the  Emperor 
and  the  King  of  the  Romans,  as  well  as  to  the  princes  and 
prelates  of  the  Empire,  either  directly  or  through  his  nuncios. 
A  promise  should  be  given  that  all  the  expenses  of  maintenance 
for  the  students  would  be  met,  and  the  youths  chosen  should 
clearly  be  given  to  understand  that  they  would  return  to  their 
own  country  armed  with  learning  and  piety,  and  provided  with 
ecclesiastical  benefices.  In  order  that  a  beginning  should  be 
made  at  once  with  the  college,  the  Cardinals  were  begged  to 
decide  as  soon  as  possible  the  sums  they  intended  to  provide, 
and  to  give  their  donation  without  loss  of  time,  as  the  expenses 
would  be  twice  as  great  in  the  first  year  as  later  on.  For  the 
present  the  establishment  could  be  started  in  a  hired  house  ; 
this,  however,  should  be  as  near  to  the  Roman  College  as 
possible,  as  the  students  were  to  attend  the  lectures  there. 

In  July,  1552,  Julius  III.  took  the  final  steps  for  the  founda- 
tion of  the  "  Germanicum,"  by  appointing  six  Cardinals  : 
Morone,  Cervini,  Alvarez  de  Toledo,  Carpi,  Truchsess  and  de 
Puy,  as  protectors  of  the  institution.  In  accordance  with  the 
scheme  which  Ignatius  laid  before  them,  a  Bull  was  drawn  up 
on  August  31st,  1552,  by  which  the  new  college  was  founded 
and  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Society  of  Jesus.1  Ignatius  had 
already  written2  to  the  Jesuits  in  Vienna  and  Cologne,  in  order 
that  they  might  send  students  for  the  German  College.  The 
opening  took  place  in  October,  and  by  December,  twenty-four 
students  were  already  in  residence,  which  number  was  increased 
to  about  sixty  two  years  latei.3  Ignatius  composed  the 
regulations  for  the  establishment,  and  the  rules  for  the  students, 
just  as  he  had  drawn  up  the  draft  for  the  Bull  of  foundation.4 
His  wise  constitutions,  which  the  Saint,  in  the  absence  of 
older  models,  had  to  draft  almost  from  the  beginning,  arc 
"  in  their  pregnant  brevity,  decision  and  moderation,  a  master- 

1  The  Bull  dat.  August  31,  1552,  but  first  published  in  1553  in 
Schroeder,  40  seqq.  ;  first  draft  ibid.  30,  31. 

2  On  July  30  and  31,  1552,  in  Schroeder,  20  seqq. 

3  Ibid.,  197. 

4  The  constitutions  in  their  first  and  second  drafts  in  Schroeder, 
51  seqq.,  195  seqq.  ;    the  Rules  ibid.,  93  seqq. 


230  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

piece,  which  has  served  as  a  mode]  for  countless  seminaries."3 

Concerning  the  progress  of  the  students  in  learning  and 
their  moral  development,  letters  from  Roman  Jesuits  of  the 
year  1554  express  themselves  in  very  favourable  terms  ;  on 
the  other  hand,  Ignatius  had  much  trouble  and  labour  through 
the  want  of  sufficient  means  for  their  maintenance.  According 
to  the  original  idea,  the  Jesuit  Order  was  to  have  nothing 
to  do  with  the  financial  affairs  of  the  college,  but  circumstances 
forced  Ignatius  to  take  this  burden  as  well  on  his  shoulders. 
The  question  of  funds  repeatedly  occurs  in  his  memorandum 
concerning  the  college,  for  there  lay  the  greatest  danger  lest  the 
whole  undertaking  should  suffer  shipwreck.  In  the  September 
of  1552,  he  made  a  proposal  that,  first  the  Cardinals,  and  then 
the  prelates  and  secular  princes  should  be  applied  to  for 
voluntary  contributions,  and  that  annual  payments  should  be 
asked  for  from  the  rich  orders,  abbeys  and  benefices.2  There- 
upon an  appeal  for  donations  was  circulated  among  the  fifty- 
eight  Cardinals  at  the  beginning  of  December  ;  the  Pope 
himself  entered  his  name  for  500  ducats  yearly,  and  thirty- 
three  Cardinals  for  larger  or  smaller  sums,  so  that  an  annual 
income  of  3565  ducats  seemed  to  be  assured  for  the  time  being.3 
This  source  of  revenue,  however,  being  dependent  on  the 
good-will  of  the  donors,  was,  of  necessity,  somewhat  uncertain, 
besides  which,  it  was  only  sufficient  for  a  very  limited  number 
of  students,  while  Ignatius  would  have  gladly  seen  these 
increased  to  200  or  300  ;  for  this,  however,  a  yearly  income  of 
from  8000  to  9000  ducats  would  be  necessary.4     The  financial 

1  Steinhuber,  I.,  2nd  Ed.,  20;  cf.  61.  "The  Collegium 
Germanicum  in  Rome,  the  foundation  of  which  St.  Ignatius 
carried  out  with  such  tenacious  energy,  was  the  ideal  model  for  the 
seminary  of  the  decree  (of  the  Council  of  Trent).  By  its  wise 
statutes,  which  the  Saint  himself  drew  up  for  his  Institute,  he  has 
become  the  Augustine  of  modern  times."  M.  Siebengartner, 
Schriften  und  Einrichtungen  zur  Bildung  der  Geistlichen,  86. 
Freiburg,  1902. 

2  SCHROEDER,   36-37. 

3  Ibid.,  131-132.     Steinhuber,  I.,  2nd  Ed.,  10-11. 

4  SCHROEDER,   207. 


THE     EDICT     OF     CHATEAUBRIANT.  231 

position  of  the  Curia  made  it  impossible  to  grant  a  fixed, 
assured,  annual  income  to  the  college  for  all  time,  instead  of  the 
vountary  contributions  now  bestowed.  Ignatius,  however, 
did  not  despair.  He  was  determined  to  keep  true  to  his  pur- 
pose, the  importance  of  which  was  fully  recognised  by  Julius 
III.,1  who,  in  January,  1554,  pointed  out  to  the  Emperor, 
through  his  nuncio,  the  importance  of  the  new  college,  and 
requested  him  to  support  it. 

An  all  important  part  in  the  spread  of  religious  dissension  in 
Germany  had  been  taken  by  Henry  II.  of  France,  when  he 
supported  the  Protestant  princes  in  their  revolt  against  Charles 
V.  This  alliance,  however,  did  not  in  the  least  prevent  the 
king  from  proceeding  with  fire  and  sword  against  the  propa- 
gators of  the  new  doctrines  in  his  own  kingdom,  when  he  saw 
in  them  rebels  against  his  royal  authority  and  the  laws  of  the 
realm,  and  disturbers  of  internal  peace  and  national  unity. 
The  Edict  of  Chateaubriant  of  June  27th,  1551,  included  all 
the  proscriptions  already  issued  against  the  Protestants,  and 
rendered  them  more  severe  in  many  points.  This  Edict  was 
published  on  the  same  day,  September  3rd,  1551,  on  which 
Henry  II.  forbade  his  subjects  to  send  any  money  to  Rome,2 
on  account  of  the  attitude  of  Julius  III.  with  regard  to  the  war 
about  Parma.  Shortly  afterwards,  on  October  3rd,  1551,  the 
French  "  Defender  of  the  Faith  "  concluded  his  alliance  at 
Lochau  with  the  Protestant  princes  who  were  conspiring  against 
Charles  V.  Before  taking  the  field  in  their  support,  he 
impressed  upon  the  Parliament,  on  January  12th,  1552,  that 
they  should  carefully  watch  over  all  matters  concerning  the 
faith,  and  see  to  the  eradication  of  heresy  by  the  exemplary 

1  See  Laemmer,  Zur  Kirchengesch.,  117-8.  Gothein,  in  his 
work  concerning  Ignatius  of  Loyola,  deduces,  in  a  perfectly  arbi- 
trary manner,  a  great  "  revolt  "  of  the  whole  of  the  first  students 
of  the  college,  from  some  remarks  contained  in  a  letter  of  P.  Peter 
Schorich  of  October  16,  1554.  (See  Katholik,  1899,  I.,  36  scqq.) 
It  is  proved  by  the  Intr.  et  Exit,  in  Cod.  Vat.  10605  of  the  Vatican 
Library,  that  Julius  III.  paid  500  ducats  yearly,  until  his  death, 
for  the  "  Collegio  di  Germania." 

2  See  Soldan,  I.,  228  seqq.  ;   cf.  supra  p.  102. 


232  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

punishment  of  the  guilty.  Proceedings  in  France  were,  there- 
fore, conducted  strictly  in  accordance  with  these  directions. 
In  Agen,  Troyes,  Nimes,  Paris,  Toulouse  and  Rouen  the  here- 
tics were  sent  to  the  stake  ;  this  was  above  all  the  case  in 
Lyons,  which  had  become  the  principal  market  for  the  here- 
tical writings  smuggled  in  from  Geneva.1  In  1554,  the  Pope, 
through  his  nuncio,  Gualterio,  specially  requested  the  king 
to  suppress  these  publications,2  to  which  the  writings  of  the 
gallican  Charles  du  Moulin  were  also  added.  The  relations 
between  Rome  and  Paris  were,  and  for  the  present  remained, 
very  strained  ;  the  neutral  position  taken  up  by  Julius  III. 
in  political  affairs  displeased  Henry  II.  and,  in  addition  to  this, 
there  were  perpetual  disputes  with  regard  to  the  application 
of  the  Concordat. 

Julius  III.  had,  in  this  respect,  made  important  concessions 
to  the  king  in  October,  1550,  and  in  March,  1553.  These  were, 
however,  in  spite  of  repeated  explanations  on  the  part  of  Henry 
II.,  by  no  means  observed.  As  had  previously  been  the  case 
with  Santa  Croce,  so  had  his  successor,  Gualterio,  over  and  over 
again  to  struggle  against  the  encroachments  of  the  secular 
power.  Henry  II.  maintained,  in  this  matter,  an  attitude  in 
keeping  with  the  state  of  political  affairs  at  the  moment  ;  if 
the  Pope  was  necessary  to  him,  he  made  him  fair  promises,  but 
when  conditions  altered,  he  simply  broke  them.3 

1  Soldan,  I.,  233,  seqq. 

2  See  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  25  ;  cf.  Romier,  55.  That  Julius 
III.  also  took  other  steps  against  heretics  in  France  is  proved  from 
the  briefs  in  Raynaldus,  1550,  n.  35-36  ;  1551,  n.  12  ;  Fontana, 
Documenti,  410  and  Renata,  II.,  527-8.  Cf.  also  the  *brief  to  the 
theological  faculty  at  Angers,  dat.  August  31,  1554  :  Permission 
to  exclude  from  their  midst  all  "  baccalaurei,  licentiati  et  magistri 
qui  in  suis  concionibus  aliove  fidelium  cetu  propositiones  here- 
ticas  aut  scandalosas  proposuerint  aut  defendere  nixi  fuerint  " 
(Arm.  41,  t.  71,  n.  513.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

3  See  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  LVL,  seqq.  ;  cf.  also  Thomas,  III., 
235-6.  The  confirmation  of  the  German  Concordat  of  1448  by 
Julius  III.  in  Raynaldus,  1554,  n.  19.  Romier  will  publish  the 
nunciature  reports  of  the  predecessors  of  Gualterio.     See  a  brief 


HERESY     IN     POLAND.  233 

In  Poland,  the  development  of  conditions  which  were  very- 
dangerous  to  the  continued  existence  of  the  Catholic  Church 
in  that  country,  had  first  become  apparent  under  Paul  III.,1 
but  still  continued  to  spread  under  Julius  III.  In  the  summer 
of  1550  exceedingly  grave  machinations  were  brought  to  light 
in  the  Diet  at  Petrikau.  The  king  would  not  agree  to  the 
demand  for  the  reform  of  the  Church  in  the  sense  demanded 
by  the  innovators,  and  he  appointed  the  eminent  Bishop  of 
Kulm,  Stanislaus  Hosius,  as  his  ambassador  at  Trent.  On 
December  13th,  1550,  the  spiritual  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops 
was  confirmed  by  a  royal  decree,  and  the  followers  of  the  new 
doctrines  were  deprived  of  all  their  dignities  and  offices.2 
The  danger  for  the  Church  was,  however,  by  no  means  lessened 
by  these  measures,  for  a  great  part  of  the  nobility  had  em- 
braced the  Protestant  doctrines,  and  the  defiant  attitude  of 
their  adherents  is  proved  by  the  excesses  which  they  permitted 
themselves  against  everything  which  the  Catholics  held  most 
holy.  In  a  suburb  of  Cracow  they  pulled  the  crucifix  down 
and  threw  it  in  the  mud  ;  in  the  village  of  Chrencice  the  church 
was  robbed  of  all  its  ornaments,  and  even  the  Sacred  Host  was 


of  January  26,  1555,  against  the  attacks  of  the  French  governor 
on  ecclesiastical  liberty  in  Corsica,  in  Raynaldus,  1555,  n.  7. 
Encroachments  on  the  part  of  the  secular  authorities  occurred 
frequently  in  Spain,  on  account  of  the  demoralisation  of  the 
clergy  there.  Julius  III.  took  steps  here  in  the  sense  "  ne  ius 
ecclesiasticum  obsolesceret  neve  sceleri  libere  habenae  laxarentur  " 
(see  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  82  seqq).  See  also  with  regard  to  Milan, 
Salomne,  Mem.  degli  ambasc.  di  Milano,  no  seqq.,  Milan,  1806. 
With  regard  to  Genoa,  see  Rosi,  La  morte  di  J.  Bonfadio,  Genoa, 
1895.  With  regard  to  Venice,  see  Gothein,  Ignatius,  523. 
Julius  III.,  complained  at  once  concerning  such  things  in  the  case 
of  the  Republic  of  Lucca ;  see  the  *report  of  the  ambassador  at 
Lucca,  dated  Rome,  July  12,  1550  :  "  Nel  parlare  che  fece  S.S^ 
mostro  che  la  dispiacesse  che  le  S.V.  mettessero  mano  in  preti  senza 
consenso  del  vescovo  o  del  suo  vicario."     (State  Archives,  Lucca). 

1  Cf.  Vol.  XII.,  of  this  work,  p.  488  seqq. 

2  See  Dembinski,  Beschickung  des  Tridentinums,  26  ;   Eichorn, 
I.,  119. 


234  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

thrown  into  the  fire.1  It  was  especially  to  be  deplored  that 
at  such  a  dangerous  time,  only  a  few  of  the  bishops,  such  as 
those  of  Gnesen  and  Cracow,  fulfilled  their  duty.  The  bishops, 
moreover,  took  things  very  easily  in  preparing  for  the  Council, 
and  it  was  not  until  June,  1551,  that  they  deliberated  about  it 
in  a  synod  at  Petrikau.  Hosius,  whom  Julius  III.,  at  the 
request  of  the  king,  had  confirmed  as  Bishop  of  Ermland,2  on 
May  nth,  1551,  took  part  in  this  synod  ;  he  drew  up,  at  that 
time,  his  celebrated  Confession  of  Faith,3  which  the  members 
of  the  synod  accepted.  Several  of  the  bishops  now  bestirred 
themselves,  and  carried  out  wholesome  reforms  in  their  dio- 
ceses. Many,  however,  forgot  only  too  soon  what  they  had 
recognized  as  their  duty  at  the  synod,  and  again  lapsed  into 
their  former  state  of  indifference.4  The  funds  for  the  embassy 
to  Trent  could  only  be  collected  with  difficulty  ;  the  mission 
was  at  last  entrusted  to  Peter  Glogowski,  who  also  visited 
Rome,  where  he  represented  the  conditions  in  Poland  in  such 
a  favourable  light  to  the  Pope,  that  Julius  III.  was  deceived  as 
to  the  real  state  of  affairs.5  How  dangerous  things  really  were, 
came  to  light  in  the  Diet  opened  at  the  end  of  January,  1552. 
John  Sigismund  was  openly  called  upon  to  sanction  the  new 
teaching  as  to  justification,  the  marriage  of  priests,  and  com- 
munion under  both  kinds.  The  king,  however,  could  not  be 
induced  to  give  way  to  such  revolutionary  proposals.  In  his 
heart  the  last  of  the  Jagellons  was  a  sincere  Catholic,  and 
faithful  in  the  discharge  of  his  religious  duties,  but,  good- 
natured  as  he  was,  he  did  not  possess  the  strength  of  character 
to  offer  a  determined  opposition  to  these  dangerous  proposals.6 

1  Cf.  Wotschke,  Gesch.  der  Reformation  in  Polen,  no,  Leipsic, 
191 1  ;    see  also  Eichorn,  I.,  120. 

2  See  Hosii  epist.,  II.,  xliii.,  993  ;    cf.  Eichorn,  I.,  138-9. 

3  For  this  cf.  Hipler  in  the  Freiburger  Kirchenlex.,  VI.,  2nd  Ed., 
297-9  ;  Bellesheim,  Besprechung  des  zweiten  Bandes  der  Epist. 
Hosii,  in  the  Histor-Polit.  Bl.,  CX.,  262-3. 

4  See  Eichorn,  I.,  121  seqq. 

5  See  Raynaldus,  1553,  n.  53-5  ;   Dembinski,  29,  65. 

6  A  good  description  of  the  religious  attitude  of  John  Sigismund 
is  to  be  found  in  the  *  Relatione  del  regno  di  Poloiae  del  vescovo 


HERESY     IN     POLAND.  235 

In  the  matter  of  the  Council,  he  allowed  himself  to  be  influ- 
enced by  his  hesitating,  visionary  secretary,  Modrzewski,  who 
had  the  idea  of  a  free  council  in  his  mind.  The  resolute  Catho- 
lic, Hosius,  was  passed  over,  and  men  appointed  to  proceed 
to  Trent,  who  were  as  compliant  as  they  were  uncertain  in 
their  views.1 

In  Rome,  it  was  soon  realized  that  Glogowski  had  reported 
much  too  favourably.  On  September  20th,  1552,  the  Pope 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  inquisitor  at  Cracow,  telling  him  to 
make  investigations  concerning  the  suspicious  proceedings  of 
several  Polish  bishops  with  regard  to  heresy.2  When  King 
John  Sigismund  remarried  in  the  year  1553,  the  Pope  made  use 
of  his  letter  of  congratulation  to  point  out  to  him  earnestly 
that  the  king  should,  by  his  authority,  protect  the  Catholic 
Faith  against  abuse  and  attack.3  Similar  exhortations  were 
addressed,    some   time   afterwards,    to   the   bishops   and   the 

di  Camerino  (Camillo  Mentuato  ;  see  Ciampi,  I.,  169,  359)  in  the 
Cod.  R.,  I.,  26  of  the  Chigi  Library,  Rome,  which  Ranke  used 
(II.,  6),  but  put  erroneously  "  about  1555,"  although  he  could 
have  seen  the  correct  year  in  Raynaldus,  155 1,  n.  73.  This  says  : 
"  A  molti  di  questi  (in  the  king's  entourage)  comporta  che  vivano 
come  li  piace,  perche  si  vede  che  S.M^  e  tanto  benigna  che  non 
vorria  mai  far  cosa  che  dispiacesse  ad  alcuno  et  io  vorrei  che  nelle 
cose  della  religione  fosse  un  poco  piu  severa,  poiche  ogni  anno  esso 
si  confessa,  ogni  giorno  va  alia  messa  et  ogni  festa  ode  la  predica, 
l'introito,  la  gloria,  il  credo,  benedictus  et  agnus  Dei  canta  a  tutta 
voce  con  li  cantori,  cosi  ci  tirasse  gli  altri,  che  gli  sarebbe  facile, 
sebene  alcuni  dicono  il  contrario."  Serristori  announces  the 
appointment  of  Mentuato,  as  nuncio  in  Poland  in  the  *  letter  of 
April  6,  1 55 1  (State  Archives,  Florence).  In  accordance  with  this 
letter,  Biaudet  (nonc'at.  95),  who  is  otherwise  so  exact,  must  be 
rectified. 

1  See  Dembinski,  Beschickung,  31  seqq.,  35  seqq.  ;  cf.  Krasinski, 
86  seqq. 

2  *Min.  Brev.  1552,  Arm.  41,  t.  65,  n.  616  (Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican).  The  suspicion  against  the  Bishop  of  Gnesen  was  un- 
founded ;  the  Bishop  of  Chelm,  however,  J.  Uchanski,  was  justly 
suspected  of  heterodoxyy  :  see  Eichorn,  L,  205-6. 

3  *Regi  Poloniae,  dat.  1553,  MaY  22  (Min.  Brev.  Arm.,  41,  t.  68, 
n.  373.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 


236  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Polish  nobility,  as  well  as  once  more  to  the  king  and  queen.1 
The  latter  did  not  justify  the  hopes2  which  the  Catholics  of 
Poland  had  placed  in  her,3  and  her  husband,  now  as  before,  let 
matters  take  their  course,  although  Hosius  never  wearied 
in  urgently  recommending  the  protection  of  the  Catholic 
religion,  by  work  of  mouth  as  well  as  by  letter.  If  the  king 
allowed  the  Church  to  be  torn  to  pieces,  Hosius  prophesied  to 
him  on  March  12th,  1554,  then  God  would  also  allow  his  king- 
dom to  go  to  pieces.4  The  want  of  zeal  of  the  greater  number 
of  the  bishops  is  shown  by  the  fact  that,  at  the  synod  at 
Petrikau,  in  1554,  besides  the  Primate  of  Gnesen  and  Hosius, 
only  the  Bishops  of  Cracow  and  Plozk  appeared.  There  was 
nothing  to  be  done  but  arrange  for  a  new  synod.  The  Pope 
was  requested  to  send  a  nuncio  to  this,  in  the  person  of  Lippo- 
mano.5  The  appointment  of  Lippomano,  on  January  13th, 
1555,  was  one  of  the  last  official  acts  in  the  pontificate  of  Julius 
III.6 

1  The  letters  to  the  bishops  and  nobles  in  Raynaldus,  1553,  n. 
40,  41,  Cf.  the  *letter  to  the  bishops  dated  May  27,  1553.  Mm. 
Brev.  loc.  cit.,  n.  371  ;  ibid.,  n.  393  to  the  king,  dat.  May  27  ;  n.  395 
to  the  Archduchess  Katharina  on  her  marriage,  dat.  May  28 
(Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).  Julius  III.  treated  the  interests 
and  wishes  of  Poland  with  great  consideration  when  the  Russian 
Grand  Duke,  Ivan  the  Terrible,  attempted  to  usurp  the  title  of 
king,  by  the  promise,  which  was  scarcely  meant  to  be  sincere,  of 
submitting  to  Rome  in  an  ecclesiastical  sense.  Cf.  as  to  this, 
Fiedler,  in  the  Sitzungsber.  der  Wiener  Akad.,  XL.,  50-51  ; 
Pierling,  Romeet  Moscou,  19-20,  Paris,  1883  ;  Papes  et  Tsars, 
44-45,  Paris,  1890  ;  La  Russie,  I.,  334-5  ;  "Dbersberger,  I.,  282-3, 
287. 

2  Cf.  Martinengo's  *letter  to  Card,  del  Monte,  dat.  Vienna,  June  i, 
1553.  Nunziat.  di  Germania,  LXIIL,  179  (Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican) . 

3  Cf.  Bellesheim  in  the  Histor.  polit.  Bi.,  CX.,  265. 

4  Hosii  epist.,  II.,  41 1. 

5  See  Eichorn,  I.,  212. 

6  Theiner,  Mon.  Pol.,  II.,  575  ;cf.  Ehrenberg,  69,  n.  2. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

Accession  of  Queen  Mary  of  England. — Her  Marriage 
to  Philip  of  Spain. 

At  this  time  the  Church  found  some  compensation  for  the 
severe  losses  which  she  had  sustained  in  various  European 
states,  especially  in  Germany,  by  the  success  which  crowned 
her  efforts  elsewhere,  and,  apart  from  the  development  of  the 
missions  outside  Europe,  the  Catholic  Restoration  in  England 
must  hold  the  first  place  among  these  successes. 

During  the  pontificate  of  Julius  III.,  England  went  through 
two  great  religious  revolutions,  in  the  first  of  which  doctrine 
and  liturgy  were  subverted  in  favour  of  the  already  far- 
advanced  Protestantism,  this  period  being  followed  by  a  com- 
plete return  to  the  old  religion.1 

Shortly  before  the  death  of  Paul  III.,  the  Protector  Somerset, 
the  uncle  of  the  young  King  Edward  VI.,  was  overthrown,  and 
was  succeeded  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  became  Duke  of 
Northumberland  in  1551.  This  change  in  the  government 
had,  at  first,  raised  hopes  in  the  minds  of  Catholics  that  the 
old  religion  might  be  restored,  and  Mass,  as  of  old,  was  at  once 
celebrated  in  various  parishes  of  London  and  Oxford.  The 
first  events  of  the  year  1550,  however,  soon  put  an  end  to  these 
hopes  ;  on  January  25th,  a  decree  was  issued,  according  to 
which  the  old  Latin  missals,  breviaries,  etc.,  were  to  be 
delivered  up  for  destruction,  the  pictures  in  the  churches  being 
likewise  destroyed,  except  in  so  far  as  they  represented  princes 

1  See  H.  Gairdner,  The  English  Church,  262  seqq.  ;  J.  Tresal, 
225  seqq.  ;  Lingard,  VII.,  16  seqq.  ;  cf.  A.  F.  Pollard,  The 
History  of  England  from  the  accession  of  Edward  VI.  to  the 
death  of  Elizabeth,  1547-1603,  London,  1910. 

237 


238  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

and  other  dignitaries  who  could  not  during  their  lives  have 
been  suspected  of  sanctity. 

Other  decrees  of  January,  1550,  aimed  at  the  framing  of  new 
church  laws,  and  a  new  formula  for  the  consecration  of  bishops 
and  other  ministers  of  religion.1  Many  valuable  manuscripts 
shared  the  fate  of  the  ecclesiastical  books,  at  the  end  of  1550 
whole  waggon  loads  of  manuscripts  from  the  Oxford  Library 
being  destroyed,  of  which  many  had  nothing  more  in  common 
with  "  Mass-books  "  than  the  red  capitals  of  the  title  page,  and 
of  the  headings  of  the  chapters.  Very  many  of  these  were 
thrown  away  on  hucksters,  while  shiploads  of  manuscripts 
crossed  the  sea  for  the  use  of  bookbinders.2 

The  most  decisive  innovation,  however,  was  shown  in  the 
"  Book  of  Common  Prayer,"3  of  the  year  1552,  which  was 
really  a  remodelling  of  the  original  edition  authorized  by 
Parliament  in  1549. 4 

Somerset  had  taken  great  pains,  on  the  death  of  Henry 
VIII.,  to  bring  the  influence  of  Protestant  ideas  to  bear  on  the 
almost  completely  Catholic  state  of  religion  at  that  time.  The 
introduction  of  communion  under  both  kinds,  the  permission 
for  priests  to  marry,  and  the  use  of  the  vernacular  in  the 
services  of  the  church,  did  not  of  themselves  form  an  essential 
ground  for  a  break  with  Catholic  doctrine.  A  general  confes- 
sion of  sin  before  communion  was,  it  is  true,  declared  to  be 
sufficient  in  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  of  1549,  but  con- 
fession to  a  priest  was  also  allowed.  Alterations,  pregnant 
with  fateful  results,  were  now  introduced  in  respect  to  the  Holy 
Sacrament  of  the  Altar,  which,  amid  a  flood  of  vulgar  pub- 

1  Gairdner,  276-7.     Tresal,  259-260. 

2  Gairdner,  290-291. 

3  G.  Constant,  La  transformation  du  culte  anglicain  sous 
Edouard  VI.  ;  Revue  d'hist.  ecclesiastique,  XII.,  38-80,  242-270, 
Louvain,  191 1  ;  cf.  Gasquet  and  Bishop,  Edward  VI.  and  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer.  An  examination  of  its  origin  and  early 
history,  London,  1890.  Bellesheim  in  Katholik,  1891,  I., 
3-19.  Baumer  in  Histor-Polit.  Bl.,  CVIIL,  1  seqq.,  103  seq.  Cf. 
also  Kawerau  in  the  Histor.  Zeitschr.,  LXXIL,   140  seq. 

4  Cf.  Vol.  XII.,  of  this  work,  p.  476. 


THE     SECOND     BOOK     OF     COMMON     PRAYER     239 

lications,  now  became  the  central  point  of  the  most  violent 
attack  and  insult.  Under  Somerset,  however,  some  care  was 
still  exercised,  the  liturgy  of  the  Mass  in  the  first  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  having  included  many  of  the  outward  cere- 
monies in  order  that  the  uneducated  might  still  believe  that 
nothing  essential  had  been  altered,  while  the  educated  could 
still  infer,  from  many  expressions  which  still  remained,  the 
doctrines  of  the  Catholic  Faith. 

Quite  another  spirit,  however,  pervaded  the  second  Book 
of  Common  Prayer  of  1552.  If  the  doctrine  of  Luther  had 
been  the  standard  of  the  first  changes  in  the  liturgy  of  the  Mass 
in  the  year  1549,  the  second  compilation  was  made  in  the  spirit 
of  Zwingli  and  Calvin.  The  Book  of  Common  Prayer  in  its 
original  form  did  away  with  everything  which  caused  the  Mass 
to  appear  as  a  sacrifice,  but  the  second,  on  the  other  hand, 
removed  everything  which  could  form  an  acknowledgment 
of  the  Real  Presence  of  Christ  in  the  sacrament. 

The  way  to  this  change  to  the  most  extreme  Protestantism 
had  already  been  prepared  under  Somerset.  Theologians 
of  the  most  advanced  tendencies  found,  at  that  time,  a  refuge 
in  England,  which  was  denied  them  everywhere  else  ;x  Bucer 
came  to  England  in  April,  1549,  from  Strasbourg,  flying  before 
the  Interim,  and  was  at  once  made  professor  of  theology  in 
Cambridge  ;  a  little  time  before,  the  Italian,  Peter  Martyr 
Vermigli,  who  had  come  to  England  at  the  invitation  of  Cran- 
mer,  in  1547,  received  a  professor's  chair  at  Oxford.  A 
visitation  of  both  universities  in  May,  1549,  removed  various 
Catholic  professors.  Countless  abusive  publications,  intro- 
duced from  the  continent,  and  allowed  to  be  freely  printed  in 
England,  prepared  public  opinion  for  Calvinistic  teaching, 
while  the  defenders  of  the  old  faith  had  to  publish  their  answers 
abroad.2  As  far  as  Cranmer  himself  was  concerned  he  was 
always  receding  in  his  writings  further  and  further  from  both 
Catholic  and  Lutheran  doctrines,  and,  as  he  himself  confessed, 

1  Gairdner,  263. 

2  Gairdner,  266,  says,  "  The  press  in  England,  too,  was  free — 
at  least  to  the  enemies  of  the  old  beliefs." 


240  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

had  only  allowed  a  few  Catholic  expressions  still  to  appear 
in  the  first  compilation  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer, 
in  order  not  to  arouse  too  great  excitement  among  the 
people.1 

Northumberland  was  never,  as  he  acknowledged  later,  at 
the  hour  of  death,  really  persuaded  of  the  truth  of  the  Pro- 
testant doctrines,  but  he  showed  himself,  none  the  less,  the 
zealous  friend  and  the  active  promoter  of  the  new  religion. 
In  order  to  gain  greater  freedom  for  this  purpose,  the  first 
thing  to  be  done  was  to  remove  the  Catholic  bishops.  Bonner, 
Bishop  of  London,  was  the  first  to  be  cast  into  prison,  on 
December  4th,  1549.  Bishop  Gardiner,  of  Winchester,  had 
long  been  in  the  Tower,  and  he  was  deprived  of  his  bishopric  on 
February  14th,  1551,  while  Heath,  of  Worcester,  was  thrown 
into  prison  on  March  4th,  1550.  Day,  of  Chichester,  was 
declared  to  have  forfeited  his  see  on  October  1st,  1551  ;  Tun- 
stall,  of  Durham,  who  had  been  a  prisoner  in  his  house  since 
May  20th,  1551,  suffered  the  same  fate  on  October  3rd,  1552. 
Several  other  suspected  prelates  had  to  resign,  while  Thirlby, 
of  Westminster,  was  removed  to  the  unimportant  diocese  of 
Norwich.2 

Among  the  bishops  who  took  the  places  of  the  deposed 
prelates,  Ridley,  of  London,  was  particularly  active  in  pro- 
moting the  spread  of  the  new  doctrines.3  He  was  inducted 
into  Bonner's  see  on  April  1st,  1550,  and  on  May  5th,  he 
ordered  a  strict  visitation  of  his  diocese,  in  the  course  of  which 
everything  which  was  reminiscent  of  the  old  idea  of  the 
Catholic  Mass  was  specially  to  be  rooted  out.  Particular 
instructions  were  given  in  this  visitation  that  the  altars  were 
to  be  thrown  down  in  the  churches,  as  the  conception  of  the 

1  Constant,  he.  cit.  244. 

2  Lingard,  VII.,  60  seqq.  Tresal,  236  seqq.  Concerning  the 
deposition  of  Bonner,  Gairdner,  269,  says,  "  It  would  seem  that 
the  real  object  of  this  irregular  and  unjust  prosecution  was 
simply  to  deprive  a  bishop  who  was  so  strong  an  upholder  of  the 
still  recognized  doctrine  of  transubstantiation.  The  whole  case 
was  prejudiced,  &c." 

3  Gairdner,  278-9.     Constant,  246  seqq. 


DESTRUCTION     OF     ALTARS  241 

Mass  as  a  sacrifice  was  strongly  bound  up  with  the  idea  of  an 
altar.  "  So  long  as  there  is  an  altar,"  preached  Hooper,  "  the 
ignorant  people  will  always  dream  of  a  sacrifice."1  Ridley 
himself  gave  the  example  of  destruction.  On  the  night  of 
June  nth,  1550,  he  had  the  high  altar  removed  from  St. 
Paul's  in  London,  and  during  Whitsun  week  the  same  thing 
was  done  in  all  the  churches  of  London.  By  a  royal  decree  of 
November  24th,  all  the  bishops  were  instructed  to  proceed  in 
a  like  manner.  The  work  of  destruction  was  completed  by 
the  end  of  1550.  The  Venetian  ambassador,  Barbaro,  wrote 
at  the  end  of  May,  1551,  that  bells  and  organs  were  still  used, 
but  that  they  no  longer  had  any  altars  or  pictures.2  The 
altars  had  been  everywhere  removed,  without  consideration 
for  their  artistic  value  or  their  venerable  old  age.  Scarcely  a 
voice  was  raised  against  these  revolutionary  proceedings,  for, 
although  many  bishops  might  feel  uneasy  in  their  consciences, 
their  authority  had  been  swept  away  with  that  of  the  Pope.3 
The  people  lost  all  respect  for  the  desecrated  churches,  in  which 
dealers  bought  and  sold,  bringing  in  their  horses  and  mules, 
while  bloody  conflicts  and  mortal  combats  not  infrequently 
took  place  there.  "  People  are  turning  the  churches,"  says 
a  royal  decree  of  1552,  "  into  common  inns,  or  rather  into  dens 
and  sinks  of  iniquity."4 

The  introduction  of  Calvinism  into  public  worship  was 
inaugurated  by  the  destruction  of  the  altars.  Apart  from  this 
the  first  Book  of  Common  Prayer  of  1549  na-d  really  pleased 
nobody.  The  people  stood  aloof  from  the  new  services,5  while 
Cranmer  himself  only  regarded  the  liturgy  of  1549  as  a  tem- 
porary measure.  Excited  by  reforming  preachers,  the  young 
king  declared  that  if  the  bishops  would  not  alter  the  Book  of 

1  Constant,    247. 

2  Alberi,  Ser.  I.,  II.,  247.     Brown,  V.,  n.  703,  p.  348. 

3  Gairdner,  284,  "  Episcopal  authority  was  well-nigh  destroyed 
already." 

4  Constant,  249.  Concerning  the  low  tone  of  morality  under 
Edward  VI.  cf.  Pocock,  Eng.  Hist.  Review,  1895,  417  seqq. 

5  Gairdner,   268,   277. 

VOL.    XIII.  16 


22^2  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Common  Prayer,  he  would  do  so  himself.1  Above  all,  however, 
the  foreign  theologians  who  had  sought  refuge  in  England 
urged  more  extreme  measures.  So  it  came  about  that  a 
country  which  was  desirous  of  throwing  off  the  authority  of  the 
Pope,  on  the  ground  that  he  was  a  foreign  bishop,  actually 
made  over  to  foreign  influence  the  remodelling  of  its  re- 
ligion.2 

As  early  as  April,  1549,  Cranmer,  in  a  meeting  with  Bucer, 
Peter  Martyr  Vermigli,  Fagius,  Dryander  and  Tremellius 
deliberated  on  the  reform  of  the  liturgy.3  Calvin  himself 
wrote  in  January  to  King  Edward  as  the  new  Josias,  and 
exhorted  him  to  extirpate  the  "  great  abyss  of  superstition  " 
which  still  remained  over  from  the  Papal  supremacy.4  Bucer 
had  the  greatest  influence  in  bringing  about  the  new  develop- 
ment in  public  worship,  and  after  his  death  (February  28th, 
1551)  the  still  more  advanced  Peter  Martyr  took  his  place.  On 
March  qth,  1552,  the  new  Book  of  Common  Prayer  was  laid 
before  the  House  of  Lords,  and  wras  accepted  by  both  Houses 
on  April  14th.5 

The  introduction  to  the  new  Bill  refers  to  the  second  edition 
of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  as  if  it  were  only  an  improved 
edition  of  the  first,  but  in  all  essential  points  identical  with  it. 
This  is,  however,  by  no  means  the  case.  The  liturgy  of  1549 
was  an  attempt  at  conciliation,  which  endeavoured  to  satisfy 
Protestants  as  well  as  Catholics,  as  far  as  was  possible  ;  the 
liturgy  of  1552,  on  the  contrary,  had  the  fullest  intention  of 
avoiding  every  expression  and  every  ceremony  which  the 
followers  of  the  old  religion  could  construe  in  accordance  with 
their  own  views.  Nothing  of  the  Catholic  Mass  remains  in  the 
new  Order  of  Communion.  Besides  this,  the  second  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  abolishes  private  Confession  and  Extreme 

1  Ibid.  304. 

2  Ibid,  291.  "Never  was  greater  deference  paid  to  foreign 
opinion  than  was  now  done  in  a  Church  which  had  been  emanci- 
pated from  the  jurisdiction  of  a  foreign  bishop." 

3  Constant,   244. 

4  Ibid.   205. 

5  Ibid.  478. 


THE     THIRTY-NINE     ARTICLES.  243 

Unction.1  As  far  as  the  Sacrament  of  Holy  Orders  was  con- 
cerned, they  still  retained  the  grades  of  deacons,  priests  and 
bishops,  at  least  in  name.  One  result  of  the  totally  altered 
conception  of  Holy  Communion  was  the  fact  that  the  ordina- 
tion of  priests  possessing  the  real  power  of  consecration  was  no 
longer  propose^,  indeed  the  very  idea  of  ordaining  priests  in 
this  Catholic  sense  was  completely  excluded.2  The  new 
Prayer  Book  could,  therefore,  receive  the  unqualified  appro- 
bation of  the  most  advanced  Protestants.  Peter  Martyr 
wrote  on  June  14th,  1552,  to  Bullinger  that  all  the  traces  which 
might  have  still  nourished  superstition  were  expurgated  from 
it.  Bullinger  and  Calvin,  who  were  begged  to  give  their 
opinion  of  it  by  English  refugees  in  1554,  considered  that  fault 
could  only  be  found  with  it  in  points  of  no  great  importance.3 

As  in  the  case  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  the  other 
confession  of  the  faith  of  the  Anglican  Church,  the  Thirty-nine 
Articles,  can  also  be  traced  to  Cranmer.  As  early  as  1549 
he  had  drawn  up  a  list  of  tenets  which  every  preacher  had  to 
sign  before  receiving  license  to  preach.  There  were  originally 
forty- five  of  these,  then  forty- two,  and  finally  thirty-nine. 
King  Edward  VI.  signed  forty-two  Articles  on  June  12th, 
-fSSS-  They  formed  a  mixture  of  Lutheran,  Zwinglian  and 
Calvinistic  doctrinal  propositions,  with  a  trace  of  Catholicism 
running  through  them,  the  chief  point  being  the  Protestant 
principle  that  the  Bible  is  the  sole  rule  of  faith.  The  doctrine 
of  justification  was  presented  in  the  Lutheran  sense,  that  of 
communion  in  that  of  Calvin.  The  royal  supremacy  over 
the  Church  was  enjoined  in  the  widest  sense  of  the  word.4 

On  the  6th  of  the  following  month,  the  fifteen  year  old  king, 
who  had  long  been  an  invalid,  died,  and  with  his  death,  the 
carefully  planned  work  of  ecclesiastical  revolution  seemed  as 
if  it  would  again  fall  to  pieces.     It  is  true  that  the  dying  king 

1  Ibid.   474-5- 

2  Ibid.   479-80. 

3  Ibid.  477. 

4  Muller,  Die  Bekenntnisschriften  der  reformierten  Kirche, 
505  seqq.,  Leipsic,  1903. 


244  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

had,  under  the  influence  of  Northumberland,  been  induced  to 
attempt,  by  his  own  power,  to  alter  the  succession,  and  leave 
the  sceptre  in  safe  Protestant  hands.  In  accordance  with  this 
arrangement,  the  sixteen  year  old  Lady  Jane  Grey,  the  grand- 
daughter of  Henry  VIII.'s  sister  Mary,  and  the  wife  of  Lord 
Guildford  Dudley,  Northumberland's  son,  was  proclaimed 
queen  on  July  ioth.  This  alteration  in  the  succession,  as  it 
had  taken  place  without  the  consent  of  Parliament,  was  too 
plainly  illegal,  and  too  clearly  the  result  of  Northumberland's 
ambitious  intrigues,  for  the  people  to  give  it  their  approval, 
and  when  the  rightful  heiress  to  the  throne,  Henry's  eldest 
daughter  Mary,  unfolded  her  royal  banner,  defenders  flocked 
round  her  in  countless  numbers.  Northumberland's  army 
went  over  to  her,  and  on  July  19th,  Mary  was  proclaimed 
queen  in  London  amid  the  joyful  acclamations  of  her  people.1 
Mary,  the  daughter  of  Catherine  of  Aragon,2  had  not  only 
received  a  careful  and  indeed  learned  education  for  court  life 
under  the  direction  of  Margaret  Pole,  the  mother  of  the  future 
Cardinal,  and  who  was  to  die  as  a  martyr  in  1541,  but  also  a 
deeply  religious  training  in  a  Catholic  sense.  Her  religious 
feelings  were  yet  more  strengthened  in  the  hard  school  of 
suffering,  through  which  she  had  to  pass  after  the  repudiation 
of  her  mother.  Separated  from  the  latter,  and  assigned  to  the 
household  of  her  sister  Elizabeth,  she  received  the  worst 
apartments  in  the  house,3  her  jewels  and  costly  clothes  were 
taken  from  her,4  the  attendants  who  were  faithful  to  her  were 

*  Brosch,  VI.,  415. 

2  J.  M.  Stone,  The  History  of  Mary  I.,  Queen  of  England, 
London,  1901.  Cf.  ibid.  The  Youth  of  Mary  Tudor  :  Dublin 
Review,  Ser.  3,  XXII.,  363  seqq.,  1889  ;  Mary  Queen  of  England  : 
ibid.  XXIII. ,  324  seqq.,  1890  ;  Philip  and  Mary  :  ibid.  XXIV., 
no  seqq.,  1890;  The  personal  character  of  Mary  Tudor:  The 
Month,  XCIV.,  128,  1899  ;  Ath.  Zimmermann,  Maria  die  Katho- 
lische,  Frieburg,  1890  ;  Privy  expenses  of  the  Princess  Mary, 
ed.  Fred.  Madden,  London,  1831  ;  Lingard,  VII.,  2-3.  Stephen 
Lee  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  XXXVI. ,  333-354- 
i  3  Chapuys  on  January  3,  1534,  in  Gayangos,  V.,  1,  n.  1,  p.  4. 
}    4  The  same  on  March  25,  1534  ;   ibid.  n.  31,  p.  95- 


PERSECUTION     OF     MARY.  245 

sent  away,  while  her  confessor  was  replaced  by  a  Lutheran.1 
She  was  given  over  to  the  care  of  a  relative  of  Anne  Boleyn, 
who  daily  caused  her  much  sorrow,  neglecting  her  in  her  ill- 
nesses,2 and  even  striking  her  in  the  face.3  Anne  Bolejm,  her 
sworn  enemy,4  thought  of  making  her  one  of  her  train-bearers,5 
and  would  have  been  most  happy  to  have  seen  her  on  the 
scaffold.6  Indeed,  her  father  threatened  her  with  death,7 
and  she  had  only  to  thank  the  energetic  intervention  of  the 
Emperor  for  her  escape.  In  spite  of  all  this  severity,  however, 
they  did  not  succeed  in  what  they  aimed  at,  namely,  in  making 
her  renounce  her  title  and  right  to  the  throne.  She  could  not, 
she  said,  declare  her  parents  to  be  adulterers,  or  be  disobedient 
to  the  Church.8 

After  the  death  of  Anne  Boleyn  and  her  own  mother,  Mary 
was,  indeed,  induced,  under  fear  of  death,  and  in  order  to 
obtain  the  acknowledgment  of  her  right  to  the  throne,  to  sign 
a  document  recognizing  the  supremacy  of  the  king,  and  declar- 
ing that  her  mother's  marriage  was  invalid.  Before  doing  so, 
however,  she  signed  a  protest  declaring  that  document  to  have 
been  obtained  by  force,  and  consequently  illegal.9  She 
absolutely  refused  to  hear  of  the  Protestantism  introduced 
by  Somerset  and  Northumberland,  and  steadfastly  refused, 
under  the  latter,  to  have  the  new  liturgy  celebrated  in  her 
house,  until  the  king  attained  his  majority  ;  rather  than  do 
this  she  was  prepared  to  lay  her  head  on  the  block,  and  at 
length  they  ceased  to  press  her  any  further.10 

1  The  same  on  May  14,  1534  ;    ibid.  n.  57,  p.  154-5. 

2  The  same  on  November  18,  1534  ;   ibid.  n.  in,  p.  329. 

3  The  same  on  February  11,  1534  ;    ibid.  n.  10,  p.  34. 

4  The  same  on  March  30,  1534  ;   ibid.  n.  32,  p.  96. 

5  The  same  on  January  29,  1534  >    ibid.  n.  8,  p.  27. 

6  Ortiz  on  November  22,  1535;  ibid.  n.  231,  p.  573.  Cf. 
Catherine  of  Aragon  on  October  10,  1535  ;    ibid.  n.  210,  p.  548. 

7  Chapuys  on  April  22,  1534  ;    ibid.  n.  45,  p.  129. 

8  The  same  on  May  14,  1534  ;    ibid.  n.  ^y,  p.  155. 

9  The  same  on  October  8,  1536  ;    ibid.  V.  2,  n.  104,  105. 

10  LlNGARD,    VII.,    70.       ZlMMERMANN,   28  seqq.       STEPHEN    LEE, 

he.  cit.,  340. 


246  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

The  first  acts  of  Mary's  reign  bore  the  stamp  of  that  mildness 
which  she  everywhere  displayed  when  she  acted  according  to 
her  own  judgment,  and  followed  the  dictates  of  her  own  heart. 
Only  seven  of  the  conspirators  against  her  were  brought  before 
the  courts,  and  only  three  were  executed.  She  would  willingly 
have  pardoned  even  Northumberland,  if  her  Council  had  not 
opposed  her.1  Lady  Jane  Grey,  whose  execution  was  repre- 
sented to  Mary  as  inevitable,  found  a  defender  in  her.2  She 
was  only  brought  before  the  courts  and  condemned  after  three 
months  (on  November  13th,  1553),  but  even  then  Mary 
endeavoured  to  have  her  kept  in  mild  captivity.3  When  the 
sermon  of  the  royal  chaplain,  Bourne,  was  interrupted  on 
August  13th,  a  decree  followed  declaring  that  the  queen  did 
not  wish  to  force  anyone's  conscience,  but  to  convert  the  people 
by  the  preaching  of  learned  men.4  On  the  18th  of  the  same 
month  a  Royal  Proclamation  was  issued,  in  which  her  subjects 
were  enjoined  to  live  peacefully  and  in  Christian  love  with  one 
another,  by  avoiding  the  newly  discovered  devilish  expressions, 
"  papist  "  and  "  heretic."  The  queen  desired  that  everyone 
should  be  of  her  religion,  but  no  force  would  be  used  until  a 
final  decision  was  arrived  at.5 

1  Lingard,  VII.,  127-8  n.  The  Venetian  ambassador  Soranzo 
writes  on  August  18,  1554,  concerning  Mary  :  "  Her  Majesty's 
countenance  bears  the  impress  of  great  goodness  and  mildness, 
which  is  not  contradicted  by  her  behaviour  ;  for  although  she 
had  many  enemies,  and  so  many  of  them  had  been  condemned 
to  death,  if  the  Queen's  wishes  alone  had  had  weight,  then  not 
one  of  the  executions  would  have  taken  place."  (Brown,  V., 
n.  934,  p.  533).  It  caused  great  excitement  when  Northumberland 
declared  himself  a  Catholic  on  the  scaffold,  and  attributed  all 
the  troubles  of  recent  years  to  the  breach  with  the  Church.  His 
declaration  was  printed  in  London,  in  English,  Latin  an4  Dutch, 
and  called  forth,  especially  on  the  part  of  John  Knox,  many 
polemic  rejoinders.     Cf.  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biog.,  XVII.,  no. 

2  Lingard,  VII. ,    126-7. 

3  Gairdner,  326. 

4  "  That  this  was  Mary's  sincere  intention  at  the  outset  of  her 
reign,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt,"  says  Gairdner,  318. 

5  Ibid.  318. 


THE     MASS     RESTORED.  247 

True  to  these  principles,  the  queen  was  satisfied,  in  the  mean- 
time, by  repealing  various  measures  of  the  time  of  Edward 
VI.,  the  legality  of  which  she  had  never  acknowledged. 
Bishops  Bonner,  Tunstall  and  Voysey  were  restored  to  their 
sees,  while  Gardiner,  Heath  and  Day  were  again  recognized 
as  rightful  bishops.  Mary  raised  the  distinguished  statesman, 
Gardiner,  to  the  dignity  of  chancellor.  At  the  wish  ot  the  con- 
gregations, the  celebration  of  the  Latin  Mass  was  again  begun 
in  several  London  churches  on  the  Feast  of  St.  Bartholomew, 
and  the  same  was  done  in  the  cathedral  on  the  following  Sun- 
day ;  Mass  was  not,  however,  regularly  celebrated  until  the 
decision  of  Parliament  was  promulgated  on  December  21st.1 
For  the  deceased  king  a  funeral  service  was,  however,  publicly 
held  in  accordance  with  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  but  a 
Requiem  Mass  was  celebrated  in  the  Tower  in  the  presence  of 
only  300  chosen  participators.2  The  chancellors,  Mason  and 
Gardiner,  restored  the  old  statutes  and  the  old  religion  in  the 
Universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge.  The  foreign  Protest- 
ants left  the  country,  provided  with  passports,  as  did  Vermigli 
and  the  French  Protestants  in  London,  to  whom  a  special  per- 
mission to  leave  was  given,  as  well  as  letters  to  the  mayors  of 
Dover  and  Rye.3  Among  the  Protestant  bishops  who  had 
usurped  the  places  of  the  rightful  occupants  of  the  sees,  Ridley, 
Coverdale   and   Hooper  were  sent  to  prison.4     Cranmer  re- 

1  Ibid.  319-320. 

2  Lingard,  VIL,  133.  The  Sienese  ambassador  in  France, 
Claudio  Tolomei,  recognised  in  this,  on  August  31,  1553,  the  first 
sign  that  Mary  wished  to  put  an  end  to  the  schism  :  "  La  Reina 
Maria  ne  l'esequie  del  Re  suo  fratello  fece  celebrar  due  Messe, 
l'una  al  modo  inghilese  e  l'altra  al  modo  romano  ;  la  qual  cosa 
fa  ancor  segno  ch'ella  ha  animo  di  tornare  a  l'obedienza  de  la 
Chiesa.'*  (Luc.  Banchi,  Alcune  Lettere  politiche  di  Claudio 
Tolomei,  vescovo  di  Tolone,  scritte  alia  repubblica  di  Siena, 
ora  primamente  edite,  Siena,  1868,  3  [Nozze  Publication]). 
Charles  V.  considered  the  Mass  said  for  Edward  VI.  to  have  been 
a  mistake  on  the  part  of  the  Queen.  Ancel,  Reconciliation, 
530. 

3  Gairdner,  321.  4  Ibid.  320. 


248  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

mained  confined  to  his  palace  till  insulting  letters  from  his  pen 
against  the  Holy  Mass  were  publicly  read  in  the  streets,  where- 
upon he  and  Latimer  were  sent  to  the  Tower  in  September.1 
Until  the  opening  of  Parliament,  nothing  had  so  far  been  said 
of  the  reconciliation  of  England  with  the  Holy  Soe. 

In  the  Eternal  City,  however,  and  especially  in  the  Pope's 
immediate  surroundings,  men  eagerly  discussed  the  question. 
Julius  III.  wept  for  joy  when  he  learned,  on  August  5th,  15.53, 
from  a  dispatch  of  the  French  nuncio,  of  Mary's  victory  and 
accession  to  the  throne.2  Cardinal  Pole,  who,  as  an  English- 
man, a  relative  of  the  queen,  and  the  companion  of  her  youth, 
took  the  deepest  personal  interest  in  these  events,  said  in  his 
answer  to  the  Duchess  of  Mantua's  letter  of  congratulation, 
that  a  more  remarkable  dispensation  of  Providence  had  not 
been  experienced    for  many  centuries.3 

Deliberations  were  at  once  begun,  as  to  how  the  interests  of 
the  Church  could  best  be  served  in  this  favourable  state  of 
affairs.  Pole,  who  had  received  the  joyful  intelligence  one  day 
later  than  the  Pope,  in  the  solitude  of  the  Benedictine  abtey  of 
Maguzzano  on  the  Lake  of  Garda,  at  once  sent  the  abbot, 
Vincenzo  Parpaglia,  with  a  letter  of  congratulation  to  Juliu% 
III.4     He  enjoined  him  to  inform  the  Pope,  by  word  of  mouth,5 

1  Gairdner,  323.  2  Ancel,  Reconciliation,  521. 

3  "  Et  perche  questo  e  stato  un  efetto  cosi  grande  della  pro- 
videntia  di  Dio,  che  l'eta  nostra  et  forse  ancora  delli  nostri 
maggiori  di  molti  secoli  non  ha  visto  il  piu  notabile."  *Pole 
to  the  Duchess  of  Mantua  on  September  12,  1553  (Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua)-. 

4  Brown,  V.,  n.  784.  Cf.  Th.  Phillips,  History  of  the  Life 
of  Reginald  Pole,  Oxford,  1764 ;  Hook,  Lives  of  the  Arch- 
bishops of  Canterbury,  III.,  London,  1869  ;  Reumont's  criticism 
in  the  Bonn  Theol.  Lit.  Bl.,  V.,  998  seqq.  ;  Zimmermann,  Kardinal 
Pole,  sein  Leben  und  seine  Schriften,  Ratisbon,  1893  ;  Martin 
Haile  (Maria  Halle),  The  Life  of  Cardinal  Pole,  London,  1910. 
Concerning  this  last  work,  cf.  Zimmermann  in  the  Histor.  Jahrb., 
XXXI. ,  818-9,  and  Constant  in  the  Rev.  des  Quest  Hist.,  XC, 
498  seqq. 

5  Informatione  del  sigr.  Abbate  di  San  Saluto  (Solutore 
in  Turin)  (Corsini  Library,  Rome,  33,  E  19,  p.  4). 


pole's    advice    to    the    pope.  249 

that  in  his,  Pole's,  opinion,  everything  that  was  good  was  to 
be  hoped  for  from  the  new  queen,  who  had  steadfastly  repudi- 
ated all  the  innovations  during  her  brother's  life,  and  had  clung 
to  the  dogmas  and  rites  of  the  Universal  Church.  The  most 
serious  matter,  however,  was  the  schismatical  separation  from 
Rome,  against  which  no  one  in  England  had  protested  after 
the  death  of  More  and  Fisher,  and  to  which  Mary  herself  had 
consented.  As  far  as  the  queen  personally  was  concerned, 
she  would  easily  be  persuaded  to  return,  not  only  from  con- 
scientious motives,  but  also  out  of  respect  for  her  mother.  For 
many  others,  however,  the  restoration  of  the  Church  property 
which  had  been  seized,  would  prove  a  stumbling  block  ;  in  his 
opinion,  the  whole  difficulty  lay  precisely  in  this  point.1  He 
thought,  however,  that  the  following  measures  might,  in  the 
meantime,  be  adopted.  The  Pope  could,  through  his  legates, 
cause  the  other  sovereigns  to  take  steps  to  approach  Mary, 
and,  in  the  same  way,  unofficial  intermediaries,  who,  he  hoped, 
would  not  be  repulsed  on  this  occasion,  could  appear  in  Pole's 
name,  and  endeavour  to  win  over  the  queen.  Should  Mary 
agree  to  the  sending  of  a  Papal  legate,  then  everything  was 
gained  ;  should  she,  on  the  other  hand,  raise  difficulties,  then 
English  members  of  Parliament  could  negotiate  in  friendly 
conferences  with  a  legate  and  learned  theologians  in  Flanders 
or  in  Picardy.  It  was  to  be  hoped  that  the  queen  would  not 
send  bigoted  persons  to  such  a  conference,  for  an  endeavour 
must  be  made  to  win  them  over,  so  that  they  might  work  for 
the  reconciliation  of  their  own  country. 

1  "  Quello  di  che  si  pu6  temere,  e  circa  lo  scisma,  al  quale  anch' 
essa  si  trova  haver  consentito  insieme  con  tutto  il  regno  .... 
benche  si  sappia,  che  mal  volontieri  essa  vi  consent!,  non  solo 
per  rispetto  della  conscienza,  ma  anche  per  ci6  che  il  lasciare 
l'obbedienza  della  Sede  apostolica  era  di  diritto  contrario  alia 
causa  della  Regina  sua  madre  et  alia  sua  propria,  onde  si  pud 
credere,  che  etiandio  in  questa  parte  quanto  alia  persona  sua 
non  vi  debba  essere  difncolta,  ma  si  bene  per  rispetto  di  molti, 
che  sono  interessati  per  li  bene  della  Chiesa  .  .  .  Tal  che  a  parer 
mio  tutta  la  difncolta  sara  in  questo  punto  "  (Loc.  cit.  Corsini 
Library,  Rome). 


250  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

Before  Parpaglia  reached  Rome  with  these  instructions,  he 
returned  once  more  to  Pole  in  Maguzzano,  on  August  12th, 
1553,  accompanied  by  a  Papal  envoy.1  Julius  III.  had  antici- 
pated the  proposals  of  the  English  Cardinal.  Immediately 
after  he  had  learned  of  Mary's  accession  he  summoned,  on  the 
same  day,  a  consistory  of  the  Cardinals,  in  which  Pole  was 
appointed  legate  "  to  the  Christian  princes,  and  especially  to 
the  new  queen."  The  matter  appeared  so  urgent  to  the  Pope 
that  he  would  not  wait  for  the  drawing  up  of  the  Bull  bestowing 
full  powers  on  the  legate,  but  sent  an  envoy  to  Pole  on  the 
following  day  with  the  brief  of  appointment.  The  Papal 
envoy  met  Parpaglia  in  Bologna,  and  he,  in  view  of  the  altered 
conditions,  did  not  continue  his  journey  to  Rome.2 

Pole  had  now,  as  legate,  to  open  communication  with  the 
queen  and  the  Emperor.  He  sent  Henry  Penning  with  a  letter 
to  Mary  on  August  13th,  and  Antonio  Fiordibello  to  Charles 
V.  with  a  letter  on  the  21st  of  the  same  month.3  He  earnestly 
exhorted  the  queen  to  the  restoration  of  ecclesiastical  unity, 
introduced  himself  as  legate  and  begged  her  to  state  the  time 
and  manner  in  which  he  was  to  perform  his  mission.  He 
besought  the  Emperor  to  promote  the  restoration  of  England 
to  the  Universal  Church.  Should  Charles  V.  not  consider  that 
the  proper  time  had  arrived  for  taking  such  steps,  then  Fior- 
dibello was  instructed  to  declare  that  the  interests  of  Catholics 
could  only  be  jeopardized  by  any  procrastination.  It  was  the 
custom  in  England  that  all  those  who  considered  that  their 
rights  had  been  infringed,  should  lay  their  complaints  before 
the  first  Parliament  of  a  new  reign,  and  it  would  be  an  irrepar- 
able loss  for  Catholics  did  they  not  use  this  opportunity  of 
vindicating  their  rights.4 

Pole  sent  a  second  letter  to  Mary  on  August  27th  ;5   every- 

1  Ancel,  523.  2  Ibid.  521-2. 

3  Brown,  V.,  n.  766,  771.  Concerning  the  date  of  n.  771, 
see  Ancel,  526. 

4  Brown,  V.,  n.  772.  Pole  often  returns  to  this  view  ;  see 
Ancel,  529,  n.  2. 

5  Brown,  V.,  n.  776  ;  Italian  in  Corsini  Library,  33,  E.  19, 
p.  90.     The  letter  was  brought  bj'  Michael  Throckmorton.     Ibid. 


POLE  S     LETTER     TO     THE     QUEEN.  25 1 

body,  he  said,  was  anxiously  waiting  to  know  what  the  queen 
would  do,  and  especially  whether  she  would  restore  the  title 
of  Head  of  the  Church  to  him  upon  whom  the  Lord  of  heaven 
and  earth  had  bestowed  it.  The  great  importance  of  this 
question,  Mary  could,  without  the  study  of  learned  books, 
draw  from  the  testimony  of  the  men  who  had  been  looked  upon 
as  the  most  learned  and  pious  in  the  land,  More  and  Fisher, 
and  which  they  had  sealed  with  their  blood.  He  himself  had 
always  founded  his  hopes  for  the  restoration  of  England  to  the 
faith  on  these  facts,  in  the  face  of  many  doubters,  for  the  blood 
of  the  martyrs  for  the  Holy  See,  and  the  prayers  of  so  many 
persecuted  Catholics,  could  not,  in  his  opinion,  remain  for  ever 
unanswered.  This  alliance  with  the  centre  of  unity  would  be 
more  valuable  to  the  queen  than  the  favour  of  foreign  princes. 

If  Pole,  at  the  close  of  his  letter,  spoke  of  himself  as  being 
about  to  leave  Maguzzano,  he  was  soon  to  be  disappointed,  for 
he  was  urged  on  all  sides  not  to  start  for  England  for  the  time 
being. 

When  Pole,  soon  after  his  appointment  as  legate,  sent 
Parpaglia  to  the  Pope  with  the  letter  of  August  13th,  he  had 
proposed,  before  taking  any  further  steps,  to  apply  to  the 
nuncio  in  Brussels,  Girolamo  Dandino,  and  through  him  to 
obtain  more  detailed  news  as  to  the  religious  conditions  in 
England.1  Dandino  had  already  anticipated  this  request  ; 
immediately  on  receiving  the  news  of  Mary's  accession,  he  had 
sent  the  youthful  Francesco  Commendone  to  London,  in  order 
that  he  might  privately  collect  information.  What  Commen- 
done learned  in  England,  however,  was  not  very  satisfactory.2 
He  certainly  found  the  queen,  with  whom,  in  the  deepest 
secrecy,  and  through  the  Venetian  ambassador,  he  obtained  an 
audience,  filled  with  the  best  will  to  restore  her  country  to  the 

1  Brown,  V.,  n.  767  ;  cf.  Ancel,  525.  Ipp.  Capilupi  announces 
on  August  19th,  1553,  to  Cardinal  E.  Gonzaga  concerning  Pole's 
letter  :  "  Heri  in  consistorio  furono  lette  le  lettere  sue,  et  da 
S.SU  et  dal  collegio  fu  laudato  la  deliberatione  fatta  da  S.S.Rma 
(Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua). 

2  Cf.  Julius  III.  to  Pole,  September  20,  1553  (Nonciat.  de 
France,    I.,   n.    1). 


252  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Church,  but  she  was  prevented  from  doing  so  by  the  feeling  of 
the  people,  who,  for  the  most  part,  cherished  a  deadly  hatred 
for  the  Holy  See,  by  the  self-interest  of  the  many  who  had 
taken  possession  of  the  property  of  the  Church  and  who  sat 
among  her  councillors,  and  by  the  influence  of  her  "  heretical 
and  schismatical  "  sister,  Elizabeth,  whom  her  father  had  pre- 
ferred to  the  rightful  queen,  and  "  whose  name  was  in  the  heart 
and  mouth  of  everybody."1  For  all  these  reasons  Mary  wished 
that  proceedings  should  be  conducted  with  the  greatest  caution; 
no  one  was  to  know  that  there  was  any  understanding  between 
her  and  the  Holy  See. 

Commendone  returned  to  Dandino  with  this  news  at  the  end 
of  August,  and  was  at  once  sent  by  him  to  Rome.  On  Sep- 
tember 15th,  he  communicated  his  experiences  in  London 
to  the  Cardinals  in  a  consistory,  without,  however,  re- 
ferring to  his  audience  with  the  Queen.  His  report  made  a 
deep  impression,  and  it  was  quite  evident  that  there  was  no 
need  to  hurry  in  sending  a  legate  to  England.  The  news  which 
Dandino  sent  from  Brussels  also  made  any  other  decision 
impossible. 

Even  before  Commendone's  return  to  Brussels  from  England, 
Dandino  had  a  conversation  with  Granvelle  on  August  14th. 
The  Imperial  minister  emphasized  the  fact  that  they  must  give 
the  queen  time  to  gain  a  firm  footing,  as  otherwise  a  revolt 
would  break  out  which  could  certainly  reckon  on  the  ready 
support  of  France.2  Diego  di  Mendoza,  who  had  been  for  two 
years  ambassador  in  England,  also  thought  that  there  were 
fewer  well-disposed  people  there  than  was  supposed.  The 
question  of  Church  property  was  not  a  matter  of  indifference, 
even  to  the  lower  classes,  on  account  of  the  duty  of  tithes, 
and  they  had  now  been  for  a  long  time  accustomed  to  the 
freedom  from  these  which  heresy  afforded  them.3  On  August 
27th  the  Emperor  informed  Dandino,  through  Granvelle,  that 

1Ibid.  4. 

2  Dandino  to  Card,  del  Monte,  on  August  15,  1553,  in  Ancel, 
53o. 

3  Ibid. 


WISHES     OF     THE     QUEEN.  253 

he  thought  it  inadvisable  that  Pole  should  go  to  England  by- 
way of  Trent.1 

In  the  midst  of  all  these  reports  Julius  III.  resolved  to  try  a 
middle  course.2  He  sent  Pole  to  Brussels  so  that  he  might 
be  nearer  to  England,  but  not  with  the  title  of  legate  to  Eng- 
land, so  that  he  might,  together  with  Dandino,  act  as  a  medi- 
ator between  the  Emperor  and  France.  On  September  27th 
the  legate  received  his  new  instructions,  and  on  the  29th  he 
left  the  Lake  of  Garda.3 

Soon  after  his  departure  from  Maguzzano  Pole  learned  that 
Queen  Mary  also  considered  the  presence  of  a  legate  in  England 
impossible  for  the  present.  Penning,  who  had  gone  to  London 
with  a  letter  from  Pole  at  the  beginning  of  August,  had  at  last 
sent  news  of  the  success  of  his  mission.4  He  only  arrived  in 
London  on  September  18th,  1553,  and  had  a  three  hours' 
audience  with  the  queen  on  the  following  day.  She  declared 
that  she  would  give  the  half  of  her  kingdom  to  have  a  legate 
in  the  country,  but  that  the  heretics  were  capable  of  anything 
v/hen  irritated,  and  that  drastic  measures  were  out  of  the 
question.  The  queen  then  repeated  a  request  which  she  had 
already  entrusted  to  Commendone,  that  permission  should  be 
given  to  hold  regular  church  services  in  England,  even  before 
the  interdict  and  censures  against  the  country  were  removed.5 
She  especially  wished  to  have  a  solemn  High  Mass  celebrated 
as  of  old  at  her  approaching  coronation,  which  could  not  be 
deferred.  Pole  contented  himself,  in  the  meantime,  by  absolv- 
ing Mary  herself,  and  by  exhorting  her  from  Trent  on  October 
2nd,  not  to  depend  too  much  on  a  purely  secular  policy,  but 
to  fix  her  trust  more  on  God,  repeating,  at  the  same  time,  his 


1  Ibid.   530-531- 

2  Cf.  the  **report  of  the  Florentine  ambassador  in  Rome,  of 
September  18,   1553  (State  Archives,  Florence). 

3  Ancel,  535,  744.  By  a  *letter  of  September  27,  Pole  in- 
formed Cardinal  Madruzzo  of  his  impending  arrival  in  Trent. 
Original  in  the  Library  at  Trent. 

4  Ancel,  Reconciliation,   745  seqq. 

5  Brown,  V.,  n.  785,  p.  408-409, 


254  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

request  that  he  might  be  allowed  to  return  to  his  own  country 
before  the  opening  of  her  first  Parliament.1 

Before  this  letter,  however,  reached  its  destination,  the  queen 
had  been  crowned  on  October  ist,2  and  on  the  5th,  Parliament 
had  begun  its  sittings.  Before  its  opening  the  queen,  with  all 
the  members  of  both  Houses,  had,  in  accordance  with  the 
ancient  custom,  been  present  at  a  Mass  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and 
at  the  opening  session  congratulatory  addresses,  expressing 
affection  for  the  queen's  person,  were  offered  on  all  sides. 
There  were  two  questions,  above  all  others,  which  Mary 
desired  to  have  settled  by  her  first  Parliament  :  that  the 
marriage  of  Catherine  of  Aragon  should  be  recognized  as  valid, 
and  that  the  ecclesiastical  problem  should  be  solved.  As  far 
as  the  latter  was  concerned  the  repudiation  of  the  little  loved 
liturgy  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  and  the  return  to  the 
old  form  of  service,  offered  little  difficulty,  but  the  submission 
to  the  Papal  See  was  another  matter.  For  thirty  years  preach- 
ers had  been  inveighing  against  the  Pope,  and  the  return  to  his 
authority  seemed  inextricably  bound  up  with  the  restitution 
of  Church  property. 

First  of  all  the  draft  of  a  Bill,  drawn  up  in  quite  ordinary 
terms,  was  laid  before  Parliament,  which  at  a  single  stroke 
declared  all  the  enactments  of  the  last  two  reigns,  relating 
either  to  the  marriage  of  Catherine  of  Aragon  or  to  the  religion 
of  the  country,  to  be  invalid.  In  the  Upper  House  this  met 
with  no  opposition,  but  the  contrary  was  the  case  in  the  Lower 
House,  where  every  attempt  to  establish  the  Papal  authority 
was  viewed  with  suspicion  and  violently  opposed.  The  Lower 
House,  wrote  the  queen  on  October  28th  to  Pole,3  could  never 
be  reconciled  to  the  idea  that  the  Crown  should  renounce  the 
title  of  Head  of  the  Church.  She  herself  resolved  that  she 
would  never,  on  any  conditions,  make  use  of  such  a  title,  and 
in  the  torturing  uncertainty  of  how  she  was  to  act,  should 
Parliament  insist  on  her  retaining  it,  she  begged  the  legate  to 
give  her  his  advice. 

1  Ibid.  n.  805.  2  Lingard,   137  seqq. 

3  Quirini,  IV.,   119-121.     Ancel,  760. 


THE     GOVERNMENT     PROCEED     CAUTIOUSLY.    255 

The  first  attempt  to  win  everything  by  a  bold  stroke  had 
thus  been  frustrated  by  the  hatred  against  the  Papacy.  The 
government  therefore  proceeded  very  cautiously.  In  the 
second  session  two  new  Bills  were  laid  before  Parliament,  one 
of  which  related  to  the  marriage  of  Queen  Catherine,  every 
reference  to  the  Papal  dispensation  which  had  rendered  it 
possible  being  carefully  avoided.  The  object  of  the  second 
Bill  was  to  abolish  all  the  religious  laws  issued  under  Edward 
VI.  If  this  passed,  the  Catholic  Church  would  not,  it  was 
true,  be  established,  but  Calvinism  would  at  least  be  abolished. 
No  opposition  was  raised  in  either  House  against  the  first  Bill, 
but  the  other  was  debated  foi  two  days,  and  was  finally,  it 
appears,  unanimously  accepted  on  November  8th,1  nor  did  the 
people  raise  any  particular  objection  to  it.  It  is  true  that 
placards  with  the  new  regulations  were  in  many  places  torn 
down,  and  several  Protestants  held  a  meeting  to  consider  what 
was  to  be  done,  but  after  some  ten  or  twelve  unruly  agitators 
had  been  arrested,  and  two  of  them  hanged,  the  others  lost 
courage.2 

A  letter  from  the  queen  to  Pole  on  November  15th  informed 
him  ot  the  victory  gained.3  The  composition  of  the  Parlia- 
ment did  not  give  much  hope  of  winning  anything  further,  but 
in  three  or  four  months  another  Parliament  would  be  con- 
voked, and  the  success  already  attained  was,  in  the  opinion 
of  all  the  queen's  friends,  an  auspicious  beginning,  which  would 
pave  the  way  for  a  return  to  the  Church.  The  Bill  concerning 
the  marriage  of  her  mother  in  itself  constituted  a  recognition 
of  the  Holy  See,  as  it  was  only  on  the  authority  of  the  latter 
that  the  validity  of  the  marriage  could  be  founded. 

The  bearer  of  this  letter,  Henry  Penning,  met  Pole  on 
November  30th  in  Dillingen,4  where  the  Cardinal  had  been 

1  Lingard,  139-140. 

2  Renard  on  December  20,  1553,  in  Ancel,  773. 

3  Quirini,  IV.,   121-123. 

4  "  All 'ultimo  di  Novembre  a  due  ore  di  giorno  arrivd  mon- 
signor  Henrico  a  Tilinga  con  l'infrascritta  speditione  al  cardinale 
Polo."  Mary's  letter  of  November  15,  1553,  follows  (Corsini 
Library,  33  E.,  19,  p.  419). 


256  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

detained,  very  much  against  his  will,  since  the  middle  of  Octo- 
ber. At  first  he  had  been  kept  back  for  some  time  by  the 
necessity  of  obtaining  passports  through  the  different  German 
territories,1  and  when  he  had  at  last  started,  on  October  22nd, 
his  journey  was  suddenly  brought  to  an  end  two  days  lacer  in 
Heidenheim  (in  the  Jaxt-Circle),2  by  the  wish  of  the  Emperor. 
An  Imperal  envoy,  the  distinguished  courtier,  Juan  de  Men- 
doza,  declared,  in  the  name  of  his  master,  that  the  excited 
feeling  in  England  might  break  out  into  open  rebellion  if  a 
Papal  legate  were  even  to  approach  the  country  ;  Pole  was, 
therefore,  enjoined  to  wait,  at  least  until  the  Emperor  had 
come  to  an  understanding  with  the  Pope.3 

Nothing  now  remained  for  the  legate  to  do  but  to  return  to 
Dillingen,  to  the  Bishop  of  Augsburg.  A  letter  addressed  to 
the  Emperor  on  October  29th  did  not  advance  matters,  nor 
nor  did  another  letter  sent  to  the  Pope  at  the  same  time  have 
any  more  success,4  for  the  Emperor  had  been  working  for  a 
long  time  to  prevent  the  mission  of  Pole,  and  he  succeeded 
at  length  in  winning  Julius  III.  over  to  his  views. 

Even  at  the  time  when  the  nuncio,  Dandino,  the  very  man 
whom  the  English  Cardinal  was  to  replace  as  peacemaker,  took 
leave  of  the  Emperor  in  Brussels,  on  October  5th,  Charles  V. 
spoke  plainly  against  the  mission  of  Pole.5  Dandino  en- 
deavoured in  that  audience  to  represent  the  return  of  England 
to  Catholic  unity  as  an  easy  matter,  and  recommended  Pole 
as  the  most  suitable  man  for  the  position  of  English  legate. 
The  Emperor  replied  that  Pole's  appearance  in  England  would 
afford  the  enemies  of  the  Holy  See  in  that  country  a  pretext 
for  stirring  up  a  rebellion,  in  which  case  they  were  certain  of 
being  supported  by  France.     One  must  not,  he  said,  begin  by 

1  Brown,  V.,  n.  816. 

2  Pole's  letter  to  Charles  V.  of  October  24,  1553,  in  Brown, 
V ,   n.   819  ;    cf.  Ancel,   757. 

3  Brown,  V.,  n.  820. 

4  See  Brown,  V.,  n.  823,  820  ;    Ancel,  757. 

5  The  instructions  of  Charles  V.  to  his  ambassador  in  Rome 
of  October  11,  1553  (Archives,  Simancas)  give  us  information 
concerning  Dandino's  audience  ;    see  Ancel,  752,  n,  2. 


REPORTS  FROM  ENGLAND.        257 

sending  a  legate,  but  proceed  carefully,  step  by  step.  These 
considerations  made  an  impression  on  Dandino,  and  he  re- 
turned to  Rome  thoroughly  convinced  of  the  truth  of  the 
Emperor's  arguments. 

Similar  views  were  put  forward  by  a  messenger,  Francesco 
Vimercato,  whom  Dandino,  shortly  before  his  departure  from 
Brussels,  had  sent  to  England.1  Vimercato  also  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  conditions  in  England  were  not  yet  ready  for 
the  work  of  a  Papal  legate.  The  mere  report  that  one  was  to 
be  sent  had  already  caused  great  excitement.  Matters,  there- 
fore, must  be  very  carefully  considered.  Why  pluck  the  fruit 
before  it  was  ripe,  when  it  might  still,  by  the  grace  of  God, 
become  mature  ?  The  devil  had  acquired  such  power  in  that 
country,  which  had  sunk  so  deep  in  the  mire  of  heresy  that 
many  people  did  not  even  believe  in  the  immortality  of  the 
soul,  and  no  longer  knew  God  or  honoured  Him.  Vimercato 
considered  it  almost  a  miracle  that  Mass  was  nearly  every- 
where restored.2 

Julius  III.  was  discouraged  by  these  reports,  and  sent  word 
to  his  legate  on  October  28th,  that,  for  the  present,  he  had 
better  remain  where  he  was.  The  Emperor  was  of  opinion 
that  the  role  of  mediator  between  himself  and  France  was  not 
sufficient  to  justify  Pole's  presence  in  Brussels,  and  that  people 
looked  on  the  peace  mediation  as  a  mere  transparent  subter- 
fuge. The  Pope  was  so  fully  persuaded  of  the  good- will  of 
Charles  V.  that  he  unhesitatingly  followed  his  advice.3 

On  the  same  day,  October  28th,  and  again  on  November 
15th,4  Pole  also  received  most  solemn  warning  from  the  queen 
against  entering  English  territory.  A  premature  appearance 
on  the  part  of  a  Roman  legate,  in  the  prevailing  state  of  sus- 
picion and  hatred  against  the  Pope,  would  only  do  more  harm 
than  good.5    The  people  would  murder  him  rather  than  allow 

1  Ancel,  753-754- 

2  Ibid.  755. 

3  Del  Monte  to  Pole  on  October  28,  1553  ;  Nonciat.  de  France, 
I.,  n.  4. 

4  Concerning  both  letters  cf.  supra  pp.  254  seq. 

5  Letter  of  October  28,  ;    cf.  Ancel,  759-760. 

VOL.    XIII.  17 


258  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

him  to  exercise  the  duties  of  his  office.1  Penning  received  a 
verbal  communication  from  Mary  that  it  was  at  her  urgent 
request  that  the  Emperor  had  restrained  the  English  Cardinal 
from  his  purpose.  "  It  is  true,  however,"  remarks  Penning, 
"  that  this  caution  on  the  part  of  the  queen  is  entirely  owing 
to  the  representations  of  the  Imperial  ambassador,  with  whom 
she  discusses  all  her  affairs."  Several  members  of  Parliament 
had  assured  him  that  the  arrival  of  the  Cardinal  would  give 
pleasure  to  everyone,  and  that  the  only  difficulty  in  the  way 
of  reconciliation  to  Rome  was  the  return  of  Church  property.2 
Noailles,  the  French  ambassador  in  London,  also  declared,  at 
this  time,  that  Pole's  appearance  in  England  was  desired  by 
Protestants  as  well  as  Catholics.3  Great  hopes  were  placed  in 
the  influence  Noailles  had  over  Mary,  for  the  settlement  of  a 
question  which  for  the  moment  occupied  England  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  all  others — this  was  the  marriage  of  the  queen. 

Up  to  this  time,  the  idea  of  a  reigning  queen  on  the  throne 
of  England  had  been  something  unheard  of,  and  nobody  in  the 
country  believed  that  Mary  could  maintain  her  position  without 
a   consort.4     Her   ministers   therefore   urged   from   the   very 

1  Letter  of  November  15  ;    cf.  Ancel,  760. 

2  "  Mons.  Henrico  dice,  che  la  Regina  gli  approvo  la  fermata 
di  mons.  rmo,  dicendo  che  lei  stessa  aveVa  fatta  istanza  alia 
Mt&  Cesarea,  che  le  facesse  fermare  ...  La  causa  che  la  muove 
a  procedere  tanto  reservata  nasce  dal  consiglio  e  persuasioni 
degli  ambasciatori  della  Maesta  Cesarea,  alii  quali  communica 
il  tutto.  Dice '  similmente  mons.  Henrico  per  quanto  egli  ha 
potuto  penetrare  per  le  parole  di  alcuni  del  Parlamento,  che 
l'andata  di  mons.  rmo  nostro  sarebbe  accetta  e  grata  a  tutti 
universalmente,  ma  che  la  restitutione  dell'obbedienza  partirebbe 
qualche  difficolta,  non  per  altro  che  per  l'interesse  delli  beni 
ecclesiastici  occupati."  Relatione  di  mons.  Henrico,  November 
3°,  1553  (Corsini  Library,  33  E.  19,  p.     43). 

3  In  Lingard,  142. 

4  Gairdner  (328)  says  :  "  A  Queen-regnant  was  then  a  novelty 
in  England  and  no  one  supposed  she  could  maintain  her  position 
without  a  husband."  Cf.  Lee  in  the  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biog.,  XXX VI., 
342. 


CANDIDATES    FOR   MARY  S    HAND.  259 

beginning,  that  she  should,  in  spite  of  her  thirty-seven  years, 
seek  a  husband.  Many  different  proposals  were  made.  From 
among  her  subjects,  Edward  Courtenay,  a  scion  of  the  royal 
house  of  York,  who  had  been  placed  in  the  Tower  at  the  age  of 
twelve,  after  the  execution  of  his  father  in  1539,  but  whom 
Mary  had  set  at  liberty  and  created  Earl  of  Devonshire,1  was 
specially  put  forward  ;  Mary  is  said  also  to  have  considered 
Cardinal  Pole,  who  was  not  yet  a  priest.2  Many  foreign 
princes  were  named  as  candidates,  as  for  example,  the  King  of 
Denmark,  Philip  of  Spain,  a  son  of  Ferdinand,  King  of  the 
Romans,  the  Infante  of  Portugal,  and  the  Duke  of  Savoy.  The 
queen,  it  appears,  would  have  preferred  Courtenay,  who  was 
beloved  by  the  people  on  account  of  his  youth  and  good  looks, 
and  because  of  his  unjust  imprisonment  in  the  Tower,  and  he 
was  also  the  chosen  candidate  of  Gardiner.  Mary,  however, 
laid  this  important  matter  before  the  Emperor,  her  usual 
adviser. 

Charles  V.  had  already  proved  himself  a  true  friend  and 
protector  of  Mary  in  the  troubles  of  her  youth,  and  she  thought 
that  she  could  trust  him  above  all  others,  now  that  she  was 
queen.3  She  had  already  asked  his  advice  when  it  was  a 
question  of  the  punishment  of  Lady  Jane  Grey  and  the  rebels, 
as  well  as  in  the  solution  of  the  religious  problems,4  and  if  she 
had  considered  his  decision  regarding  the  rebellion  too  severe, 

1  He  translated  the  work  "  De  Beneficio  Christi  "  {cf.  Vol. 
XII.,  of  this  work  p.  496)  into  English  while  in  the  Tower,  perhaps 
to  incline  Edward  VI.  favourably  towards  him.  Cf.  Diet,  of 
Nat.  Biog.,  XII.,  336. 

2  She  is  said  to  have  asked  Commendone  if  the  Pope  would 
release  the  Cardinal  from  the  obstacle  of  his  orders  (A.  M. 
Gratiani,  De  Vita  I.  F.  Commendone,  Paris,  1669,  P-  44)-  Ancel 
(751,  n.  4)  rejoins  that  Pole  had  never  thought  of  marrying  ; 
but  the  question  is  whether  Mary  did  not  think  of  such  a  marriage. 
It  is  erroneous  to  state  that  Pole  offered  himself  as  bridegroom 
in  a  letter  contained  in  the  Archives  of  Simancas  ;  see  Gairdner, 
in  the  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biog.,  XLVL,  46. 

3  Cf.  supra  p.  245. 

4  LlNGARD,     126. 


260  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

and  had  repudiated,1  at  least  in  the  beginning,  his  advice 
concerning  the  religious  question,  as  a  sort  of  cowardice,  she 
nevertheless  came  round  more  and  more  to  his  way  of  thinking, 
and  her  confidence  in  him  remained  unshaken  to  the  end. 

The  accession  of  Mary  opened  new  and  brilliant  prospects 
for  the  policy  of  Charles  V.  His  constant  adversary,  the 
King  of  France,  seemed  to  have  succeeded  in  uniting  the  crowns 
of  Scotland  and  France  on  the  head  of  his  son,  Francis,  and  the 
Scottish  queen,  Mary  Stuart,  was  already  receiving  her  educa- 
tion at  the  French  court,  as  the  bride  of  the  heir  to  the  throne. 
If  the  Emperor  could  now  succeed  in  marrying  his  son  Philip 
to  the  English  queen,  then  the  House  of  Hapsburg  would  have 
obtained  a  new  crown,  and  perhaps  a  new  kingdom,  by  mar- 
riage, and  the  brilliant  diplomatic  success  of  his  French  rival 
would  be  eclipsed.  These  plans  of  the  Emperor  were,  at  any 
rate,  one  reason  why  Charles  wished  to  keep  the  Papal  legate 
far  from  England,  for  Pole  was  looked  upon  as  an  opponent 
of  the  Spanish  marriage,  and  the  religious  change  might  call 
troubles  into  being  which  would  cross  or,  in  any  case,  delay  the 
Imperial  designs. 

As  early  as  August  14th,  1553,  Charles  V.  gave  his  ambas- 
sador in  England,  Simon  Renard,  instructions,  written  in  his 
own  hand,  to  proceed  carefully,  and  step  by  step,  until  he  had 
brought  about  Mary's  marriage  with  Philip.2  Renard's  task 
was  rendered  easier  by  the  behaviour  of  Philip's  most  dangerous 
rival,  Courtenay.  This  young  man  was  wanting  in  firmness 
and  moral  rectitude  ;  he  endeavoured  to  compensate  himself 
for  all  his  deprivations  during  his  years  of  captivity,  by 
unbridled  licence  in  the  company  of  notorious  women,  and  he 
thereby  lost  more  and  more  the  respect  of  the  virtuous  queen. 
On  September  20th,  Renard  was  able  to  inform  his  master  that 
Mary  had  definitely  given  up  all  thought  of  Courtenay.  The 
Emperor  then  caused  it  to  be  pointed  out  to  her  that  a  foreign 

1  Ancel,  532. 

2  Lingard,  130.  Cf.  for  the  history  of  Mary's  Spanish  mar- 
riage, the  very  searching  investigations  recently  published  by 
Constant  in  the  Rev.  d'hist.  dipl.,  XXVI.,  parts  I.  and  II. 


THE     SPANISH     MARRIAGE     PROPOSED.  261 

prince  would  be  more  suitable  for  the  position  of  royal  consort 
than  either  Courtenay  or  Pole.  He  was  himself  too  old  to 
have  the  honour  of  sueing  for  her  hand,  but  although  he  might 
not  offer  himself  as  a  bridegroom,  he  would  at  least  solicit  her 
favour  for  the  one  who  was  nearest  his  heart,  his  son  Philip.1 

Although  Philip  was  eleven  years  younger  than  she  was, 
this  proposal  made  an  impression  on  Mary.  The  union  with 
"  so  powerful  and  so  Catholic  a  Prince  "  appeared  to  offer  the 
necessary  guarantee  that  she  "  would  be  able  to  re-establish 
and  confirm  religion  in  England  ;  "  as  she  afterwards  made 
known  to  Pole,2  it  was  especially  for  this  reason,  and  because 
she  wished  to  reassure  the  country  by  the  hope  of  an  heir,  that 
she  had  consented  to  marry  at  all. 

The  intention  of  the  queen  was  hardly  rumoured  before  it 
aroused  violent  opposition.  The  greater  nobles  were  dis- 
satisfied because  they  did  not  wish  for  a  powerful  prince,  and 
the  Protestant  party  because  they  feared  a  Catholic  Regent.3 
The  common  people  were  excited  by  the  illusion  that  England's 
independence  would  be  endangered  by  the  connection  with  the 
power  of  Spain.  The  jealousy  of  France  was  naturally  aroused 
to  the  highest  pitch  by  a  union  between  England  and  the 
Hapsburgs.  The  French  ambassador  in  London,  Noailles, 
joined  the  Protestant  party  and  all  the  other  malcontents,  and 
incited  the  people  against  the  queen  by  every  means  in  his 
power.4 

Among  the  confidants  of  the  queen,  Gardiner  advised  her 
in  the  most  decided  manner  against  the  Spanish  marriage, 
and  he  had  the  greater  part  of  the  nobility  on  his  side,  although 
a  few  of  them,  with  Norfolk,  Arundel  and  Paget  at  their  head, 
approved  of  the  queen's  plan.5  The  Commons  resolved  on  an 
address  in  which  the  queen  was  indeed  requested  to  marry, 
but  only  to  choose  her  husband  from  among  the  nobles  of 
England.     This  opposition,  however,  in  which  Mary  thought 

1  Lingard,   131. 

2  Brown,  V.,  n.  882,  p.  489. 

3  ZlMMERMANN,    58. 

4  Lingard,    143. 

5  Ibid.   131  seqq.,   142-3. 


262  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

she  saw  only  an  intrigue  of  Gardiner,  irritated  the  queen.  On 
October  30th,  the  day  on  which  Parliament  had  passed  the 
address,  she  summoned  Renard  to  her  presence.  She  led  him 
into  her  oratory,  knelt  down  befoie  the  Blessed  Sacrament, 
and  after  invoking  the  Holy  Ghost,  made  a  solemn  vow  that 
she  would  take  no  other  husband  than  Philip.1  When  the 
Commons  appeared  before  her  on  November  17th  and  read  her 
the  address,  Mary  answered  them  in  person.  Hitherto,  she 
said,  the  rulers  of  England  have  been  independent  and  free  to 
arrange  their  marriages,  and  I  am  not  prepared  to  give  up  this 
right  ;  in  the  choice  of  a  husband  I  shall  think  of  my  own 
happiness  as  well  as  of  the  well-being  of  the  kingdom.2 

Opposition  had  gradually  to  give  wa}'  before  such  deter- 
mination, and  the  Imperial  envoys,  the  Count  of  Egmont  and 
Laing,  accompanied  by  two  others,  landed  in  Kent  on  January 
2nd,  1554,  to  ask,  in  proper  form,  on  the  part  of  Philip,  for 
Mary's  hand.  Mary  referred  them  to  the  Royal  Council,  who, 
she  said,  knew  her  intentions  ;  her  first  husband,  however, 
was  her  kingdom,  and  nothing  would  induce  her  to  be  untrue 
to  the  fidelity  which  she  had  promised  it  in  her  coronation 
oath.3  On  the  14th  the  marriage  settlement  was  signed  and 
made  public.  It  had  been  drawn  up  by  the  clever  statesman, 
Gardiner,  and  made  any  dependence  of  England  on  Spain 
absolutely  impossible.  Philip  was  to  assist  the  queen  in  the 
government  of  the  kingdom,  but  all  the  offices  of  state  were  only 
to  be  held  by  natives  of  the  country  ;  if  Philip  should  outlive 
the  queen,  he  would  have  no  right  to  the  succession.4 

In  spite  of  these  careful  provisions,  however,  the  official 
announcement  of  the  marriage  gave  the  Protestant  party  in 
the  country  a  welcome  pretext  for  instigating  the  people  to 
rise,  and  in  the  choice  of  means  for  so  doing  they  were  by  no 
means    too    particular.     The    most    incredible    stories    were 

1  Ibid.  144.     Stone,  in  the  Dublin  Review,  XXIII. ,  333. 

2  Lingard,   146. 

3  Ibid.  147  (H.  Griffet)  Nouveaux  eclaircissements  sur 
l'histoire  de  Marie,  Paris,  1766,  xxx. 

4  Lingard,   147-148.     Rymer,  Foedera,  XV.,  377. 


wyatt's    rebellion.  263 

circulated  ;  the  country,  it  was  said,  would  be  inundated  with 
foreigners,  and  the  English  would  be  made  slaves  and  dragged 
away  to  the  mines  of  Mexico.1  A  plot  was  set  on  foot  to  marry 
Elizabeth  to  Courtenay,  and  to  place  them  both  on  the  throne  ; 
this  plot  was  to  be  put  into  execution  after  the  arrival  of 
Philip.2 

The  shrewd  Gardiner,  however,  succeeded  in  getting  the 
whole  secret  from  Courtenay,  and  thereby  forced  the  con- 
spirators to  put  their  plans  into  immediate  execution,  in  spite 
of  their  want  of  preparation.3  In  order  to  organize  the  revolt, 
Carew  went  to  Devonshire,  Croft  to  the  borders  of  Wales,  the 
Duke  of  Suffolk,  who  probably  hoped  to  place  his  daughter, 
Lady  Jane  Grey,  upon  the  throne,  into  Warwickshire,  and 
Thomas  Wyatt  into  Kent.  The  success  of  these  instigators  of 
revolt  was,  on  the  whole,  very  small,  and  after  a  fortnight,  the 
Duke  of  Suffolk  was  again  in  the  Tower,  from  which  he  had 
only  a  little  while  before  been  released  by  the  clemency  of 
Mary,  while  Carew  was  a  fugitive  in  France,  and  Croft  a  pris- 
oner of  the  crown.4 

The  only  dangerous  rising  was  that  stirred  up  by  Sir  Thomas 
Wyatt  in  Kent.5  The  enthusiasm  of  the  1500  men  who  were 
soon  under  arms,  quickly  died  away,  it  is  true,  so  that  numbers 
of  them  soon  began  to  desert,  but  when  the  troops  which 
Mary  had  sent  against  them  under  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  went 
over  to  Wyatt,  an  army  several  thousand  strong  was  soon 
marching  on  London.  In  the  general  panic  which  seized  the 
Council,  the  queen  remained  full  of  courage  and  confidence  in 
her  victory.  She  had  sent  an  envoy  at  the  commencement  of 
the  rising  to  find  out  what  were  the  demands  of  Wyatt,  but 
when  he   brought  back   an  insolent   answer  and  conditions 

1  Gairdner,  330  ;    cf.  Lingard,  149. 

2  Lingard,   149. 

3  Ibid.  150. 

4  Gairdner,  330.     Lingard,  151-2. 

5  John  Proctor,  History  of  Wyate's  Rebellion,  London,  1555. 
R.  P.  Cruden,  History  of  Gravesend  (1842),  172  seqq.  Gairdner, 
330  seqq.  Zimmermann,  59  seqq.  Lee  in  the  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biog., 
LXIII.,   187  seqq. 


264  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

impossible  of  fulfilment,  she  lesolved  to  face  the  danger  boldly. 
She  ordered  the  Lord  Mayor  to  summon  an  extraordinary 
meeting  of  the  citizens  of  London  in  the  Guildhall  on  February 
1st,  1554.  Mary  appeared  there,  with  the  royal  sceptre  in  her 
hand,  surrounded  by  her  ladies  and  officers  of  state,  and  made 
a  speech  to  those  assembled,  full  of  masculine  power  and 
determination.  She  complained,  in  dignified  words,  of  the 
disobedience  and  insolence  of  the  rebels.  They  had  at  first 
only  attacked  her  marriage  with  the  Spaniard,  but  now  it  was 
clear  what  the  actual  intentions  of  her  enemies  were.  She 
was  to  entrust  her  person,  the  guarding  of  the  Tower,  and  the 
appointment  of  her  councillors  to  rebellious  subjects  who  were 
striving  after  the  possession  of  the  royal  power  and  the  abo- 
lition of  religion.  She,  however,  trusted  her  people,  who 
would  not  deliver  her  over  to  the  insurgents.  As  regards  the 
Spanish  marriage,  she  had  only  acted  on  the  advice  of  her 
Council  ;  she  had  so  far  remained  unmarried,  and  with  the 
help  of  God,  could  continue  to  do  so..  Should,  however,  the 
marriage  with  Philip  not  gain  the  approval  of  Parliament, 
then  she  gave  her  royal  word  that  she  would  never  marry  all 
the  days  of  her  life. 

This  speech  had  an  immediate  success.  Next  morning  more 
than  20,000  men  had  volunteered  for  the  defence  of  the 
capital.  Wyatt,  meanwhile,  continued  his  march,  and  on 
February  3rd  he  encamped  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Thames, 
in  Southwark.  Here,  however,  he  was  exposed  to  the  fire  of 
the  cannon  in  the  Tower,  and  withdrew  from  his  position  within 
three  days.  The  danger  was  not  yet  over,  however.  On 
February  7th,  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Mary  received 
the  news,  in  her  palace  at  Whitehall,  that  Wyatt  was  advancing 
and  was  already  not  far  away,  and  that  she  had  better  seek 
refuge  in  the  Tower  as  quickly  as  possible.  The  bold  leader 
had  succeeded,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  bridges  were 
destroyed,  in  crossing  the  river,  and,  with  the  connivance  of 
several  traitors,  who  were  waiting  to  open  one  of  the  gates  to 
him,  he  was  now  marching,  not  far  from  Whitehall,  on  the 
city  of  London.  Everybody  in  the  palace  thought  of  treachery, 
Gardiner  on  his  knees  besought  the  queen  to  flee  to  Windsor, 


THE  REBELLION  CRUSHED        265 

but  when  Renard  assured  her  that  her  flight  would  be  the  signal 
for  a  general  rising  of  the  malcontents  and  the  massacre  of  the 
Catholics,  and  as,  moreover,  the  leaders  of  the  royal  troops 
swore  fealty,  Mary  declared  firmly  and  steadfastly  that  she 
would  remain  at  her  post.  Wyatt's  attempt  proved  to  be  a 
complete  failure  ;  half  of  his  undisciplined  levies  had  already 
run  away  on  their  approach  to  London,  while  others  made 
their  escape  in  the  darkness  of  the  night.  The  royal  troops 
succeeded  in  cutting  Wyatt  off  from  the  main  body  of  his  army, 
and  he  was  captured  and  subsequently  executed,  the  remainder 
of  his  force  being  dispersed. 

The  Spanish  marriage  had  only  been  a  pretext  for  the  rising 
in  the  case  of  Wyatt,  as  well  as  in  that  of  the  Duke  of  Suffolk. 
The  true  reason  lay  in  the  fear  of  the  Protestants  that  Mary 
would  restore  the  Catholic  religion.1  Wyatt  expressed  himself 
to  this  effect  in  private,2  and  his  followers  venerated  him 
after  his  death  on  account  of  his  "  zeal  for  God's  truth  as  a 
martyr.3 

In  spite  of  its  want  of  success,  the  rising  of  Wyatt  forms  a 
landmark  in  the  reign  of  Mary.  Till  then  it  had  made  little 
impression  on  her  when  the  Emperor  and  his  ministers  had 
recommended  severity  against  the  malcontents,  and  had 
impressed  upon  her  that  such  people  were  not  to  be  won  by 
clemency,  but  were  only  confirmed  in  their  arrogance  and 
incited  to  fresh  disobedience.  The  recent  events,  and  especi- 
ally the  rising  of  the  Duke  of  Suffolk,  now  came  as  a  clear 
proof   of   monstrous  ingratitude.     Mary   resolved,    therefore, 

1  "  It  was  in  truth,  an  heretical  conspiracy  with  a  political 
pretext."    (Gairdner,    330). 

2  Ibid.  "  In  Kent,  Wyatt  said  to  an  adherent,  who  expressed 
the  hope  that  he  would  establish  religion  :  Hush  !  the  word  religion 
must  not  be  mentioned,  for  that  would  turn  the  hearts  of  many 
away  from  us.  You  must  only  complain  of  the  inundation  of 
foreigners.  But,  in  confidence,  I  shall  tell  you  as  a  friend,  we 
mean  in  reality  only  the  establishment  of  God's  word."  Cf. 
Pole  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  854,  p.  461,  and  the  suggestions  in  Lingard, 
153,  157,  158. 

3  Gairdner,  330. 


266  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

to  take  stern  measures.  Fifty  of  the  soldiers  who  deserted 
wore  hanged,  as  well  as  six  of  the  rebels  in  Kent.  Four  of  the 
ringleaders  were  sent  to  the  scaffold,  namely,  the  Duke  of 
Suffolk,  his  brother  and  principal  adviser,  Thomas  Grey, 
Thomas  Wyatt  and  the  former  secretary  of  the  Council, 
William  Thomas,  who  had  urged  the  murder  of  the  queen. 
Four  hundred  rebels  were  also  made  to  appear  before  the 
queen  with  halters  round  their  necks  and  beg  for  forgiveness 
upon  their  knees,  whereupon  she  graciously  pardoned  them. 

These  punishments  could  certainly  not  be  quoted  as  a  proof 
of  undue  severity,  but  it  must  be  regretted  that  the  queen 
allowed  herself  to  be  persuaded  into  abandoning  her  former 
attitude  of  clemency  towards  Lady  Jane  Grey.  On  February 
8th,  when  she  had  hardly  escaped  from  the  attack  of  Wyatt, 
and  was  still  feeling  the  effects  of  the  recent  dangers  and 
anxieties,  she  was  induced  to  give  the  order  for  the  carrying  out 
of  the  sentence  pronounced  in  November,  1553,  but  afterwards 
deferred,  on  the  unhappy  tool  of  a  criminal  policy.  On 
February  12th,  1554,  Lady  Jane  Grey,  as  well  as  her  husband, 
suffered  death  with  great  courage  at  the  hands  of  the  exe- 
cutioner.1 

The  victory  which  had  been  gained,  however,  strengthened 
the  position  of  the  government  more  than  any  measures  of 
severity.  The  Spanish  marriage,  concerning  which  many  had 
despaired  during  the  rising,  now  met  with  hardly  any  oppo- 
sition. Parliament  unanimously  confirmed  the  marriage 
treaty  on  May  5th.2  The  representatives  of  the  country  had 
been  given  to  understand  that  the  only  means  of  providing  a 
counterpoise  to  the  threatened  union  between  France  and 
Scotland  lay  in  the  marriage  of  Mary  with  the  Spanish  prince, 
as  the  heir  of  Philip  and  Mary  would  bring  Flanders  to  the 

1  The  Chronicle  of  Lady  Queen  Jane  and  of  two  years  of  Queen 
Mary,  ed.  by  J.  G.  Nichols,  1850.  G.  Howard,  Lady  Jane 
Grey  and  her  times,  London,  1822.  A.  Strickland,  Tudor 
Princesses,  London,  1868.  P.  Sidney,  Jane  the  Queen,  London, 
1900.  R.  Davey,  The  nine  days  Queen  :  Lady  Jane  Grey  and 
her  times,  London,   1909. 

2  Lingard,   171. 


MARY     MARRIED     TO     PHILIP.  267 

English  crown.  No  prejudice  to  England  or  the  English 
people  could  follow  on  the  marriage.  On  July  19th,  Philip, 
accompanied  by  the  united  fleets  of  England,  Spain  and 
Flanders,  appeared  in  sight  of  the  English  coast,1  and  on  the 
following  day  he  landed  on  English  soil.  On  July  25th,  the 
Feast  of  the  Patron  Saint  of  Spain,  St.  James,  the  marriage 
was  celebrated  at  Winchester,  with  the  greatest  pomp.  Before 
the  ceremony,  Gardiner  read  aloud  the  documents  by  which 
Charles  V.  abdicated  the  thrones  of  Naples  and  the  Duchy  of 
Milan  in  favour  of  his  son,  so  that  Philip  might  give  his  hand 
to  the  English  queen  as  a  reigning  sovereign. 

The  plan  of  the  Spanish  marriage  had  been  joyfully  wel- 
comed in  Rome  from  the  beginning.  When  the  negotiations 
concerning  this  union  which  was  so  warmly  desired  by  the 
Emperor  were  concluded  in  December,  1553,  Charles  at  once 
sent  the  joyful  news  to  Rome.  The  Pope  received  the  an- 
nouncement on  the  morning  of  New  Year's  Day,  and  he  con- 
gratulated the  Emperor  in  a  warmly  expressed  brief,  of  the 
same  date.2  Among  the  Cardinals,  Morone,  in  particular, 
had  done  everything  he  could  to  promote  the  union  of  Mary 
with  the  heir  to  the  Spanish  throne.3 

Cardinal  Pole,  on  the  other  hand,  was  regarded  in  Rome, 
as  well  as  by  the  Emperor  and  in  France,  as  an  opponent  of  the 
Spanish  marriage.  He  seems  to  have  made  his  views  known 
as  early  as  October  2nd,  at  the  very  beginning  of  his  English 
legation,  when  he  addressed  a  letter  from  Trent  to  Edward 
Courtenay.4  On  October  27th,  in  a  report  to  the  Pope,  he 
declared  that  he  was  kept  in  Dillingen  and  away  from  England 
because  it  was  feared  that  he  would  never  co-operate  in  deliver- 


1  Viage  de  Felipe  Segundo  a  Inglaterra,  ed.  Gayangos,  Sociedad 
de  Bibli6filos  Espanoles,  1877.  English  Historical  Review, 
1892,  253  seqq. 

2  Printed  in  Raynaldus,  1554,  n.  I.  It  is  given  there  as 
follows  :  "  Quo  nuntio  vix  quidquam  nobis  gratius  potuit 
accidere." 

3  Ancel,    762. 

4  Brown,  V.,  n.  806. 


268  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

ing  his  country  into  the  hands  of  a  foreigner.1  In  February, 
1554>  the  English  ambassador  in  France  wrote  that  people 
there  were  of  the  opinion  that  Pole  had  worked  against  the 
marriage  of  the  queen  with  Philip.2  This  report,  however, 
was  unjust  ;  at  the  same  time  the  Cardinal,  as  he  himself 
acknowledged,  had,  from  the  first,  been  of  opinion  that  Mary 
had  better,  at  her  age,  remain  unmarried.3 

In  Rome,  the  news  of  the  legate's  attitude  was  received  with 
disquietude.  Cardinal  Morone  was  enjoined  to  inform  him, 
on  behalf  of  the  Pope,  on  December  21st,  1553, 4  that  an  am- 
bassador had  no  right  to  put  forward  his  own  views,  but  only 
those  of  his  sovereign.  The  Pope  was  convinced,  for  many 
reasons,  that  the  English  queen  should  bestow  her  hand  on 
the  Spanish  prince  ;  he  considered  the  queen  too  weak  to  be 
able  permanently  to  govern,  without  the  support  of  a  husband, 
her  violent  and  unsettled  subjects,  who  were,  moreover, 
infected  by  the  religious  innovations.  He,  further,  did  not 
believe  that  one  of  the  nobles  of  England  would  be  in  a  position, 
as  husband  of  the  queen,  to  reduce  the  country  to  obedience, 
both  on  account  of  the  different  parties  in  the  state,  and  of  the 
intrigues  of  foreign  powers,  while,  in  order  to  sweep  his  rivals 
from  the  field,  a  native  prince  would  be  much  more  likely 
to  have  recourse  to  dangerous  concessions.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  King  of  Spain,  who  was  England's  neighbour  by  reason  of 
his  possessions  in  Spain  and  Flanders,  could  re-establish 
ecclesiastical  unity  in  England  by  his  great  authority,  and 
defend  the  queen  against  her  enemies  at  home  and  abroad. 
For  these  reasons  the  Pope  considered  it  not  only  a  rash  thing 
to  oppose  the  marriage,  but  also  detrimental  to  religion  and 
the  interests  of  the  Holy  See,  and  he  therefore  wished  Pole  to 
adopt  this  view.     Should  he  appear  at  the  Imperial  court, 

1  Ibid.  n.  820,  p.  437. 

2  Ancel,   764. 

3  Brown,  V.,  856,  p.  464. 

4  See  the  text  of  the  important  *declaration,  which  escaped  even 
Ancel,  according  to  the  manuscript  in  the  Corsini  Library,  in 
Appendix  No.  21b. 


ANXIETY     OF     JULIUS     III.  269 

he  was  requested  to  show  himself  favourable,  by  word  and  deed, 
to  the  Spanish  marriage,  so  as  to  satisfy  the  Emperor.  As 
Morone  added,  the  Pope  was  not  without  anxiety  as  to  whether 
Pole  would  yield  to  him.  Julius  had  often  said  that  it  was 
folly  to  oppose  oneself  to  a  rushing  stream  ;  to  wear  oneself 
out  in  vain  and  win  nothing  was  the  height  of  folly.  Morone 
believed  that  he  could  allay  the  Pope's  fears  ;  he  said  that 
Pole  would  keep  God  before  his  eyes  and  would  never  act 
contrary  to  the  will  of  His  Holiness.  Pole  was  also  requested 
to  keep  these  representations  of  the  Pope  a  secret,  out  of  con- 
sideration for  Italian  and  foreign  princes.  A  brief  of  the  same 
time  from  Julius  III.  to  Pole,1  enjoined  the  latter  to  have 
confidence  in  the  advice  of  Morone. 

1  Brief  of  December  20,  1553,  mentioned  in  Ancel,  762. 


CHAPTER    X. 

Legation    of   Cardinal   Pole. — The    Reconciliation    of 
England  with  the  Holy  See. 

Mary  had,  even  before  her  marriage  with  Philip,  been  en- 
couraged by  the  increased  respect  felt  for  the  Crown  since  the 
victory  over  the  rebels,  to  take  further  steps  towards  a  Catholic 
restoration. 

In  so  doing,  she  was  entering  upon  an  undertaking,  the 
prospects  of  which  were  by  no  means  hopeless.1  Paget  wrote 
to  Somerset,  in  the  year  1549,  that  eleven-twelfths  of  the  coun- 
try was  Catholic  at  heart.2  According  to  the  opinion  of  an 
English  Protestant,  who  had  taken  refuge  on  the  continent, 
the  country  people  still  clung  so  firmly  to  the  Papacy  in  1553, 
that  the  nobles  could  only  allow  themselves  the  preaching 
of  the  "  Gospel  "  within  their  four  walls.3  When  Commendone 
and  Vimercato  had  depicted  conditions  in  England  in  such 
dark  colours,  they  had  only  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  capital 
in  their  minds.  "  The  people  of  London,"  wrote  Dandino  in 
reference  to  this,  "  are,  it  is  true,  hardened  in  their  heresy, 
but  in  the  rest  of  the  country  it  is  not  so  to  the  same 
extent."4 

It  was  especially  from  two  classes  of  the  population  that 
Mary  had  to  fear  resistance  to  her  attempts  at  restoration  : 
first,  from  the  lowest  orders,  who  had  been  the  most  influenced 
by  the  foreign  preachers,  and  consequently  gave  free  vent  to 

1  Ancel,  771  seqq. 

2  LlNGARD,   60. 

3  Cf.  Dodmer's  letter  to  Calvin,  of  Decmber  17,  1553  :  Calvini 
Opera,  XIV.  (Corp.  Ref.  XLII.),  706. 

4  Ancel,   774. 

270 


THE     OLD     WORSHIP     RESTORED.  271 

their  hatred  in  the  most  crude  manner,1  and  secondly,  from 
the  wealthy  and  noble  class,  who  wished  to  hear  nothing  of  a 
return  to  the  old  religion  because  they  feared  that  they  would 
be  forced  to  restore  the  Church  property  ;  from  these,  however, 
there  was  less  opposition  to  a  Catholic  restoration  on  the 
ground  of  any  religious  conviction.  In  the  confusion  of  con- 
stantly changing  doctrines  and  confessions  of  faith,  they  had 
for  the  most  part  lost  all  hold  on  religion,  and  were  ready,  at 
the  word  of  the  government,  to  accept  almost  any  doctrine.2 
Among  the  measures  of  1554,  several  related  to  the  restora- 
tion of  the  old  form  of  worship,  while  the  Mass  had  already 
been  re-established  by  an  Act  of  Parliament  in  December, 
1553  ;3  now,  on  March  21st,  1554,  an  ordinance  of  the  Council 
was  promulgated,  according  to  which  the  nobility  of  the 
country  districts  were  ordered  to  erect  altars  in  their  village 
churches,  within  fourteen  days.4  In  Holy  Week  and  Easter 
Week  the  ceremonies  of  the  Church  were  carried  out  in  the  old 
Catholic  manner,   while  Mary  herself,   accompanied  by  four 

1 "  One  morning  a  tom-cat  was  found  hanging  on  the  gallows  in 
priest's  clothes,  with  the  tonsure  and  a  picture  of  the  Host  in  its 
paws.  On  May  10,  1554,  a  gun  was  fired  in  church  at  the  preacher, 
Pendleton.  In  both  cases  the  perpetrator  remained  undiscovered." 
(Gairdner,  339).  The  voice  in  Aldersgate  street  should  also  be 
mentioned  here.  A  voice  was  heard  in  an  old  wall  which  declared 
that  the  Mass  was  idolatry  ;  when  a  blessing  was  invoked  on 
Elizabeth  the  voice  answered  Amen,  but  when  the  same  was 
invoked  for  Mary,  the  voice  remained  silent.  As  many  as  600 
people  assembled  to  hear  the  "  angel  voices  "  until  the  govern- 
ment drew  the  originator  of  the  disturbance  from  within  the  wall 
and  placed  him  in  the  pillory.  Renard  to  the  Emperor,  on 
March  14,  1554,  in  Ancel,  774.     Cf.  Lingard,  171  ;    Gairdner, 

340- 

Cf.  The  recent  publication  :  Constant,  La  commencement  de 
la  restauration  catholique  en  Angleterre  par  Marie  Tudor  (1553). 
Rev.  Hist.,  1913. 

2  Lingard,  175. 

3  Cf.  supra  p.  247. 

4  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  1552-1554,  p.  411.     Lee,  344. 


272  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

bishops,  took  part  in  the  processions  during  the  Rogation 
Days.1 

Mary's  principal  care,  however,  was  directed  to  bringing 
about  a  thorough  reform  of  the  clergy,  and  on  March  1st, 
measures  were  taken  against  married  clergy.  As  the  eccle- 
siastical edicts  of  Edward  VI.  had  already  been  repealed  by 
Mary's  first  Parliament,  the  old  law  of  the  Church,  which 
allows  of  no  married  priesthood,  again  came  into  force,  and  the 
government  considered  that  it  was,  therefore,  justified  in  ex- 
pelling them.  About  a  fifth  or  a  sixth  part  of  the  entire 
clergy,  and  a  fourth  in  the  diocese  of  London,  were  affected 
by  this  measure.  A  considerable  number,  however,  received 
new  appointments,  when  they  had  done  penance,  and  had  put 
away  their  wives.2  Many  of  the  Protestant  bishops  had 
already  been  deprived  of  their  offices,  and  quite  apart  from  the 
fact  that  many  of  them  were  guilty  of  high  treason,  the  govern- 
ment had  the  right  to  proceed  independently  in  their  case,  for 
the  bishops  appointed  by  Edward  acknowledged  themselves 
that  they  had  received  their  power  from  the  king,3  so  that  the 
sovereign  was  entitled  again  to  withdraw  it  from  them.  It 
was  another  matter,  however,  when  it  came  to  the  question  of 
appointing  new  bishops  in  the  place  of  those  who  had  been 
removed,  as,  for  this,  it  was  necessary  to  have  the  sanction  of 
the  Pope.  In  a  letter  of  February  24th  Mary  laid  the  matter 
before  Pole,4  and  thus,  for  the  first  time  after  his  long  period 
of  waiting,  Pole  was  called  upon  to  act  in  his  official  capacity 
as   Papal  legate. 

Pole  had  been  obliged,  since  the  middle  of  October,  1553, 
to  »spend  the  remainder  of  the  year  in  painful  inactivity  in 
Dillingen.  Not  until  December  28th  did  the  longed  for 
invitation  of  the  Emperor  reach  him,  not  indeed  to  proceed 
to  England,  but  to  begin  to  carry  out  his  mission  as  peace- 

1  Gairdner,  336.     Lee,  344. 

2  Gairdner,  337. 

3  Lingard,  18,  24.  The  dignity  of  bishop  was  bestowed  with 
the  proviso  :   "  quamdiu  bene  se  gesserint."     Ibid.,  175  n. 

4  Brown,  V.,  n.  859.  Cf.  Mary  to  Pole,  January  23,  1554,  ibid.K 
n.  849. 


APPOINTMENT     OF     NEW     BISHOPS.  273 

maker  between  Charles  and  the  King  of  France.1  On  January 
25th,  1554,  he  made  his  solemn  entry  into  Brussels,2  and  in 
February  he  repaired  to  the  French  court.  Henry  II.  received 
him  in  a  friendly  manner,  but  Pole  was  unable  to  accomplish 
any  more  in  his  case  than  he  had  previously  been  able  to  do 
with  the  Emperor.3 

Pole  received  Mary's  letter  in  France.  The  English  queen 
was  exceedingly  anxious  that  the  new  bishops  should  be  con- 
secrated before  the  opening  of  Parliament  on  April  2nd,  so  that 
they  could  take  part  at  once  in  the  sessions,  and  in  the  religious 
discussions  throw  their  influence  into  the  scales.  She  enclosed 
a  list  of  ten  or  twelve  suitable  candidates.4 

Pole's  powers,  however,  did  not  extend  so  far  as  to  enable 
him  fully  to  satisfy  the  queen's  wishes,  since  no  one  could  have 
foreseen  such  a  remarkable  state  of  things  at  the  beginning  of 
his  legation,  as  that  there  should  be  an  appointment  of  bishops 
before  the  reconciliation  of  the  kingdom  with  the  Holy  See. 
As  the  matter,  however,  was  urgent,  Pole  sent  a  confidential 
messenger  to  London  to  tell  the  queen  that  it  was  necessary 
that  the  bishops  chosen  should,  before  their  consecration,  at 
least  reconcile  themselves  with  the  Holy  See  ;  they  must 
either  apply  to  the  Papal  legate  individually,  or  they  could 
send  him  an  authorized  representative,  who  would  seek  recon- 
ciliation in  the  name  of  all  of  them,  or,  again,  Pole  would  send 
an  envoy  to  England  fully  empowered  to  arrange  the  matter.5 
Pole  wrote  on  March  2nd  to  Julius  III.,6  who  sent  him  a  brief 
on  the  8th  of  the  same  month,  giving  him  the  full  authority 
required.7     In  accordance  with  this  brief  Pole  could  elevate 

1  Ancel,  762. 

2  Pole  to  Julius  III.,  January  28,  1554,  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  850. 

3  Gachard,  La  Bibliotheque  Corsini,  116-7,  Brussels,  1896. 
Martin,  Pole,  IV.,  341-2.  Ancel,  763-4.  Acton  gives  emenda- 
tions on  Gachard's  work  in  the  North  British  Review,  LI.,  193 
seqq.,  1869-1870.  4  Brown,  V.,  n.  859. 

5  Muzzarelli,  to  del  Monte,  March  16,  1554,  in  Ancel,  775-6. 

6  Brown,  V.,  n.  862. 

7  Printed  in  Wilkins,  Concilia,  IV.,  91-2,  and  in  the  Docum.  ad 
legal,  card.  Poli  spectantia,  Rome,   [895. 

VOL.    XIII,  l8 


274  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

to  offices  in  metropolitan  and  cathedral  churches  such  persons 
as  had  accepted  ecclesiastical  positions  from  laymen  and 
schismatics,  even  in  the  case  of  those  who  had  themselves 
been  tainted  with  heresy.  These  concessions,  however, 
appeared  so  unusual  to  the  Pope  himself,  that  he  did  not 
venture  to  lay  them  before  the  Cardinals  for  approval,  from 
fear  of  opposition,  but  only  discussed  the  matter  with  Morone.1 

On  April  ist,  the  eve  of  the  opening  of  Parliament,  Gardiner 
was  able  to  consecrate  six  new  bishops.  In  a  letter  written 
on  April  7th  in  her  own  hand  Mary  begged  the  Pope  to  give  his 
explicit  confirmation,  thereby  acknowledging  for  the  first 
time,  publicly  and  solemnly,  the  Papal  Supremacy.  Julius 
III.  read  the  royal  letter,  with  many  tears,  five  times  to  the 
assembled  Cardinals,2  granted  the  desired  confirmation  in  a 
consistory  of  July  6th,  and  in  a  brief  of  July  10th,  joyfully 
acknowledged  the  queen's  zeal.3 

The  Parliament  which  met  on  April  2nd  was  rather 
concerned  with  the  marriage  of  the  queen  than  with 
the  religious  question.  While  the  sessions  were  being  held, 
much  attention  was  attracted  by  a  debate  conducted  by 
the  Convocation  of  the  clergy  at  Oxford  with  the  three 
leaders  of  the  Protestants,  Cranmer,  Ridley  and  Latimer, 
which  was  held  simultaneously  with  the  Parliamentary  sittings 
from  April  14th  to  the  20th.  On  the  27th  the  result,  which 
was  favourable  to  the  Catholics,  was  announced,  and  on  the 
30th  the  Dean  of  Rochester,  Walter  Philips,  acknowledged 
once  more  the  doctrine  of  Transubstantiation,  and  retracted 
his  former  views.  As  had  happened  formerly  under  Edward 
VI.,  when  the  Catholics  had  complained,  in  similar  circum- 
stances, of  the  want  of  freedom  of  speech,  so  did  the  Protest- 
ants now  raise  similar  objections.4 


1  Ancel,  776. 

2  Raynaldus,  1554,  n.  7.     Mon.  Ign.  Ser.  1,  IV.,  665. 

3  Raynaldus,  1554,  n.  5-7. 

4Lingard,  197.  Gairdner,  338.  A  second  disputation, 
planned  to  take  place  at  Cambridge,  fell  through  as  the  Protestant 
theologians  refused  to  take  part  in  it.     Zimmermann,  72. 


CHURCH     PROPERTY.  275 

Among  the  Bills  laid  before  Parliament,  one  is  deserving  of 
particular  attention,  although  it  was  rejected  in  the  House  of 
Lords.  All  bishops,  and  especially  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  were 
expressly  forbidden  by  the  Bill  to  demand  the  restitution  of 
Church  property.1  The  matter  which  formed  the  last  and 
greatest  obstacle  to  the  return  of  the  country  to  the  Church, 
was  here  plainly  put  forward.  In  order  that  she  might 
succeed  in  settling  this  difficult  question,  the  queen  had  once 
more  to  seek  the  help  of  the  legate,  who  had  returned  to 
Brussels  on  April  19th. 

Pole  was  much  perplexed  by  Mary's  request.  In  the  brief 
appointing  him  legate  for  England,  the  Cardinal  had  only 
received  authority  to  forego  the  restoration  of  the  revenues 
which  had  been  drawn  by  the  wrongful  possessors  from  the 
sequestrated  Church  property.  Of  the  renunciation  of  the  said 
real  estate  of  the  Church,  there  had  been  no  mention  ;  on  the 
contrary,  the  text  of  the  brief  made  it  pretty  clear  that,  as  a 
rule,  the  return  of  the  real  estate  wrested  from  the  Church  was 
insisted  upon  previous  to  the  giving  up  of  the  revenues.2  It 
had  become  quite  clear  by  this  time  that  the  legate's  authority 
was  not  sufficiently  comprehensive,  so  Pole  sent  Niccolo 
Ormanetto  from  Brussels  to  Rome  on  April  24th,  and  Henry 
Penning  to  London  on  May  4th,  to  negotiate  further  with  the 
Pope  and  the  queen  concerning  this  burning  question.3 
Ormanetto  had,  besides  this,  to  report  on  the  legate's  mission 
to  France.4 

Mary  pressed  for  a  speedy  answer.  In  the  first  audience 
granted  to  Penning,  she  at  once  asked  what  was  being  arranged 
with  regard  to  the  Church  property,  and  as  often  as  she  saw 
him,  she  returned  to  the  same  subject.5     In  her  own  opinion 

1  Ancel,  778. 

2  In  the  "  Documenta,"  p.  6,  quoted  supra,  p.  273,  n.  7,  it  is 
stated  :    "  Cum  possessoribus  bonorum  ecclesiasticorum  (restituis 
prius,   si  tibi  expedire  videretur,   immobilibus  per  eos  indebite 
detentis)  super  fructibus  male  perceptis  ac  bonis  mobilibus  con- 
sumptis  concordandi,  etc." 

3  Ancel,   779. 

4  Ibid.,  767.  5  Ibid.,  779  n.,  3,  780  n.  3. 


276  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

the  Pope  should  show  himself  as  generous  as  possible,  and 
absolutely  forego  the  return  of  the  Church  property.  Pole, 
on  the  other  hand,  would  not  consent  to  such  a  solution.1 
Such  a  procedure  he  thought  would  give  an  appearance  of  bar- 
gaining about  the  return  of  the  country  to  the  Church  ;  Eng- 
land should,  he  maintained,  first  come  back  to  the  Church,  and 
leave  everything  else  to  the  Pope's  generosity.  This  view 
of  the  matter,  however,  appeared  too  severe  to  Muzzarelli,  the 
nuncio  in  Brussels,  and  also  to  the  Pope  himself.  In  a  brief  of 
June  28th,  Julius  III.  gave  his  legate  the  fullest  authority  to 
leave  all  Church  property,  moveable  and  real,  in  the  hands  of 
the  present  possessors.2  Unfortunately,  however,  the  terms  of 
the  brief3  did  not  exclude  all  doubt  as  to  the  Pope's  intentions, 
and  later  on  aroused  distrust  in  the  hearts  of  suspicious 
persons. 

The  brief  arrived  in  Brussels  on  July  29th.4  A  few  days 
before,  the  Spanish  marriage  had  been  celebrated,  and  it  now 
seemed  as  though  the  longed-for  hour  had  at  last  come  when 
Pole  could  perform  the  duties  of  his  office  as  legate  on  English 
soil.  In  the  meantime,  however,  fresh  difficulties  had  arisen, 
of  such  a  serious  character  that  Pole  himself  regarded  his 
mission  as  no  longer  possible  of  execution,  and  begged  the 
Pope  to  recall  him. 

The  Cardinal  had  had  no  success  in  his  peace  mission  to 
France,  and  he  had  aroused  the  displeasure  of  the  Emperor  by 
his  premature  departure.  When  he  presented  himself  before 
Charles  V.  on  April  21st,  and  made  his  report  concerning  the 
unfortunate  result  of  his  mission,  the  Emperor,  instead  of 
answering  him,  declared  that  if  he  had  nothing  further  to  say, 


1  Ibid.,  779,  780. 

2  Wilkins,  Concilia,  IV.,  102-3.  Weiss,  papiers  de  Granvelle, 
IV.,  264.    #Ancel,  781. 

3  Pole  received  authority  to  deal  with  the  question  of  Church 
lands  "  arbitrio  tuo  auctoritate  nostra  tractandi,  concordandi, 
transigendi,  componencli,  et  cum  eis,  ut  praefata  sine  ullo  scrupulo 
in  posterum  retinere  possint,  dispensandi," 

4  Ancel,  781, 


DIFFICULT     POSITION     OF     POLE  277 

it  would  be  much  better  if  he  did  not  appear  before  him  again.1 
The  Cardinal  had  made  his  position  still  worse  by  omitting  to 
send  the  Emperor  any  communication  from  France  concerning 
the  steps  he  had  taken  with  the  king,  and  by  never  referring, 
by  a  single  word,  to  the  Spanish  marriage,  in  his  correspondence 
with  the  queen.  The  old  suspicion  that  he  was  opposed  to  the 
marriage  was  again  revived,  and  people  even  went  so  far  as  to 
suspect  him  of  favouring  Wyatt's  insurrection.  His  very 
sojourn  on  French  soil  was  regarded  as  an  expression  of  friend- 
ship for  the  power  which  was  Mary's  worst  enemy,  and  gave 
rise  to  a  demonstration,  from  which  Pole  withdrew  by  a  speedy 
departure.2 

Not  only  had  Pole's  work  as  peacemaker  completely  failed, 
but  his  mission  to  England,  which  could  not  take  place  without 
the  agreement  of  the  Emperor,  seemed  quite  hopeless.  The 
deeply  offended  legate  withdrew  to  the  abbey  of  Dilighem  near 
Brussels,3  and  it  was  from  there  that  he  conducted  the  above 
mentioned  negotiations  concerning  the  Church  property,  but 
otherwise  he  completely  withdrew  from  political  life.  As 
early  as  the  beginning  of  May  he  had  begged  the  Pope  to 
appoint  someone  else  in  his  place  as  legate  for  England.4  In 
Rome,  however,  under  no  circumstances  could  such  an  idea  be 
entertained  ;  by  the  recall  of  a  Prince  of  the  Church,  once 
appointed  and  so  solemnly  dispatched,  they  would  have 
compromised  themselves  in  the  eyes  of  the  whole  world,  and, 
perhaps,  have  irretrievably  endangered  the  return  of  England 
to  the  Church.  Pole's  painful  position  during  these  months  of 
uncertainty  and  delay,  was  rendered  still  more  bitter  by  the 
knowledge  that  his  attitude  was  not  sanctioned  in  every  respect 
in  Rome.  Morone  pointed  out  to  him  that  he  should  have 
expressed  himself  clearly  in  favour  of  Philip's  marriage  with 

1  Pole  to  Julius  III.,  April  22,  1554,  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  877  ;  cf.  n. 
882,  p.  494  ;   Ancel,  765. 

2  Ancel,  764-5. 

3  Ibid.,  767. 

4  Pole  to  Morone,  May  25,  1554,  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  882,  p.  492-3. 
Pole's  request  for  recall,  mentioned  here,  was  known  to  Morone  as 
early  as  May  6,  ibid.,  n.  884,  p.  497  ;  cf.  Ancel,  769,  n.  1. 


278  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Mary,  and  thus  have  removed  all  ground  for  suspicion.  Even 
now  he  might  make  up  for  this  omission  by  truthfully  explain- 
ing to  the  Emperor  his  position  with  regard  to  the  marriage.1 
The  legate  answered  that  he  had  always,  since  his  arrival  in 
Brussels,  expressed  himself  as  being  in  agreement  with  the 
Emperor  regarding  the  union  of  Philip  with  Mary.  The 
determination  with  which  Charles  and  Granvelle  had  repulsed 
him  could  only  have  been  greater  if  they  had  proceeded  to 
blows.2     He  therefore  persisted  in  his  request  for  recall. 

In  this  apparently  hopeless  entanglement,  the  relations 
between  England  and  the  Pope  found  a  shrewd  agent3  in  the 
person  of  the  nuncio  in  Brussels,  the  Archbishop  of  Conza, 
Girolamo  Muzzarelli,  a  Dominican,  on  wTiose  skill  and  modera- 
tion Morone  had  already  bestowed  the  greatest  praise.4 
Muzzarelli  understood  how  to  induce  the  Emperor  gradually 
to  form  a  more  favourable  estimate  of  Pole,  and,  as  early  as 
June  10th,  he  was  able  to  wrrite  to  Rome  that  the  Emperor 
would  no  longer  oppose  the  journey  of  the  legate  to  England.5 
The  actual  conclusion  of  the  Spanish  marriage  on  July  25th, 
gave  Pole  himself  the  courage  to  come  out  once  more  from  his 
retirement.  On  July  nth  he  sent  a  messenger  to  England 
with  a  letter  of  congratulation  to  Philip.6  A  little  later  he  also 
ventured  to  apply  again  to  Charles  V.  and  to  congratulate 
him.  The  bearer  of  this  letter,  Ormanetto,  had  to  seek  the 
Emperor  in  his  camp  ;  he  avoided  Ormanetto's  urgent  requests 
that  he  would  at  last  allow  the  Papal  legate  to  fulfil  his  duties, 
by  evasive  answers,  and  declared  that  he  must  first  enquire  as 
to  the  state  of  affairs  in  England.7 

Repulsed  by  the   Emperor,   the   English  Cardinal  applied 

1  Ibid.  767. 

2  Brown,  V.,  n.  882,  p.  492. 

3  Ancel,  769. 

4  See  in  Appendix  No.  21b,  Morone's  letter  to  Pole  of  December 
21,  1553.  (Corsini  Library).  Muzzarelli  had  been  in  Brussels 
since  March  15. 

5  Ancel,  769. 

6  Brown,  V.,  n.  917. 

7  Ancel,  770. 


POLE     AND     THE     EMPEROR.  279 

to  King  Philip  on  September  21st,  and  complained  in  suitable 
terms  of  this  "  eternal  postponement  "  of  his  hopes.  Who 
was  this  prelate  who  was  kept  so  long  standing  knocking  at 
the  door  ?  It  was  a  man,  who  on  account  of  his  defence  of 
the  rights  of  Philip's  consort  to  the  throne,  had  been  driven 
from  his  home  and  his  country,  and  had  now  been  eating  the 
bread  of  exile  for  twenty  years.  Besides  this,  Pole  was  not 
begging  admittance  as  a  private  individual.  As  Peter,  when 
freed  from  his  prison,  had,  according  to  the  Acts  of  the  Apos- 
tles, to  stand  knocking  at  the  door  of  Mary,  the  mother  of  John, 
till  it  was  at  length  opened  to  him,  so  now  another  Peter  had 
to  stand  knocking  at  the  door  of  another  Mary.  He  could 
understand  that  she  had  been  afraid  to  open  to  him  before, 
but  now  she  had  the  support  of  her  husband,  and  the  interests 
of  the  queen  herself  required  that  Peter  should  be  allowed 
to  enter,  for  her  legitimacy,  as  well  as  her  right,  depended  on 
the  acknowledgment  of  the  Pope.1 

On  September  28th  Pole  repeated  the  same  arguments  in  a 
letter  to  the  Emperor,2  which  he  again  sent  by  Ormanetto. 
Charles,  however,  once  more  answered  that  the  right  moment 
had  not  yet  come,  and  that  he  would  speak  further  with  the 
legate  after  his  return.3 

The  audience  which  he  had  thus  promised  to  the  English 
Cardinal  took  place  on  October  nth  at  Brussels.4  Pole 
explained  that  two  obstacles  stood  in  the  way  of  the  return  of 
England  to  the  Church,  namely,  the  errors  in  matters  of  faith, 
and  the  question  of  Church  property.  In  the  case  of  the  former 
the  Pope  could  not  yield,  but  in  the  matter  of  Church  property, 
he  was  prepared  to  make  concessions.  Pole  did  not,  indeed, 
inform  the  Emperor  to  what  extent  Julius  III.  had  already 
modified  his  claims,  in  the  brief  of  September  28th,  but  he 
spoke  of  the  powers  with  which  the  brief  given  him  at  the 


1  Brown,  V.,  n.  946. 

2  Ibid.,  n.  947. 

3  Ancel,  770. 

4  Pole  to  Julius  III.,  October  14  (not  13),  1554,  Brown,  V.,  n. 
952.     Ancel,  784. 


280  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

beginning  of  his  legation  had  invested  him.  The  Emperor 
answered  that  there  was  no  cause  for  anxiety  as  far  as  the 
question  ot  doctrine  was  concerned,  as  they  had  to  deal  with  a 
people  who  had  no  firm  convictions  about  religion  at  all  ;  as 
he  had  learned  from  his  experiences  in  Germany,  the  whole 
matter  resolved  itself  into  a  question  of  the  Church  property, 
and  in  this  connection  he  desired  to  see  the  full  powers  of  the 
legate,  and  would  wait  for  the  return  of  his  ambassador, 
Erasso,  before  coming  to  any  further  decision. 

As  had  been  the  case  in  this  audience,  Pole  did  not  explain 
the  full  extent  of  his  powers  either  to  the  Emperor  or  Mary. 
He  had  already  anticipated  the  desire  of  the  Emperor  to  see 
the  brief  of  September  28th,  by  handing  it  to  Granvelle  before 
the  audience,  but  he  kept  another  important  document  a 
profound  secret.  The  Pope  had  promised  him,  in  a  brief  of 
August  5th,  that  he  would  always  confirm  and  consider  valid 
anything  which  his  legate  might  do.1  His  reason  for  keeping 
this  back  lay  in  his  anxiety  to  avoid  anything  in  the  negotia- 
tions about  the  return  to  ecclesiastical  unity  which  might,  in 
his  opinion,  be  regarded  as  a  business  transaction,  or  the  Papal 
concessions  in  the  light  of  a  bargain.  The  no  less  conscien- 
tious Muzzarelli,  however,  did  not  share  Pole's  views  on  this 
point.  He  impressed  on  the  legate  that  he  must,  of  necessity, 
inform  the  Emperor,  as  well  as  the  English  sovereigns,  of  the 
full  extent  of  his  powers  ;  they  must  have  an  exact  knowledge 
of  this,  in  order  to  be  in  a  position  to  take  the  most  suitable 
measures  for  bringing  back  England  to  the  faith.  In  conse- 
quence of  Pole's  reserve,  the  goodwill  of  the  Pope  was  called 
in  question  in  Brussels  as  well  as  in  London,  and  he  was  sus- 
pected of  first  wishing  to  gain  the  submission  of  England  to 
the  Holy  See,  and  of  intending  then  to  have  recourse  to  stern 
measures  by  demanding  the  return  of  the  Church  property.2 

As  the  powers  conferred  by  the  brief  of  September  28th  did 
not  appear  to  either  Philip  or  Charles  to  be  sufficiently  compre- 
hensive,   the    Emperor   enjoined   his    ambassador   in    Rome, 

1  Printed  in  Weiss,  Papiers  de  Granvelle,  IV.,  70. 

2  Ancel,  785. 


pole's    powers.  281 

Manrique,  to  request  Julius  III.  to  amplify  them.  People 
in  Rome,  he  wrote  to  Manrique,  appeared  to  think  that  the 
present  possessors  of  the  Church  property  thought  more  of 
their  material  prosperity  than  of  the  welfare  of  their  souls,  and 
also  that  they  were  very  numerous,  and  that,  in  their  endeav- 
ours to  secure  their  property,  they  would  make  desperate 
attempts  to  stir  up  the  people.1  Pole,  who  preferred  to  have 
special  powers  and  authorization  to  those  contained  generally 
in  the  brief  of  August  5th,  added  his  request  to  that  of  the 
Emperor.  Besides  the  authority  conferred  in  the  brief  of 
September  28th,  to  enter  into  agreements  and  negotiations 
with  regard  to  Church  property,  they  begged  that  the  further 
brief  might  confer  the  right,  expressed  in  clear  and  distinct 
terms,  of  absolutely  renouncing  Church  property,  and  that  the 
clause  in  the  former  brief,  to  the  effect  that,  in  cases  of  special 
importance,  application  should  be  made  to  Rome,  should  be 
completely  withdrawn.2 

Before  the  answer  to  this  application  arrived,  the  last 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  Pole's  appearance  in  England  were 
removed.  As  the  steps  which  he  had  taken  with  regard  to  the 
Pope  showed,  the  Emperor  was  now  in  earnest  about  his  pro- 
mise to  allow  the  legate  to  fulfil  the  duties  of  his  office,  while 
Philip  also  wished  to  be  a  ruler  in  a  Catholic  kingdom.  Mary 
Dpenly  declared  that  she  was  ready  to  give  her  life  for  the 
re-establishment  of  ecclesiastical  unity.3  Two  Dominicans 
and  two  Franciscans,  one  of  whom  was  the  learned  Alfonso  de 
Castro,  had  come  to  England  with  Philip,  and  preached  in 
London  in  their  habits  ;  although  they  had,  at  first,  been 
mocked  at,  on  this  account,  they  soon  gained  great  influence 
by  their  learning.4  It  made  a  great  impression,  also,  when 
Gardiner,  on  September  30th,  openly  acknowledged,  in  a 
sermon  preached  before  a  large  congregation  at  St.  Paul's 
Cross,  that  he  had  grievously  erred  by  his  co-operation  in  the 

1  Ibid.  786. 

2  Pole  to  Julius  III.,  October  19,  1554  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  954. 

3  Ancel,  787. 

4  Ibid.  783. 


282  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

schism  under  Henry  VIII.,  and  that  his  imprisonment  under 
Edward  VI.  had  been  a  just  punishment  for  what  he  had  done.1 

If  the  favourable  opportunity  was  not  to  be  missed,  the 
departure  of  Pole  for  England  was  very  urgent,  for  Parliament 
was  to  be  opened  on  November  12th,  and  the  question  of 
reunion  must  then  be  discussed. 

The  Imperial  ambassador  in  London,  Simon  Rcnard, 
arrived  in  Brussels  just  at  the  right  moment,  on  October  20th. 
On  the  22nd,  he  explained  the  state  of  affairs  in  England  to 
Pole,  in  the  presence  of  the  nuncio.2  He  said  that  three 
classes  of  people  there  were  opponents  of  reconciliation  with 
Rome  :  those  in  whose  eyes  religious  freedom  meant  the  same 
thing  as  carnal  freedom  ;  those  who  had  been  enriched  by  the 
goods  of  the  Church  ;  and,  finally,  the  ambitious,  to  whom 
risings  and  unrest  in  the  country  were  ever  welcome.  The 
expressions  in  the  brief  of  September  28th  had  aroused  fears 
in  England  that  Pole  would  take  legal  proceedings  against  the 
holders  of  Church  property  after  the  reunion  with  Rome,  and 
demand  restitution.  Then  Renard  laid  the  following  ques- 
tions before  the  English  Cardinal.  Did  he  propose  to  make  a 
solemn  entry  into  London,  invested  with  the  insignia  of  his 
office  as  legate  ?  Would  he  exercise  his  powers  in  agreement 
with  Mary  and  Philip  ?  Would  the  Pope  grant  him  an 
amplification  of  the  powers  he  had  already  received  ?  Pole 
answered  that  they  must,  above  all  things,  cease  to  expect 
that  the  breach  could  be  healed  by  this  prolonged  delay.  He 
would  make  no  difficulty  about  appearing  in  England  as  a 
simple  Papal  envoy,  without  the  insignia  of  a  legate,  he  would 
not  hesitate  to  seek  the  advice  of  their  Majesties  in  the  exercise 
of  his  powers,  and  he  had  no  doubt  as  to  the  readiness  of  the 
Pope  to  meet  their  wishes. 

In  a  further  meeting  on  October  25th,  Renard  again  returned 
to  the  question  of  Church  property,  and  the  extension  of  the 
powers  given  him  by  the  Pope.  In  order  to  satisfy  him,  Pole 
showed  him  the  secret  brief  of  August  5th,  in  which  Julius  III. 

1  Ibid. 

2  Pole  to  Julius  III.,  October  23,  1554  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  955. 


POLE     AT     LAST     STARTS.  283 

had,  from  the  first,  promised  his  concurrence  with  all  the  decis- 
ions of  the  legate.  Renard  was  exceedingly  pleased  and 
declared  that  if  the  existence  of  this  document  had  been  known 
earlier,  all  the  recent  steps  which  had  been  taken  with  regard 
to  the  Pope  would  have  been  unnecessary.  On  Renard's 
advice,  the  brief  was  also  laid  before  the  Emperor,  who 
remarked  in  astonishment  to  Muzzarelli  :  "  If  the  legate  is  not 
already  in  England,  he  has  only  himself  to  thank  for  it."1 

Pole's  time,  therefore,  had  at  last  arrived.  His  joy,  as 
Muzzarelli  wrote  was  "  inconceivably  great,"  and  in  his  letters 
to  London  and  Rome  he  expressed  it  in  the  strongest  terms.2 
His  satisfaction  could  only  be  increased  by  a  letter  from  the 
queen,  on  November  6th.  She  informed  him  that  she  had,  on 
the  previous  Saturday,  announced  to  her  Council,  in  a  formal 
sitting  and  in  the  presence  of  her  husband,  that  in  her  opinion 
the  time  had  now  come  to  summon  the  legate  and  to  complete 
the  reconciliation  with  Rome.  All  had  unanimously  agreed 
with  this  opinion  of  the  queen,  and  two  of  the  most  influential 
members,  Lord  Paget  and  Lord  Edward  Hastings,  had  at  once 
been  commissioned  to  repair  to  Brussels  and  invite  the  legate 
to  England  in  the  name  of  the  Royal  Council.3  On  November 
8th  the  English  ambassador  in  Brussels,  John  Mason,  showed 
this  official  invitation  to  the  Emperor,  and  on  the  following 
day,  Granvelle  informed  the  English  Cardinal  that  it  was  now 
time  to  prepare  for  the  journey  to  London.4 

On  November  nth  Paget  and  Hastings  presented  themselves 
before  the  legate,  and  again  at  once  referred  to  the  burning 
question  of  the  Church  property,  which  now  formed  the  only 
obstacle  to  the  reconciliation  of  their  country  with  the  Pope.5 
Pole  had  his  farewell  audience  with  the  Emperor  on  the  12th, 
and  on  the  following  day  he  left  Brussels. 

1  Ancel,  788. 

2  Muzzarelli  to  del  Monte,  October  28,  1554  in  Ancel,  789. 
Pole  to  Mary,  October  27,  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  958  ;  Pole  to  Philip, 
October  27,  ibid.,  n.  959  ;    Pole  to  Cardinal  Morone,  ibid.,  n.  960. 

3  Ancel,  789. 

4  Pole  to  Julius  III.,  November  11,  1554,  in  Brown,  V.,  n.  962. 

5  Ibid.,  n.  962,  p.  592. 


284  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

His  journey  to  London  was  like  a  triumphal  procession.1 
On  November  19th  he  was  received  at  Calais,  on  his  first 
entering  into  English  territory,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  by 
the  marshall  at  the  head  of  the  garrison,  and  all  the  officials. 
When  he  landed  at  Dover  he  was  welcomed  by  Lord  Montague 
and  Thirlby,  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  who  were  accompanied  by  a 
great  number  of  the  nobility,  in  the  name  of  the  queen  and  King 
Philip.  The  further  he  advanced,  the  greater  was  the  number 
of  the  nobles  of  the  country  who  joined  him,  until  at  last  1800 
gentlemen  formed  his  retinue. 

At  Canterbury  Pole  was  received  with  joyful  acclamations 
by  the  people.  From  thence  he  sent  Richard  Pate,  Bishop  of 
Worcester,  to  their  Majesties,  to  ask  when  they  would  grant 
him  an  audience.  WThen  he  proceeded,  two  days  later,  two 
members  of  Parliament  brought  him  the  news  at  Gravesend 
that  the  sentence  of  attainder  pronounced  against  him  by 
Henry  VIII.  had  been  reversed  by  Parliament,  amid  cries  of 
jubilation,  in  the  presence  of  the  queen  and  King  Philip. 
In  handing  him  the  document  which  had  been  drawn  up 
concerning  this,  the  two  members  informed  him  that  their 
Majesties  desired  him  to  appear  before  them  as  legate,  wearing 
all  the  insignia  of  his  office. 

The  same  proposal  had  been  made  to  Pole  at  Canterbury, 
but  then  he  had  declined  to  accept  it,  but  now,  as  their  Majes- 
ties wished  it,  he  had  to  give  way.  The  large  silver  legate's 
cross  was  affixed  to  the  prow  of  the  royal  barge  which  the 
queen  had  sent  to  meet  him  at  Gravesend,  and  the  Cardinal, 
accompanied  by  a  great  number  of  vessels,  which  carried  the 
greatest  nobles  of  the  land,  sailed  up  the  Thames  to  West- 
minster. There  he  was  welcomed  on  landing  by  Gardiner, 
at  the  gate  by  King  Philip,  and  at  the  top  of  the  steps,  which 
he  ascended  in  the  company  of  Philip,  by  the  queen,  who  was 
radiantly  happy,  and  declared  that  she  had  not  felt  such 
gladness  on  her  accession  to  the  throne.2     This  memorable 

1  Description  of  the  journey  in  a  letter  of  Pole  to  del  Monte,  of 
November  25,  1554,  in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  Inghil- 
terra,  III.,  69-70.     Cf.  Ancel,  790  seqq.,  Lingard,  177. 

2  Lee,  346. 


POLE     IN     ENGLAND.  285 

day  was  November  24th.  Pole  took  up  his  temporary  resi- 
dence in  the  archiepiscopal  palace  at  Lambeth. 

The  task  which  had  brought  .the  legate  to  England  could  only 
be  accomplished  with  the  help  of  Parliament,  which  had  been 
sitting  since  November  12th.  In  the  opening  speech,  Gardiner 
declared  that  the  first  Parliament  of  the  queen's  reign  had 
restored  the  former  religious  conditions,  the  second  had 
confirmed  her  marriage  treaty,  and  the  third  was  asked  to  bring 
about  the  union  of  the  kingdom  with  the  Universal  Church.1 
No  opposition  to  the  rOyal  wishes  was  expected,  and  both 
Houses  had  very  willingly  reversed  the  sentence  of  attainder 
on  Pole.  The  manner  in  which  the  reconciliation  with  Rome 
was  now  to  be  effected  in  Parliament  was  discussed  by  Pole 
and  Gardiner  on  November  25th.  This  was  determined  by  the 
legate  on  the  following  day,  and  carried  into  execution,  as  had 
been  already  arranged,  on  November  28th,  29th  and  30th. 
It  happened  very  fortunately  that,  just  as  Pole  was  deliberating 
with  the  sovereigns,  the  Papal  Bull,  containing  all  the  altera- 
tions asked  for  by  the  Cardinal,  should  have  been  delivered  to 
him.2 

On  November  28th  Parliament  assembled  in  the  royal 
palace  of  Whitehall.  Pole  was  solemnly  brought  in  and 
delivered  a  long  discourse  setting  forth  the  purpose  of  his 
mission.3  He  thanked  them,  first  of  all,  for  having,  by  their 
repeal  of  the  act  of  attainder,  restored  to  him  his  native  land, 
his  estates  and  his  title  of  nobility.  He  had  returned,  he  said, 
to  restore  to  his  country  her  title  of  nobility,  which  in  the 
sorrowful  events  of  the  preceding  decades  she  had  forfeited. 
Till  now,  England  had  distinguished  herself  by  her  devotion 
to  Christ  and  the  Holy  See  ;    this  devotion  she  had  fostered, 

1  Lingard,  177. 

2  Ancel,  792.  The  Bull  was  discovered  by  Ancel  in  the  *Reg. 
Vat.,  1795,  p.  295.  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).  It  bears  the 
date  August  1,  1554,  so  that  the  reconciliation  of  England  may 
appear  to  be  a  result  of  the  Queen's  marriage  on  July  25,  Ancel, 
792. 

3  Contents  of  the  speech,  from  a  copy  in  the  Secret  Archives  of 
the  Vatican,  in  Ancel,  793. 


286  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

and  through  Boniface,  had  spread  among  other  nations.  She 
had  been  deprived  of  this  great  prerogative  and  noble  title 
because  the  Holy  See  would  not  give  way  to  a  criminal  passion, 
and  because,  in  contradiction  to  their  forefathers,  she  had  gone 
to  foreign  nations  in  order  to  be  indoctrinated  with  the  abom- 
inations of  their  false  teaching.  Now,  however,  God  had 
raised  up  a  queen  who  would  lead  her  country  out  of  this  house 
of  bondage,  and  the  two  highest  powers  on  earth,  the  Pope  and 
the  Emperor,  had  come  to  support  her.  King  Philip,  as  the 
representative  of  the  Emperor,  would  establish  temporal  peace, 
and  he  himself,  as  the  representative  ot  the  Pope,  had  come 
to  give  his  countrymen  spiritual  peace.  Only  two  conditions 
were  necessarily  bound  up  with  the  reunion  of  the  country 
with  the  Holy  See  :  they  must  acknowledge  their  transgression, 
and  they  must  repeal  the  laws  against  the  Papal  supremacy. 

After  this  speech,  Pole  retired,  and  Gardiner  continued  the 
discussion.  His  exhortation  to  reunion  with  the  Church 
was  received  with  universal  applause,  and  on  the  following 
day  the  proposal  was  formally  voted  upon  and  carried. 

On  November  30th,  Parliament  again  assembled  in  the 
great  hall  of  the  royal  palace.  Philip  sat  at  the  queen's  left 
hand,  and  the  Cardinal  on  her  right,  but  at  a  greater  distance 
from  the  throne.  Gardiner  announced  the  decision  of  the 
previous  day,  and  begged  their  Majesties  to  act  as  mediators 
between  the  representatives  of  the  people  and  the  legate.  A 
petition  to  this  effect  was  then  read  aloud,  which  all  present 
loudly  acclaimed,  after  which  the  queen  and  King  Philip 
handed  it  to  the  legate  and  begged  absolution  for  schism  and 
all  censures.  Pole  then  caused  the  Bull  concerning  his  powers 
and  authority  to  be  read,  and  gave  thanks  to  God  in  a  short 
speech  for  England's  reconciliation.  Then  all,  the  queen  and 
king  not  excepted,  fell  upon  their  knees  and  received  abso- 
lution in  the  name  of  the  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Ghost.  A 
loud  and  oft  repeated  "  Amen  "  resounded  on  all  sides,  and  a 
solemn  Te  Deum  in  the  royal  chapel  closed  the  proceedings.1 

Two  days  later,  on  the  first  Sunday  in  Advent,  Pole  made  his 

1  LlNGARD,    I79.       ANCEL,    794-5. 


DECREES     ABOUT     CHURCH     PROPERTY.       287 

entry  into  London,  amid  universal  enthusiasm.  After  Bishop 
Bonner  had  celebrated  High  Mass  in  the  presence  of  the  legate 
and  King  Philip,  Gardiner  preached  at  St.  Paul's  Cross  on  the 
text  from  the  liturgy  of  the  day  :  "  Now  is  the  time  to  arouse 
from  sleep."  He  was  listened  to  by  25,000  people.  When 
Pole  returned  to  the  archiepiscopal  palace,  the  people  thronged 
round  him  in  such  crowds  to  receive  his  blessings,  that  Par- 
paglia  writes  that  he  could  not  have  believed  that  London 
contained  so  many  inhabitants.1 

The  burning  question  of  the  Church  property  was  finally 
settled  immediately  after  the  reconciliation.2  Two  petitions 
on  the  matter  were  addressed  to  the  Crown,  one  from  Parlia- 
ment, and  the  other  from  the  clergy.  In  the  former,  Parlia- 
ment besought  their  Majesties  to  obtain  from  the  legate  all 
those  dispensations  which  the  changes  during  the  time  of 
schism  made  necessary,  and  they  desired,  in  particular,  that 
the  right  of  possession  should  be  assured  to  the  present  holders 
of  Church  lands.  In  the  other  petition  the  clergy  renounced  all 
claim  on  the  stolen  ecclesiastical  property.  Pole  issued  the 
desired  decree  on  December  24th.  In  accordance  with  this, 
all  the  charitable  institutions  and  schools  founded  during  the 
schism  were  to  remain  in  being,  and  all  the  marriages  and 
episcopal  "  acta  "  concluded  during  this  period  without  the 
necessary  Papal  dispensation  were  declared  valid,  while  the 
possessors  of  Church  property  were  not  to  be  disturbed,  either 
now  or  in  the  future,  on  ecclesiastical  grounds.  A  compre- 
hensive Bill  ot  January  1555  then  declared  that  all  the  statutes 
promulgated  since  the  twentieth  year  of  Henry  VIII.  against 
the  Papal  authority  were  invalid,  and  confirmed  the  legate's 
decree. 

As  a  sign  that  a  new  era  had  begun  and  that  the  old  troubles 
were  forgotten,  at  the  return  of  England  to  the  Universal 
Church,  all  those  who  still  remained  in  prison  on  account  of 
their  participation  in  the  rebellion  of  Northumberland  and 
Wyatt,  were  released  from  the  Tower  on  January  18th,  1555,3 

1  ANCEL,    795-6.  2  LlNGARD,     I7Q-182. 

3  Ibid.  184. 


288  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Elizabeth  returned  to  court,  while  Courtenay  received  "  per- 
mission "  to  travel  for  the  purpose  of  impioving  his  education. 
He  died  suddenly  in  Venice  in  1556. 

Viscount  Montague,  Bishop  Thirlby  and  Sir  Edward  Carne 
were  appointed  ambassadors  to  Rome  on  February  18th,  to 
announce  officially  to  the  Pope  the  happy  news  of  England's 
return  to  the  Church.1 

Julius  III.  received  the  first  news  of  the  events  of  St. 
Andrew's  Day,  on  December  14th,  in  a  letter  from  the  hand  ot 
King  Philip.2  The  Feast  of  St.  Andrew,  to  which  he  owed  his 
deliverance  at  the  sack  of  Rome,3  again  became  for  him  a  day 
of  rejoicing.  He  caused  the  royal  letter  to  be  read  to  as  many 
Cardinals,  prelates  and  others  as  the  Hall  of  Consistory  could 
contain,  and  then  proceeded  to  St.  Peter's  in  order  to  assist  at 
a  Mass  of  thanksgiving  in  St.  Andrew's  Chapel.  Afterwards, 
prayers  of  thanksgiving  for  fourteen  days  were  prescribed 
and  a  Jubilee  indulgence  proclaimed.4  The  joyful  events  were 
celebrated  in  other  parts  of  Italy,  as  well  as  in  Rome,5  by 
solemn  thanksgivings  and  bonfires,6  while  pamphlets  an- 
nounced the  great  triumph  in  the  most  distant  lands.7     The 

1  Ibid. 

2  Ancel,  796.  Nonciat.  de  France,  I.,  175.  A  letter  of  Pole  of 
November  30,  (Raynaldus,  1554,  n.  15.  Brown,  V.,  n.  966) 
only  reached  Rome  later.  An  official  letter  of  Mary  and  Philip  of 
December  16,  in  Ribier,  II.,  542. 

3  Cf.  supra  p.  47. 

4  See  Acta  Consist,  in  Raynaldus,  1554,  n-  l6  '>  Nonciat.  de 
France,  I.,  175  ;.  Beccadelli,  Monumenta,  II.,  315. 

5  See  Pagliucchi,  126  :  L'allegrezza  publica  et  ringraziamenti 
fatti  a  Dio  dalla  Santita  di  N.S.  Julio  papa  III.  et  dal  sacro  collegio 
per  il  ritorno  del  regno  dTnghilterra  alia  cattob'ca  unione,  Milan, 
1555.  The  "  Oratio  in  laetitia  ob  reconciliationem  Britanniae 
Romae  celebrata,"  of  U.  Foglieta,  dedicated  to  Julius  III., 
appeared  at  that  time  in  print  in  Rome. 

6  Cf.  Arch.  Stor.  Napolit.,  II.,  575.     Merkle,  II.,  448. 

7  Two  pamphlets  adorned  with  the  arms  of  the  Pope  and 
England,  which  were  printed  in  Rome,  must  be  mentioned  here  : 
1.  Copia  delle  lettere  del  ser.  Re  dTnghilterra,  del  rever.  Card. 
Polo  legato  della  S.  Sede  Apostolica  alia  Santita  di   N,S.   Julio 


"  THE     GOLDEN     ROSE."  289 

auditor  of  the  Rota,  Antonio  Agostini,  was  commissioned  to 
present  Queen  Mary  with  the  Golden  Rose,  her  consort  receiv- 
ing a  consecrated  sword  and  hat  of  state.1 

Papa  III.  sopra  la  reduttione  di  quel  regno  alia  unione  della  Santa 
madre  Chiesa  et  obedienza  della  Sede  Apostolica,  s.l.et  a.  ;  2.  II 
felicissimo  ritorno  del  regno  dTnghilterra  alia  catholica  unione  et 
alia  obedientia  della  sede  apostolica,  s.l.et  a.  Cf.  Quirini,  V.,  303  ; 
Beccadelli,  Monumenta,  II.,  313,  n.  51. 

1  See  Raynaldus,  1555,  n.  2  ;    Pieter,  67-68  ;    Brown,  VI.,  1, 
n.  3°.  37»  66. 


VOL.    XIII.  19 


CHAPTER    XI. 

Spread    of   Christianity   in    the    New   World. 

The  Apostolic  See  devoted  special  attention  to  the  missions 
in  the  New  World  during  the  reign  of  Julius  III.  A  brief 
of  July  20th,  1554,  made  an  attempt  to  provide  for  the  scarcity 
of  missionaries  in  America,  in  accordance  with  which  suitable 
members  of  the  Franciscan,  Dominican  and  Augustinian 
Orders  could  receive  permission  to  go  as  missionaries  to 
America  from  the  Archbishop  of  Seville,  the  Bishops  of  Avila, 
the  Patriarch  of  the  West  Indies,  and  the  former  Bishop  of 
Pamplona,  Antonio  Fonseca,  even  without  the  sanction  of  the 
superiors  of  their  own  Order.1  A  new  bishopric  was  founded 
at  la  Plata  on  June  27th,  1552,  in  the  modern  Bolivia,  for 
Spanish  South  America.2  Portuguese  South  America  had 
always  been  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Funchal,  in  Madeira,  whom  Clement  VII.  had  appointed 
metropolitan  for  the  whole  of  the  Portuguese  colonies.3  This 
arrangement  was  brought  to  an  end  on  February  25th,  155 1, 
and  San  Salvador  (Bahia)  was  founded  as  a  bishopric  for 
Brazil.4     Soon  afterwards,  on  June  26th,  1551,  Funchal  lost 

1  Raynaldus,  1554,  n.  30. 

2  Acta  Consist.  (Consistorial  Archives)  ;  cf.  Raynaldus, 
1552,  n.  58  ;  Gams,  160.  By  the  *brief  of  September  27,  1552, 
Thomas  de  S.  Martino  elect,  de  la  Plata  in  Indiis,  received  author- 
ity to  take  four  monks  with  him,  capable  of  instructing  in  the 
gospel,  preaching,  &c.  (Brev.  Julii  III.,  Arm.  41,  t.  65,  n.  635. 
Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

3  Cf.  Vol.  X.  of  this  work,  p.  366. 

4  Acta  Consist,  loc.  cit.  Raynaldus,  1551,  n.  79.  Corpo  dipl. 
Port.,  VII.,  2  seq.     The  Bull  of  Foundation  of  July  3,   1550,  in 

290 


THE     JESUITS     IN     BRAZIL.  2()I 

its  metropolitan  rights  as  an  independent  see,  and  became  a 
suffragan  bishopric  of  Lisbon.1 

The  superior  of  the  Jesuit  mission  in  Brazil,  Manoel  Nobrega, 
had,  in  particular,  worked,  in  his  letters  to  Europe,  for  the 
establishment  of  a  separate  bishopric  there.  It  was  his 
opinion  that  only  the  respect  felt  for  a  bishop,  and  the  power 
which  he  could  wield,  would  be  sufficient  to  improve  the  moral 
conditions  of  the  country,  of  which  Nobrega's  letters  give  such 
a  sad  picture.2 

For  some  time  after  his  arrival,  Nobrega's  letters  bore  the 
stamp  of  joyful  anticipation.  In  spite  of  their  cannibalism 
and  polygamy,  the  savages  seemed  to  be  easily  capable  of 
civilization.  They  asked  for  instruction  in  reading  and  writing, 
as  well  as  in  Christian  doctrine  ;  they  came  willingly  to  the 
Christian  church,  and  behaved  there  like  white  people.3 
"  Nowhere  in  the  world,"  wrote  Nobrega  on  August  10th, 
1549,  "  nad  such  favourable  prospects  been  opened  to  Christ- 
ianity/'4 while  again,  on  September  14th,  1551,  he  thought  the 

the  Bullarium  Patronatus  Portugalliae,  L,  Lisbon,  1868,  177 
{cf.  Marcellino  da  Civezza,  VI.,  778).  Concerning  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  oversea  Spanish  and  Portuguese  bishoprics, 
cf.  F.  X.  Hernaez,  Collection  de  Bulas,  Breves  y  otros  docu- 
mentos  relativos  a  la  Iglesia  de  America  y  Filipinas,  II.,  1  seqq., 
663  seqq.,  Brussels-Paris,   1879. 

1  Acta  Consist,  loc.  cit. 

2  Materiaes  e  achegas  para  a  historia  e  geographia  do  Brasil, 
publicados  por  ordem  do  Ministerio  da  Fazenda.  No.  2  :  Cartas 
do  Brasil  do  Padre  Manoel  da  Nobrega,  Rio  de  Janeiro,  1866, 
50,  57.  Ibid.  104,  Nobrega  names  the  Brazilian  bishopric  as  a 
work  of  the  Portuguese  Jesuit  provincial,  Simon  Rodriguez  : 
"  Vossa  Reverendissima  foi  principio  de  tao  grande  bem  "  ; 
cf.  Polanco,  III.,  465  :  "  Cuius  [episcopi]  promotionem  apud 
regem  nostri  [the  Jesuits]  curaverant."  Nobrega  also  recommen- 
ded the  introduction  of  the  Inquisition  as  a  means  of  freeing  the 
slaves  :  "  o  melhor  remedio  destas  cousas  seria  que  o  Rei  mandasse 
inquisidores  ou  commissarios  para  fazer  libertar  os  escravos, 
ao  menos  os  que  sao  salteados."     Materiaes,  79. 

3  Materiaes,  48,  84.  4  Ibid.  66. 


292  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

savages  in  Pernambuco  would  be  easy  to  convert,  but  that  he 
would  require  a  larger  number  of  priests  than  was  at  present 
at  his  disposal  to  continue  the  good  work.1  By  the  end  of 
1553,  four  Jesuit  settlements  had  already  been  founded,  in 
Bahia,  Porto  Seguro,  Espirito  Santo  and  San  Vincente,  to 
which  Piratininga,  the  present  San  Paolo,  was  added  in  Janu- 
ary, 1554.2  The  instruction  of  the  Indian  children,  to  which 
the  missionaries  zealously  devoted  themselves,  seemed  specially 
full  of  promise.3 

The  atrocities  committed  by  the  white  people,  who  were  for 
the  most  part  deported  criminals,4  soon  destroyed  these  hopes. 
Nobrega  complains5  that  they  spoke  of  the  natives  as  dogs  and 
treated  them  as  such.  They  introduced  slave  raids  (saltos), 
induced  the  aborigines  to  embark  on  ships  under  false  pre- 
tences, and  sailed  away  with  them  and  sold  them  as  slaves.6 
Their  owners,  moreover,  troubled  themselves  very  little  about 
the  welfare  of  their  slaves,  they  worked  them  to  death  and 
then  threw  them  in  heaps  on  dunghills.7  Frequently  they 
took  possession  of  the  Indian  women,  white  women  having 
only  left  Europe  in  small  numbers,  and  real  marriages  with 
coloured  people  not  being  considered  fitting,  the  consequence 
of  these  conditions  was  a  most  shocking  state  of  immorality.8 

Here  as  elsewhere,  the  missionaries  proved  themselves 
almost  the  onty  friends  of  the  oppressed  people.  They  ex- 
horted and  protested  in  their  sermons,  and  backed  up  their 
protests  by  the  refusal  of  the  Sacraments  ;9  they  assembled 
the  slaves  to  instruct  them  in  Christianity,10  and  wrote  to  the 

1  Ibid.  91  ;  cf.  88  :  "  Mm  facil  cousa  e  serem  totos  christaos,  si 
houver  muitos  obrieros  que  os  conservem  em  bons  costumes." 

2  POLANCO,    IV.,   6ll. 

3  Materiaes,  84,  88,  101. 

4  POLANCO,     V.,     622. 

5  Materiaes,   151. 

6  Ibid.  55- 

7  Ibid.     152. 

8  Ibid.    54,    79. 

9  Ibid.  79,  102. 

10  Ibid.  88. 


THE     JESUITS     AT     BAHIA.  293 

King  of  Portugal  to  send  out  free  labourers1  and  white  women.2 
They  met  with  a  certain  amount  of  success,  and  in  some  cases 
astonishing  results  were  obtained.3  Everything  was  spoilt 
however,  as  far  as  the  immediate  future  was  concerned,  by  the 
arrival  of  the  bishop,  upon  whom  such  hopes  had  been  built. 
Pedro  Fernandez  Sardinha,  who  reached  Bahia  on  June  22nd, 
'LSS2*  was  not  capable,  in  spite  of  his  zeal,  of  filling  his  difficult 
post  in  a  successful  manner  ;  the  clergy,  too,  whom  he  had 
brought  with  him  from  Portugal,  were  the  dregs  of  their  sacred 
calling,  and  destroyed  by  their  bad  example  and  their  indis- 
criminate dispensation  of  the  Sacraments,  everything  which 
the  missionaries  had,  with  so  much  trouble,  attained.  The 
activities  of  the  Jesuits  among  the  white  population  in  Bahia 
were  thus  quite  brought  to  an  end.  Nobrega  retired  to  some 
distance  from  the  town,  leaving  only  one  missionary  behind 
for  the  benefit  of  the  children.5  The  bishop  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  cannibals  in  1556  and  was  eaten  by  them.6 

The  Indians  of  the  primeval  forests  had  no  fixed  place  of 
abode  ;  it  might  easily  happen  that  the  missionary  who 
instructed  them  would  find,  on  his  return,  nothing  but  their 
burnt  down  village.7  Besides  this,  the  different  hamlets  often 
consisted  of  no  more  than  six  or  seven  huts,  and  this  scattered 
condition  of  the  Indians  greatly  increased  the  difficulty  of 
instructing  them.  Marriages  worthy  of  the  name  were  also 
almost  unknown  among  them,  and  they  had  neither  chiefs  nor 

1  Ibid.  100. 

2  Ibid.  79  ;    cf.  54. 

3  Materiaes,  55,  77-8,  91,  148,  150.  Sometimes  Indians  who 
had  been  seized  as  slaves  were  allowed  to  go  free,  as  their  captors 
had  been  refused  absolution  in  confession  (Ibid.  102).  Female 
Indians  preferred  to  suffer  ill-usage  than  to  return  to  a  life 
of  sin  with  their  master  (Ibid.  120).  Cf.  the  testimony  of  Correa, 
in  Polanco,  III.,  463  :  "  multos  esse  in  illis  praesidiis  non 
utcunque,  sed  egregie  pios  ac  bonos." 

4  Materiaes,  94. 

5  Ibid.  148-9  ;   cf.  129,  144. 

6  Ibid.  148,  153. 

7  Polanco,  II.,  159. 


294  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

any  idea  of  community  life  ;  each  one  was  king  in  his  own 
hut  and  did  as  he  pleased.1 

The  missionaries  were,  therefore,  convinced  that  until  a 
certain  amount  of  civilization  and  order  had  been  introduced 
among  them,  there  could  be  no  question  of  lasting  success,2 
and  they  were  extremely  careful  in  baptizing  them,  chiefly  on 
this  ground.3 

As  far  as  lay  in  their  power,  the  missionaries  themselves 
endeavoured  to  pave  the  way  for  more  civilized  conditions, 
by  uniting  several  hamlets  into  one  larger  village,  with  a  view 
to  rendering  the  work  of  instruction  easier,  or,  in  accordance 
with  the  principle  adopted  in  the  later  settlements,  by  collect- 
ing the  converts  into  special  communities.4  Law  and  order, 
however,  could  only  be  introduced  among  the  Indians  on  a 
large  scale,  when  the  state  lent  its  assistance  for  this  purpose. 
Nobrega,  therefore,  wrote  in  1554  that  everything  was  again 
going  to  ruin  among  the  savages  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Bahia  ;  tribes  were  destroying  and  devouring  one  another  in 
marauding  expeditions,  while  families  were  living  in  a  per- 
petual state  of  feud  with  each  other.  It  was  the  duty  of  the 
authorities  to  intervene  at  this  juncture,  for  the  savages  them- 
selves would  prefer  a  mild  condition  of  dependence  to  the 
present  state  of  affairs.5 

The  only  obstacle  was  that  the  whites  took  little  interest  in 
the  civilization  of  the  natives.  On  the  contrary,  it  was 
considered  sound  policy  to  encourage  the  dissensions  among 
them,  for  the  safety  of  the  white  people  was  based  on  the  fact 
of  the  Indians  destroying  one  another.6  Therefore  they  incited 
one  tribe  against  the  next,  encouraging  them  in  the  enjoyment 

1  Polanco,  IV.,  631. 

2  Ibid.  IV.,  631,  V.,  626.     Materiaes,   131,   147. 

3  Polanco,  II.,  159,  382,  387,  388,  393,  725  ;  III.,  472  ;  IV., 
623  :  "  Nee  nisi  post  longam  probationem  quemquam  baptiza- 
bant  "  ;  V.,  636  :  "  Cum  magno  delect u  a  nostris  ad  eum  (bap- 
tismum)  admittebantur." 

4  Ibid.  III.,  472  ;    IV.,  615.     Materiaes,  56,  99. 

5  Materiaes,  107. 

6  Ibid.  150  seqq. 


DIFFICULTIES     OF     THE     MISSIONARIES.       295 

of  human  flesh,  while  there  were  not  wanting  even  white 
people  who  shared  their  dreadful  feasts,  with  a  view  to  giving 
them  an  example.1  The  Creoles,  cross-breeds  between  whites 
and  Indians,  also  worked  in  direct  opposition  to  the  mission- 
aries, by  trying  to  make  the  natives  who  had  been  baptized 
renounce  Christianity,  and  treating  them  as  cowards  or  women2 
if  they  would  not  do  so. 

It  is  astonishing  and  worthy  of  all  admiration  that  the 
missionaries  did  not  lose  heart  under  such  difficulties.  Living 
in  the  greatest  poverty,3  hated  by  the  rich  on  account  of  their 
sermons  against  the  slave  raids,4  hindered  sometimes  by  the 
governor,  who  did  not  pay  them  the  cost  of  maintenance 
settled  on  them  by  the  king, 5  hampered  by  differences  of  opin- 
ion with  the  bishop,6  and  crushed  by  the  consciousness  that 
their  success  did  not  correspond  to  the  labour  it  involved,7 
they  never  ceased  to  defend  the  rights  of  humanity,  in  dis- 
putations and  in  letters  to  Portugal  laying  their  complaints 
before  the  king,8  and  all  the  time  continuing  their  efforts  to 
comfort  and  alleviate  the  miseries  of  the  unfortunate  natives, 
in  as  far  as  it  lay  in  their  power  to  do  so. 

As  the  labours  of  the  Jesuits  met,  for  the  present,  with  so 
much  opposition  in  the  Portuguese  settlements  on  the  coast, 
they  earnestly  hoped  that  better  prospects  v/ould  open  before 
them  somewhere  else.9  This  seemed  to  be  the  case  in  Para- 
guay.10 That  country  had  been  subject  to  the  Spaniards  for 
years,  and  what  the  missionaries  had  been  vainly  trying  to  do 
in  Brazil,  namely,  to  establish  law  and  order  among  the 
Indians,  had  been  already  accomplished  there.     The  natives 

1  Ibid.  150  ;    cf.  87. 

2  Polanco,   IV.,   613. 

3  Ibid.   626,   628.     Materiaes,    102,    104. 

4  Polanco,   III.,  461. 

5  Ibid.  V.,  623. 

6  Ibid.  III.,  462,  465  ;    cf.  Materiaes,  104-5,  148. 

7  Polanco,  V.,  632,  638.     Materiaes,  147,  149,  157. 

8  Materiaes,  90,  98,   106. 

9  Polanco,  II.,  718;    III.,  456. 

10  Ibid.  III.,  456-460.     Materiaes,   131,  166,  167. 


296  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

had  been  instructed  in  Christianity  by  travelling  missionaries 
of  the  Franciscan  Order,  and  atterwards  by  secular  priests  ; 
as,  however,  there  was  a  great  need  of  spiritual  assistance,  the 
Indians  had  repeatedly,  since  1552,  sent  messages  to  the  Jesuits 
in  Brazil  to  come  to  their  aid.1  There  was  no  want  of  readiness 
on  the  part  of  the  Jesuits  to  grant  their  request,  but  the  plan 
fell  through  on  account  of  the  opposition  of  the  Portuguese 
authorities. 

In  1557,  with  the  arrival  of  a  new  governor,  Men  de  Sa, 
conditions  in  Brazil  took  a  more  favourable  turn.  Men  de  Sa 
supported  the  missionaries  in  every  way.  He  at  once  reunited 
the  natives  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bahia  in  three  large  vil- 
lages, each  of  which  contained  a  church  ;  schools  arose  for  the 
Indian  children,  while  law  and  justice  were  administered 
among  the  natives  in  a  humane  manner.  These  efforts  were 
not,  it  is  true,  received  with  any  thanks  by  the  colonists.2 

While  the  mission  on  the  Brazilian  coast  was  thus  preparing 
for  its  period  of  greatest  development  by  a  time  of  probation, 
the  conversion  of  the  Indians  in  Mexico  was  being  definitely 
provided  for.3 

Fernando  Cortez  had  been  accompanied  by  two  priests  when 

1  Polanco,  III.,  458  ;    IV.,  615,  617  ;   V.,  620. 

2  Materiaes,  156  seqq.  One  of  the  first  Protestant  missionary 
attempts  also  took  place  at  this  time.  The  Frenchman,  Durand 
de  Villegaignon,  an  apostate  Catholic,  had  founded  a  colony 
in  Brazil  in  1550,  and  requested  Calvin  to  send  missionaries 
These,  however,  declared,  three  months  after  their  arrival,  that 
they  could  make  nothing  of  the  savages  (Calvini  Opera,  ed.  G. 
Baum,  E.  Cunitz,  E.  Reuss,  XVI.,  434).  Nobrega  speaks  of 
Villegaignon  (Materiaes,  174)  :  "  Estes  Francezes  seguiam  as 
heresias  de  Allemanha,  pricipalmente  as  de  Calvino,  que  esta 
em  Genebra  e  segundo  soube  delles  mesmos  e  pelos  livros  que 
lhe  acharam  muitos,  e  vinham  a  esta  terra  a  semear  estas  here 
sias  pelo  Gentio." 

3  Jeronimo  Mendieta  (died  1604),  Historia  ecclesiastica 
Indiana,  Mexico,  1870.  Marcellino  da  Civezza,  Stona  univer- 
sale delle  Missioni  Francescane,  VI.,  523-668,  Prato,  1881  ;  VII., 
2,  ibid.  574-882,  1 891. 


THE     FRANCISCANS     IN     MEXICO.  297 

he  first  landed  in  the  New  World,  and  on  the  news  of  the  com- 
pletion of  the  conquest  of  Mexico  in  1523,  five  Franciscans  had 
immediately  set  sail  for  America.  The  actual  founders  of 
Christianity  in  New  Spain,  however,  were  the  twelve  Francis- 
cans who,  invested  with  the  fullest  powers1  by  Leo  X.  on  April 
25th,  1521,  and  by  Adrian  VI.  on  May  13th,  1522,  entered  the 
capital  in  1524  under  Martin  of  Valencia,  who  died  in  1534. 
Cortez  himself  went  out  to  meet  them  with  a  brilliant  retinue, 
falling  on  his  knees  and  kissing  their  hands,  to  the  amazement 
of  the  numerous  natives  who  had  flocked  to  the  spot,  and 
introducing  them  to  the  chiefs  as  the  ambassadors  of  heaven.2 
Numerous  members  of  the  other  Orders  now  joined  this  first 
band  of  Franciscan  missionaries,  lists  of  whose  names  are  still 
in  existence.  In  the  years  1529  and  1530  no  less  than  twenty- 
six,  in  1538  thirty-one,  and  in  1542  eighty-six  priests  received 
the  royal  permission  to  proceed  to  Mexico.3  Two  reports 
which  Martin  of  Valencia  and  Juan  Zumarraga  sent  to  Europe 
on  June  12th,  1531,  telling  of  the  success  of  their  labours, 
awakened  great  enthusiasm  in  many  peisons  for  the  vocation 
to  the  missionary  life.4  According  to  Martin  of  Valencia,  in 
153 1  there  were  already  twenty  Franciscan  convents  in 
Mexico,  of  which  the  greater  number  were,  indeed,  little  more 
than  Indian  huts,  but  in  1555  the  number  of  Franciscan  settle- 
ments had  increased  to  fitty,  and  at  the  close  of  the  XVIth 

1  Paul  III.  amplified  this  authority  on  February  15,  1535. 
Printed  copy  of  the  briefs  in  Mendieta,  3,  5-7  (Civezza,  VI., 
542). 

2  Villagomes  (Mendieta,  3,  12)  describes  the  scene  as  an  eye- 
witness (Civezza,  VI.,  550). 

3  Civezza,  VI.,  553-558,  where  an  (incomplete)  list  of  the  Fran- 
ciscans is  given  (taken  from  the  Archivo  de  Indias  in  Seville) 
who  were  sent  by  the  King  to  Mexico  from  1524  to  1550. 

4  Cf.  Ludwig  Schmitt,  Der  Kolner  Theologe  N.  Stagesyr, 
Freiburg,  1896,  170  seqq.  ;  N.  Paulus  in  Katholik,  1897,  II., 
239.  The  two  reports  (in  Italian  in  Civezza,  VI.,  564-568) 
were  circulated  in  French  and  Latin  translations  (Toulouse, 
1532,  and  Cologne,  1532).  Civezza,  VI.,  568,  and  Paulus, 
loc.  cit.,  239. 


298  HISTORY    OF   THE    POrES. 

century  to  seventy.1  The  Franciscans  were  joined  in  1526 
by  the  Dominicans  and  in  1533  by  the  Augustinians.  In  1528 
Juan  Zumarraga,  chosen  by  Charles  V.,  arrived  in  the  capital 
of  the  country  as  bishop-elect  of  Mexico  and  protector  of  the 
Indians.  He  was  consecrated  bishop  in  Spain  in  1532,  and 
returned  to  his  diocese  with  numerous  new  missionaries.  As 
early  as  1546  the  city  of  Mexico  was  able  to  be  raised  to  be  an 
archbishopric,  with  the  suffragan  sees  of  Oaxaca,  Mechoacan, 
Tlaxcala,   Guatemala  and  Chiapa.2 

The  Franciscans  in  Mexico  from  the  very  beginning  made  the 
instructions  of  youth  the  chief  aim  of  their  work.3  In  each  of 
their  convents  great  halls  were  erected,  in  which  on  an  average 
500  native  bo3^s,  and  sometimes  as  many  as  between  800  and 
1000,  received  instruction  in  reading,  writing  and  ecclesiastical 
chant.  They  had,  especially  at  first,  the  sons  of  the  more  in- 
fluential natives  in  view,  who  would  later  occupy  the  more 
important  positions.  The  education  of  the  girls  was  also 
looked  after,  and  for  this  purpose  pious  women,  mostly  mem- 
bers of  the  Third  Orde^,  were  brought  over  from  Spain  to  act 
as  teachers.4  Bishop  Zumarraga,  in  a  letter  to  Chailes  V.  on 
December  21st,  1537,  declared  that  it  was  one  of  the  most 
pressing  requirements  of  the  mission  that  a  large  college  for 
boys  should  be  built  in  each  diocese,  and  a  second  one  for  girls. 
The  instruction  given  to  the  boys  should  be  extended  so  as  to 
include  Latin  grammar,  while  the  girls  should  be  educated 
from  about  their  sixth  year  by  nuns  and  pious  women,  and  be 
married  when  they  attained  the  age  of  twelve.5  By  their  zeal 
in  the  erection  of  schools  the  Franciscans  must  be  regarded 
as  the  founders  of  the  Mexican  system  of  public  education,  for 
in  the  old  Aztec  kingdom  instruction  by  means  of  schools  was 
still  unknown.6 

1  Civezza,  VII.,  2,  488,  530.  2  Gams,  156. 

3  Martino  da  Valenza,  in  Civezza,  VI.,  565.  Mendieta  in 
ibid.,  552. 

4  Civezza,  VI.,  554,  567. 

5  Ibid.  VI.,  630  ;    VII.,  2,  844. 

6  Joaquin  Garcia  Icazbalceta,  La  instruccion  publica  en  la 
ciudad  de  Mexico  durante  el  siglo  XVI. ,  Mexico,  1893. 


PETER     OF     GHENT.  299 

A  simple  lay-brother,  Peter  of  Ghent  (died  1572)  won 
special  renown  as  an  instructor  of  youth,  teaching  the  children 
of  the  capital  for  almost  fifty  years.  In  the  morning  they 
learned  reading,  writing  and  singing,  while  in  the  afternoon 
he  gave  them  lessons  in  Christian  doctrine.  He  had  chosen 
fifty  of  the  most  advanced  pupils  and  sent  them  out.  on  Sun- 
days, two  by  two,  so  that  they  might  fill  the  office  of  catechists 
to  their  countrymen.  Peter  was  also  one  of  the  most  influen- 
tial men  in  Mexico,  from  his  knowledge  of  building  and  his 
skill  in  many  crafts,  so  that  Alonso  de  Montufar,  Zumarraga's 
successor  in  the  archiepiscopal  see  (1551-1569)  said  that  it  was 
not  he,  but  Brother  Peter,  who  was  the  real  bishop  of  Mexico. 
Peter  of  Ghent  could  actually  have  become  Archbishop  of 
Mexico,  if  he  had  not  preferred  to  remain  in  his  humble 
position.1 

While  the  missionaries  were  teaching  the  young  people 
Spanish,  they  themselves  learned  the  Mexican  language  from 
their  pupils,  and  one  of  their  chief  reasons  for  beginning 
operations  by  the  instruction  of  the  young  was  that  they  saw 
in  this  the  easiest  way  of  acquiring  the  idioms  of  the  country.2 

After  they  had  attained  to  sufficient  proficiency  in  this,  the 
conversion  of  the  actual  Aztec  territory  was  accomplished  in  a 
comparatively  short  time.  The  heathen  temples  were  for  the 
most  part  destroyed,  and  the  images  broken.  Zumarraga 
writes  as  early  as  1531  that  500  temples  had  been  cast  down 
and  20,000  idols  burned.3  Catholic  chapels  arose  on  every 
side,  of  which  Peter  of  Ghent  had  already  erected  100  by 
1529, 4  and  to  these  the  Indians  flocked  in  great  numbers. 

1  Serv.  Dirks,  Le  Frere  Pierre  de  Mura,  sa  vie  ct  ses  travaux 
en  Mexique,  Ghent,  1878.  F.  Kieckens,  in  Precis  hist.,  XXIX., 
277  seqq.,  Brussels,  1880.  Civezza,  VI.,  538-542,  600-603 
623-626 ;    VII.,  2,   761-777. 

2  Mendieta  describes  how  the  missionaries  took  part  in  the 
childish  games  of  the  boys,  noting  down  at  once  the  words  which 
fell  trom  their  lips,  and  gathered  together  in  the  evenings  to  rind 
the  most  suitable  Spanish  expressions  for  the  Nahuatl  idioms. 
Civezza,  VI.,  552. 

3  Ibid  VI.,   566.  *Ibid.,  VII.,   2,   770. 


300  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

The  capital  of  the  country  might  serve  as  a  symbol  of  the 
religious  change  which  had  taken  place,  for  it  had  arisen  in  less 
than  four  years  from  the  ruins  of  the  city  destroyed  by  Cortez, 
more  beautiful  and  magnificent  than  before.'  Where  the  temple 
of  the  god  of  war  had  formerly  stood,  the  cathedral,  dedicated 
to  St.  Francis,  now  arose,  into  the  foundations  of  which  the 
broken  images  of  the  Aztec  gods  had  been  thrown.  In  the 
part  of  the  city  called  Tlatelolco  a  second  cathedral  was  to  be 
found,  besides  which  there  were  about  thirty  churches  for 
the  natives.1 

In  many  cases,  it  is  true,  the  conversions  were  only  super- 
ficial ;  Bishop  Zumarraga  complains  in  1537  that  Indians  of 
advanced  age  kept  up  their  old  superstitious  customs,  and 
relinquished  their  idols  and  habits,  especially  that  of  polygamy, 
most  unwillingly  ;  the  missionaries,  therefore,  had  above  all 
things  to  endeavour  to  confirm  the  youth  in  the  Christian 
religion.2  The  learned  Bernadino  of  Sahagun  (died  1590) 
thought  that  the  early  missionaries  had  been  wanting  in  the 
"  wisdom  of  the  serpent,"  for  they  had  not  discovered  that  the 
Indians  went  to  the  Christian  church,  while  still  retaining  their 
old  idols.3  The  missionaries,  however,  who  lived  in  the  closest 
touch  with  the  people,  could  not  be  permanently  mistaken 
as  to  their  mentality,  and  there  are  many  reasons  which  explain 
the  rapid  conversion  of  such  great  masses  of  the  natives. 

The  victory  over  the  old  Mexico  was,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Indians,  also  a  victory  over  the  Mexican  gods,  and  they  had  to 
explain  to  themselves  the  fact  that  the  Spaniards  were  able 
to  destroy  the  idols  unpunished,  in  the  same  way.4  Besides 
this  the  old  religion  had  been  a  hard  yoke  for  those  of  the  lower 
classes.  The  blood  of  their  own  children  was  sometimes 
demanded  of  them,  and  the  prospect  of  immortality  was  held 


1  W.  H.  Prescott,  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  7,  2, 
London,  1854  ;    II.,  266. 

2  Civezza  VII.,   2,   844. 

3  C.   Crivelli  in  the   Catholic   Encyclopaedia,    X.,    2^5,   New 
York,   s.a.    [1911]. 

4  Prescott,  2,  4,  8  ;   5,  2  (I.,  149,  195-6  ;   II.,  47-8). 


OBSTACLES     IN     MEXICO.  301 

out  to  them,  not  as  a  state  which  would  depend  on  their  moral 
conduct,  but  rather  on  their  rank  in  life,  or  the  manner  of  their 
death.  The  contrast  between  the  arrogant  Mexican  priests, 
who  considered  themselves  far  above  the  common  people,  and 
the  simple  unselfish  Franciscans  could  not  fail  to  bring  out  the 
superiority  of  the  missionaries.  It  made  a  great  impression 
on  the  Indians,  that  the  religious  went  about  barefoot,  and 
were  content  with  as  poor  nourishment  as  they  had  themselves.1 
Of  still  greater  weight  was  the  fact  that  the  missionaries 
showed  a  comprehension  of  the  needs  of  the  poor  natives,  and 
defended  and  protected  them  whenever  they  could.  That  the 
conquerors,  whom  they  looked  up  to  as  "  white  gods  "  should 
so  reverence  these  poor  missionaries,  increased  still  more  the 
esteem  in  which  they  held  them.2  The  national  place  of 
pilgrimage,  Guadelupe,  had  also  a  great  influence  on  the 
conversion  of  the  Indians  ;  they  were  firmly  convinced  that 
Our  Lady  had  appeared  in  1531  to  one  of  their  own  people 
there,  and  had  left  her  picture  painted  on  an  Indian  cloak,  as  a 
palpable  proof  that  the  Christian  religion  was  not  for  the  white 
man  alone. 

The  greatest  obstacle  to  the  christianizing  of  Mexico  came, 
here  as  elsewhere,  from  the  whites.  "  The  Indians,"  writes 
Peter  of  Ghent  on  February  15th,  1552, 3  to  the  Emperor,  "  are 
overwhelmed  with  work  and  cannot  earn  enough  to  live. 
They  must  perform  compulsory  labour  for  their  masters  for  a 
whole  month,  perhaps  at  a  distance  of  forty  or  fifty  miles  from 
their  homes,  and  are  not,  during  that  time,  able  to  till  their 
own  fields,  and  when  they  return  to  their  huts  they  find  their 
wives  and  children  in  misery,  with  hardly  enough  to  cover  them, 
and  their  little  property  has  then  to  be  sold  to  provide  them 
with  the  means  of  existence."  As  a  consequence  of  this,  the 
Indian  population  began  to  die  out.  On  March  8th,  1594,  the 
missionaries  wrote  to  the  Spanish  government  that  the  tax- 
paying  Indians  had  diminished  by  300,000  in  seven  years,  and 
that  without  any  pestilence.4 

1  Motolinia  in  Civezza,  VII. ,  2,874. 

2  Mendieta  in  Civezza,  VI.,  550  seqq. 

3  Civezza,  VI.,  600  seqq.  4  Ibid.  VII.,  2,  871. 


302  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

The  Spanish  government  cannot  be  blamed  altogether  for 
this  state  of  affairs.  A  great  many  royal  regulations  were 
issued  in  favour  of  the  natives  of  Mexico,1  and  the  first  vice- 
roys, Mendoza  and  Velasco,  also  showed  much  good  will.  The 
work  in  the  mines  by  the  Indians,  was,  for  example,  abolished 
by  Velasco,  who  said  that  the  freedom  of  the  Indians  was  of 
more  value  than  all  the  mines  in  the  world,  and  that  all  human 
and  divine  laws  could  not  be  trampled  underfoot  for  the  sake 
of  profit.2  In  consequence,  the  condition  of  the  natives  really 
did  improve  ;  they  won  more  and  more  freedom,  were  able  to 
do  their  work  as  they  desired,  and,  except  in  the  towns  on  the 
coast,  actual  slavery  never  seems  to  have  gained  a  firm  footing 
in  Mexico.3  They  were  not  condemned  to  extinction,  as  in  so 
many  other  colonies  ;  among  the  thirteen  and  a  half  millions 
of  inhabitants  of  Mexico  to-day,  there  are  little  more  than  two 
million  white  people,  the  others  being,  with  the  exception  of 
80,000  negroes,  all  Indians  or  Mestizoes. 

But,  in  the  early  times  after  the  conquest,  and  especially  in 
the  years  when  no  viceroy  ruled  in  Mexico,  and  the  country  was 
under  an  "  Audiencia  "  or  Court  of  Justice,  the  condition  of 
the  natives  was  indeed  unbearable.  The  good  will  of  the 
viceroy  was  not  able  to  cope  with  the  force  of  prevailing  cir- 
cumstances, and  nobody  in  Mexico  troubled  much  about  laws 
which  had  been  made  in  Spain.4  In  the  struggle  against  these 
evils  the  Franciscans  rendered  services  both  to  Mexico  and  to 
humanity  which  cannot  be  too  highly  esteemed.  They  never 
ceased  to  preach  against  the  oppression  of  the  defenceless, 
and  addressed  complaint  after  complaint  to  Spain.  On  this 
account  they  were  calumniated,  alms  were  refused  to  them, 
the  Indians  were  taught  to  be  suspicious  of  them,  and  their 
correspondence  with  Spain  was  watched.     They  succeeded, 

1  List  in  ibid.  VI.,  613. 

2  Ibid.  VI.,  610. 

3  J.  Saumarez  Mann  in  the  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,   XVIII., 
nth  Ed.  337,  Cambridge,  191 1. 

4  Rodrigo  de  Albornoz  to  Charles  V.  on  December  15,    1555, 
in  Civezza,  VI.,  608. 


PROTECTORS     OF     THE     INDIANS. "         303 

however,  by  seizing  favourable  opportunities,  in  getting  their 
letters  of  complaint  through  to  Spain,  with  the  result  that  the 
"Audiencia"  was  abolished,  and  another  court,  favourable 
to  the  Franciscans,  was  set  up  in  its  place.1 

It  was,  above  all,  Bishop  Zumarraga  who  carried  on  the 
struggle  against  the  "  Audiencia  "  and  later  on,  after  he  had 
been,  on  February  24th,  1528,  together  with  the  Dominican, 
Julian  Garces,  first  Bishop  of  Tlaxcala,  appointed  "  Protector 
of  the  Indians,"  he  did  not  cease  to  enter  the  lists  on  behalf  of 
his  clients.2  The  Franciscans,  Motolinia  (died  1569)  and 
Mendieta  (died  1604)  were  also  the  champions  of  freedom 
for  the  Indians.3  The  provincials  of  all  the  Orders  working 
in  Mexico  addressed  a  joint  petition  to  Philip  II.  in  1562, 
begging  him  to  avert  the  ruin  which  threatened  the  new  Church 
in  Mexico.4  Indeed,  it  was  the  belief  of  many  people  in  the 
country  that  the  Indians  there  would  have  been  exterminated, 
as  were  those  of  the  Antilles  and  elsewhere,  had  it  not  been  for 
the  determination  of  the  Franciscans.5 

As  in  the  actual  territory  of  the  Aztecs,  the  Franciscans  also 
spread  the  faith  in  the  neighbouring  countries.  They  went 
very  early  to  Mechoacan,  which  was  able  to  be  formed  into  a 
separate  province  of  the  Order  with  fifty  convents  in  1575.6 
They  had  a  great  deal  to  suffer  in  Yucatan,  wThere  the  Spaniards 
endeavoured  in  every  way  to  prevent  the  christianizing  of  the 
natives,  but  in  spite  of  this  some  thirty-seven  mission  centres 

1  Mendieta  in  Civezza,  VI.,  614-615. 

2  In  the  struggle  with  the  "  Audiencia  "  he  went  so  far  as  to 
let  his  Franciscans  preach  openly  and  in  the  plainest  terms 
against  its  members  (Civezza,  VII.,  2,  622).  A  letter  of  com- 
plaint of  Zumarraga  of  August  2nd,  1529,  which  demanded  the 
deposition  of  the  "  Auditores  "  Matienzo  and  Delgadillo,  and 
the  severe  punishment  of  the  president,  Guzman,  ibid.  VI., 
613. 

3  Civezza,  VII.,  2,  622  seqq.,  854  seqq.  Crivelli  in  the  Catholic 
Encyclopaedia,   X.,   185-6,  601-2. 

4  Civezza,  VII.,  2,  854. 

5  Ibid.  875. 

6  Ibid.  VI.,  643. 


304  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

were  founded  between  1534  and  1600.1  The  Franciscans 
began  their  work  in  Guatemala  in  1539  ;2  in  the  year  1603 
they  had  already  twenty-four  convents,3  while  Nicaragua  and 
Costa  Rica  formed  an  independent  province  in  1579,  witn 
twelve  settlements.  They  had  been  working  among  the 
savage  tribes  of  Zacatecas  since  1546  at  least,4  and  suffered 
much  persecution  there,  not  a  few  of  them  losing  their  lives.5 
In  Guatemala  the  Dominicans  had  preceded  the  Franciscans 
in  1538.  Under  the  guidance  of  Dominic  of  Betanzos  their 
sphere  of  activity  was  also  extended  over  many  provinces. 
They  had  three  large  convents,  in  the  capital  of  the  country, 
in  Oaxaca  and  Puebla,  besides  twenty-two  settlements  in 
Mexico  proper,  twenty-one  in  the  territory  of  the  Zapotecas, 
seventeen  among  the  Mixtecas,  as  well  as  one  in  Vera  Cruz 
and  another  in  S.  Juan  d'Uloa.6  They  were  specially  active 
in  Nicaragua,  as  well  as  in  Gautemala.7  To  the  north  of 
Guatemala  there  was  a  tract  of  land  named  Terra  de  Guerra,  so 
called  on  account  of  the  savagery  of  the  inhabitants  and  the 
vain  attempts  which  had  been  made  to  subdue  it.  When  Las 
Casas'  book  concerning  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  was 
written,  many  Spaniards  scornfully  challenged  the  Dominicans 
to  attempt  in  this  country  the  use  of  the  purely  peaceful  means 
of  conversion  advocated  by  the  member  of  their  Order.  The 
Dominicans  accepted  the  challenge,  and  they  succeeded, 
without  the  support  of  armed  power,  in  gaining  an  entrance 

1  Ibid.  VII.,  2,  511.  In  the  last  quarter  of  the  XVI th  century, 
the  mission  was  partly  given  over  to  secular  priests.  A  list  of  the 
parishes  given  up  and  of  those  retained   ibid.  523-527. 

2  Ibid.  VI.    646-7. 

3  List  in  ibid.  VII.    2,  538-541. 

4  Ibid.  545-6. 

5  Ibid.  552.  Zacatecas  appears  as  an  independent  province 
of  the  Order  in  1604  ;  it  had  then  16  convents,  a  number  which 
had  risen  to  35  by  1733.     List  in  ibid.  551-2. 

6Touron,  O.P.  Histoire  generate  de  rAmerique,  V.,  and  VI., 
Paris,  1768.  Names  of  the  first  missionaries,  ibid.  V.,  36-7, 
186-7.     For  the  convents  cf.  V.,  106. 

7  Touron,  V.,  194-5. 


LINGUISTIC     LABOURS.  305 

into  the  country  and  in  changing  the  former  "  land  of  war  " 
into  the  present  day  Vera  Paz.  Royal  decrees  assured  the 
freedom  of  the  converted  Indians.1 

Among  the  Dominican  bishops,  Julian  Garces,  first  Bishop  of 
Tlaxcala,  was,  together  with  Las  Casas,  a  zealous  champion  of 
the  Indians,  as  well  as  their  defender.  He  addressed  a  memor- 
andum to  Paul  III.,  calling  on  the  authority  of  the  Holy  See 
itself  against  those  who  would  deny  to  the  Indians  all  power 
of  being  received  as  members  of  the  Christian  body.2  In  this 
he  represents  in  glowing  terms,  the  good  moral  behaviour  of  his 
proteges.  Paul  III.  answered  this  memorandum  by  his 
celebrated  brief  against  slavery.3 

The  zealous  labours  of  the  missionaries  in  Mexico  also  bore 
great  fruit  in  the  advancement  of  learning.  The  science  of 
languages  has  absolutely  no  other  source  of  information  with 
regard  to  the  ancient  languages  of  Mexico  than  their  researches. 
Two  of  the  first  Franciscans,  Alonso  Molina  and  Bernardino  de 
Sahagun  had  mastered  all  the  intricacies  of  the  prevailing 
language  of  the  country,  the  Aztec.  Molina  composed  a  dic- 
tionary and  grammar  of  Aztec,  and  we  may  specially  mention 
Sahagun's  translation  of  the  Epistles  and  Gospels  into  classical 
Aztec.4  Franciscans  and  Dominicans  in  the  XVIth  century 
also  composed  dictionaries  and  grammars  of  the  other  lan- 
guages of  Mexico,  Miztec,  Zapotec,  Maya  and  a  number  of  other 
dialects,  which  were  in  part  printed  at  the  time,  for  use  in 
spreading  the  faith.5 

The  necessity  of  gaining  a  knowledge  of  the  ideas  and  cus- 
toms of  the  Aztecs,  also  led  to  the  study  of  the  antiquities  of 
this  remarkable  people.  Bernardino  de  Sahagun  succeeded, 
after  the  most  exhaustive  and  diligent  stud}',  in  providing  data 
which  are  acknowledged  to  be  the  most  complete  which  are  to 

1  Ibid.  266  seqq.     Copy  of  the  decree,  ibid.  286. 

2  Ibid.    137  seqq. 

3  Cf.  Vol.  XII.  of  this  work,  p.  519  seq. 

4  Evangeliarium,  Epistolarium  et  Lectionarium  Aztecum  sive 
Mexicanum  (1563).     Published  by  Bernardino  Biondelli,   1858. 

5  Jos.  Dahlmann,  Die  Sprachkunde  und  die  Missionen,  Frei- 
burg,  1 89 1,  90  seqq.     Mendieta  in  Civezza,  VII.,  732  seqq. 

VOL.    XIII,  20 


306  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

be  obtained  in  this  field  of  research.1  A  work,  planned  on  a 
very  large  scale,  which  deals  with  the  antiquities  of  Mexico 
from  heathen  times,  as  well  as  with  its  ecclesiastical  history, 
was  composed  by  Juan  de  Torquemada,2  the  "  Livy  of  New 
Spain."  The  same  subject  was  treated  by  Toribio  de  Bena- 
vente,  one  of  the  twelve  missionaries  who  came  to  Mexico  in 
1524.3  He  was  greeted  at  the  time  by  the  Indians  with  the 
name  of  "  Motolinia,"  which  means  "  poor,"  on  account  of  his 
poverty-stricken  appearance,  and  from  that  he  always  made 
use  of  the  name.  In  his  fight  for  the  freedom  of  the  Indians 
he  was  keenly  opposed  to  Las  Casas,  whose  ideas  seemed  to 
him  exaggerated.  Jeronimo  de  Mendieta  deals  in  his  Indian 
ecclesiastical  history  with  the  christianizing  of  Mexico.  Almost 
everything  that  we  know  concerning  ancient  Mexico  and  its 
wonderful  civilization  can  be  directly  traced  to  these  historical 
works  of  the  Franciscans,  which,  for  the  most  part,  were  only 
published  duiing  the  XlXth  century. 

1  Bernardino  de  Sahagun,  Historia  general  de  las  cosas 
de  Nueva  Espana,  published  by  Bustamente,  Mexico,  1829,  by 
Lord  Kingsborougb,  London,  1830 ;  French  translation,  Pans, 
1880. 

2  Entered  the  Franciscan  Order  in  1583  in  Mexico,  and  died 
there  in  1624.  His  work,  Monarquia  Indiana,  appeared  first 
in  Seville  in  1615,  in  Madrid  in  1723. 

3  Toribio  Motolinia,  Historia  de  los  Indios  en  la  Nueva 
Espana,  o  Ritos  antiguos,  sac'rificios  e,  idolatrias  de  los  Indios  de 
la  Nueva  Espana  y  de  su  conversion  a  la  fe,  y  quienses  fueron 
los  que  primero  la  predicaron  ;  published  by  Lord  Kingsborough, 
London,  1848,  in  Mexico,  by  J.  G.  Icazbalceta,  Mexico,  1858. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

The  East  Indies  and  the  Mission  of  Saint  Francis  Xavier. 

In  the  East  Indies,  the  work  of  the  missions  was  not  greatly 
developed  under  Julius  III.,  although  it  gained  a  firmer  footing 
and  struck  deeper  roots.  "  We  are  not  yet  troubling,"  writes 
the  Jesuit,  Melchior  Nunez,  on  December  7th,  1552,  from 
Bassein,"1  to  make  many  Christians.  Those  whom  we  gain 
we  first  and  above  all  things  thoroughly  instruct,  and  make  it 
our  chief  endeavour  to  retain  those  already  won  over  to  the 
faith  and  to  teach  them,  for  up  to  the  present  matters  have 
been  very  serious  in  this  respect." 

On  the  first  arrival  of  the  Portuguese  in  India,  rough  soldiers 
had  endeavoured,  in  their  own  way,  to  assist  in  the  spreading 
of  Christianity  by  immediately  baptizing  the  native  prisoners 
of  war.  Priests,  too,  had  been  in  the  habit  of  administering 
baptism  in  the  same  "  military  "  way.2  There  were,  happily, 
exceptions,  and  Nunez  speaks  of  the  Franciscan,  Antonio  do 
Porto,,  who  took  great  pains  with  the  instruction  of  the  new 
converts,  as  being  one  of  these.3  Fra  Antonio  is  known  to 
have  not  only  destroyed  temples  and  erected  churches,  but 
also  to  have  founded  several  institutions  for  the  education 
of  orphan  boys.4  It  was  not  the  same  everywhere,  however. 
The  vicar  of  Goa,  had,  according  to  his  own  testimony,  baptized 
no  fewer  than  120,000  heathens  on  the  Fishing  Coast  in  three 
years,  and  often  from  1000  to  1500  a  day.5     Yet  all  these 

1  Selectae  Indiarum  Epistolae,  165  ;    cf.  145,  182. 

2  Expression  of  Polanco  (II.,  145,  n.  343). 

3  Sel.  Ind.  Epist.,  165. 

4  MULLBAUER,   56,   327. 

5  POLANCO,    II.,    I45. 

307 


308  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

had,  as  Francis  Xavier  wrote  in  1542,  nothing  of  Christianity 
about  them  but  the  name.1 

Francis  Xavier  had  recognized  from  the  first  that  the 
principal  work  to  be  done  lay  in  the  instruction  of  the  new 
converts,  and  he,  therefore,  laid  the  greatest  stress  on  this 
point.  He  did  not,  by  any  means,  bring  a  cut  and  dried  scheme 
with  him  from  Europe  for  the  furtherance  of  this  object,  for 
we  find  him,  in  1542,  earnestly  begging,  in  a  letter  from  India, 
the  advice  of  his  colleagues  in  Rome,  as  to  how  he  had  better 
proceed  with  his  missionary  work.2  He  also,  at  first,  admin- 
istered baptism  immediately  after  the  most  essential  lessons 
had  been  given,  leaving  further  instruction  for  the  future. 

Experience,  however,  soon  showed  that  much  more  care 
must  be  exercised,  as  so  many  begged  to  be  received  into  the 
Church  from  merely  human  motives.3  These  nominal 
Christians  afterwards  either  refused  to  listen  to  instruction,  or 
eventually  returned  to  the  worship  of  their  idols  and  to  their 
heathen  customs.  The  Jesuits,  therefore,  instituted  a  cate- 
chumenate  of  from  three  to  four  months,  and  those  who  were 
found  to  be  insincere  were  sternly  sent  away.4 

Ignatius  of  Loyola  had  given  twofold  advice  for  the  purpose 
of  confirming  Christianity  in  India  :  first,  the  instruction  of  the 
children  must  be  piovided  for,  and,  secondly,  houses  for  the 
instruction  of  the  catechumens  must  be  established  for  the 
adults.5  His  advice  was  joyfully  followed  by  the  Jesuits  in 
India.     The  principal  care  of  Francis  Xavier  was  to  gather  the 

1  To  Ignatius,  October  28,  1542  :  Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  273.  Anton 
Criminalis  S.  J.  referred  his  conversation  with  Diego  de  Borba 
to  the  authority  of  the  theologians  who  declared  a  catechumenate 
of  several  months  to  be  necessary.  De  Borba  endeavoured, 
in  spite  of  this,  to  defend  the  practice  of  immediate  baptism, 
by  pointing  out  the  peculiar  Indian  conditions.  See  Brou 
in  the  Etudes,  CXXV1II.  (191 1),  603  seqq. 

2  September  20,  1542  :   Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  259. 

3  Nic.  Lancilotti  describes  this  drastically  in  a  letter  to  Ignatius 
of  October  10,  1547  :    Sel.  Ind.  Epist.,  25. 

4  Polanco,  II.,  146,  n.  344. 

5  Ibid.  145,  n.  343. 


MISSION     ON     THE     FISHING     COAST.  309 

children  together  in  the  first  place,  and  through  them  influence 
the  parents  ;  he  introduced  this  method  of  procedure  through- 
out the  whole  of  India.1  At  a  period  when  instruction  was 
nowhere  given  to  foreigners  in  the  Jesuit  colleges  in  Europe, 
schools2  arose  everywhere  in  India  where  the  Jesuits  were  to  be 
found,  in  which  the  native  children  were  taught  reading, 
writing  and  catechism.3  It  was  not,  at  first,  possible  to  build 
houses  for  catechumens  in  each  place,  but,  in  1555,  several 
rooms  were  set  apart  in  the  college  of  Goa,  where  from  twelve 
to  fifteen  catechumens  were  constantly  receiving  instruction, 
which  lasted  for  two  or  three  months.  Female  catechumens 
received  the  necessary  instruction  under  the  supervision  of  a 
respectable  matron  in  the  hospital.4 

Further  progress  was  made,  especially  by  Henrico  Hen- 
riquez,5  to  whom  it  was  of  great  advantage  in  his  mission  on 
the  Fishing  Coast,  that  all  the  natives  belonged  to  the  same 
tribe,  and  that  the  whole  population,  as  such,  had  embraced 
Christianity.6  To  make  up,  to  some  extent,  for  the  want  of 
priests,  Henriquez  introduced  a  system  of  instruction  given  by 
catechists.  He  chose  the  most  gifted  among  the  new  converts, 
and  appointed  them  to  give  Christian  instruction  in  the 
various  villages,  and  in  cases  of  necessity  to  baptize,  while 
serious  offences  were  to  be  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the 
missionaries.  As  Henriquez  was  very  careful  in  choosing  his 
catechists,  their  number  did  not  exceed  nine  or  ten  ;  they 
discharged  their  duties  to  the  complete  satisfaction  of  the 
missionaries,  so  that  Henriquez  thought  that,  should  the  priests 
all  die,  Christianity  might  still  be  maintained  by  these  cate- 
chists on  the  Fishing  Coast.  A  trustworthy  man  was  also 
appointed  in  each  village,  who  held  meetings  for  prayer,  and 
gave  religious  instruction  in  the  native  tongue.7     The  new 

1  Ibid.  V.,  656,  n.  1805  ;   670,  n.  1849. 

2  Ibid.  II.,  5. 

3  Polanco,  V.,  659,  n.  1813. 

4  Ibid.  II. ,652,  n.  1789  ;   V.,  659,  n.  1814.     Sel.  Ind.  Epist.,  182. 
6  Sel.  Ind.  Epist.  ,140-1.     Polanco,  II.,  141,  406. 

6  Polanco,  II.,  406,  n.  486. 

7  Ibid.   141-2,  406. 


310  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

converts  learned  the  usual  prayers  in  Latin,  according  to  the 
Roman  custom,  although  Henriquez  soon  allowed  them  much 
liberty  in  this  respect.1 

A  further  praiseworthy  practice  of  Henriquez  and  his  com- 
panions lay  in  the  fact  that  they  earnestly  devoted  themselves 
to  the  study  of  the  language  of  the  country.2  The  first  Jesuit 
missionaries,  who  found  themselves  confronted  by  a  multi- 
plicity of  native  dialects,  and  did  not  wish  to  confine  their 
activities  to  limited  districts,  had  to  make  use  of  an  interpreter 
for  their  sermons.  With  these,  however,  they  often  had  un- 
pleasant experiences.  When  Henriquez  understood  Tamil 
better,  he  found  many  mistakes  made  by  the  interpreter  in  the 
translation  of  the  ordinary  prayers.3  The  new  translation,  as 
he  wrote  to  Rome,  cost  him  from  three  to  four  months  hard 
work,  as  no  words  existed  in  the  language  for  Christian  ideas. 
He  reported  this  so  that  the  missionaries  on  the  Congo  might 
be  warned  ;  they  should  not  attempt  the  translation  of  the 
prayers  until  they  had  a  thorough  command  of  the  language. 
Nicholas  Lancilotti  also  said  frequently  in  his  letters  to 
Ignatius  that  the  missionaries  in  India  should  have  special 
districts  assigned  to  them  for  their  labours,  and  should  be 
strictly  enjoined  to  master  the  language  of  the  country. 
Little  confidence  could  be  placed  in  interpreters,  and  Henriquez 
owed  his  success  in  great  measure  to  the  fact  that  he  had 
thoroughly  learned  the  language  of  the  natives.4  It  was 
Henriquez  who  drew  up  the  first  Tamil  grammar,  which  he 
printed  for  the  use  of  the  missionaries.5 

The  Portuguese  officials  formed  the  greatest  obstacle  in  the 
way  of  the  advancement  of  the  mission.  Xavier  had  already 
written  to  Rodriguez  in  Portugal,  telling  him  that  he  should 

1  Ibid.  406. 

2  Henriquez  to  Ignatius  on  October  31,  1548,  and  November 
21,  1549,  in  Cros,  Francis  Xavier,  I.,  387-8,  and  in  Sel.  Ind. 
Epist  ,  93  ;    cf.  Polanco,  I.,  351  seqq.,  472  ;    II.,  142,  407. 

3  Sel.  Ind.  Epist.,  94.  Francis  Xavier  had  already  found 
such  in  the  Malabar  translations  (Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  317). 

4  Letter  of  October  29,  1552  :    Sel.  Ind.  Epist.,  140. 

5  J.  Dahlmann,  Die  Sprachkunde  und  die  Missionen,  10. 


DIFFICULTIES     WITH     OFFICIALS.  311 

never  agree  to  any  of  his  friends  being  sent  to  India  as  an 
official  ;  however  upright  a  man  might  be  at  home,  they  all 
fell  into  dishonourable  ways  in  India.1  A  post  in  India  was 
considered  as  much  a  reward  for  services  rendered  as  an  easy 
way  of  making  money  ;  the  native  tribes  who  had  both 
embraced  Christianity  and  submitted  to  the  Portuguese  rule, 
were  especially  plundered  in  the  most  ruthless  manner.  It 
had  already  happened,  writes  a  missionary  from  the  Fishing 
Coast  in  1555, 2  that  an  official  with  a  salary  of  2000  or  3000 
ducats,  had  in  the  course  of  one  or  two  years  gathered  together 
from  100,000  to  200,000  ducats  of  the  royal  revenue,  by  extor- 
tion from  the  poor  pearl  fishers.  Such  people  were,  naturally, 
hostile  to  the  missionaries,  as  the  protectors  of  the  poor,  did 
not  pay  them  the  sums  the  king  had  appointed  for  them,  and 
raised  obstacles  in  their  way  whenever  they  could.3  Lan- 
cilotti  also  wrote  from  the  Fishing  Coast,  that  it  was  hardly 
possible  to  describe  the  ruin  they  caused  ;  all  that  the  mission- 
aries had  taken  many  years  to  bring  about,  was  destroyed  in  a 
few  months  by  their  avarice,  and  there  was  a  real  danger  lest 
the  whole  of  the  70,000  Christians  on  this  coast  should  fall 
away  through  their  behaviour.4  Francis  Xavier  therefore 
wrote  to  John  III.  that  he  would  "  flee  "  to  Japan,  so  as  not  to 
lose  his  time  in  India  ;  it  was  a  "  martyrdom  "  to  see  every- 
thing destroyed  which  had  been  built  up  with  so  much  trouble.5 
Henriquez  also  was  of  opinion  that  with  a  good  official,  much 
more  would  be  gained  in  the  matter  of  the  conversion  of  the 
natives  with  a  single  priest,  than  with  twenty  under  a  bad 
one.6 

The  immorality  of  the  Portuguese  was  almost  a  greater 
obstacle  to  the  spread  of  Christianity  than  their  avarice. 
Alfonso  Cyprian,  for  example,  writes  from  S.  Thome  that  the 
ecclesiastical   as   well   as   the   secular   authorities   conducted 

1  Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  375. 

2  Polanco,  V.,  671-2. 

3  Ibid.  650,  674. 

4  Ibid.  679.     Sel.  Ind.  Epist.,   199-200. 

5  From  Kotschin  on  January  26,  1549:    Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  510. 

6  Polanco,  VI.,  800,  n.  3429. 


312  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

themselves  in  such  a  manner  that  it  was  a  scandal  to  the 
natives  when  the  Europeans  led  such  lives  ;  the  new  converts 
fell  away  again,  while  others  refused  baptism  when  they  saw 
the  abandoned  way  in  which  Christians  lived.1  It  is  true 
that  S.  Thome,  which  lay  on  the  extreme  borders  of  the 
Portuguese  territory,  had  become  a  place  of  refuge  for  all  those 
who  dared  not  live  elsewhere.  Similar  complaints  were  also 
heard,  however,  from  other  parts  of  India.2  The  ease  with 
which  slaves  could  be  procured  in  India  furthered  the  general 
immorality  in  a  special  way.3  Rich  Portuguese  possessed  as 
many  as  300  or  more,4  so  that  it  was,  in  many  cases,  possible 
for  them  to  have  regular  harems  of  twenty  or  more  slaves.5 

To  all  this  was  added  the  invasion  of  southern  India  by 
Islam,  in  which  the  missionaries  not  only  found  a  powerful 
rival,  concerning  whose  progress  the  Jesuits  often  complained, 6 
but  also  a  dangerous  enemy.  In  a  petition  to  King  John  III. 
the  missionaries  relate  that  in  1554  the  Arabs  had  caused  the 
loss  of  two  Christian  missions  in  Travancore,  by  inducing  the 
king,  with  presents  of  money,  to  forbid  the  Christian  priests 
to  preach  or  build  churches.7  The  new  converts,  especially 
in  the  Moluccas,  where  the  natives  had  eagerly  embraced 
Christianity,  suffered  from  the  attacks  of  Saracen  pirates. 
Many  Christians  were  murdered  or  plundered,  others  being 
thrown  into  the  sea  if  no  one  offered  to  buy  them,  while  many 
Christian  villages  were  burned  to  the  ground.8 

As  they  had  done  in  the  East  Indies,  so  did  the  Jesuits 
penetrate  into  Abyssinia  as  the  pioneers  of  the  Church.  The 
hope  of  again  being  able  to  reunite  the  Abyssinian  Church  with 

1  Ibid.  V.,  683. 

2  Valignani,  Historia  del  principio  y  progresso  de  la  Com- 
pafiia  de  Jesus  en  las  Indias  orientales,  I.,  7  (Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  39). 

3  Polanco,  II.,  147,  n.  345. 

4  Ibid.  658,   n.   1810. 

5  Ibid.  II.,   147,  n.  345. 

6  Lancelotti  in  Polanco,  V.,  678,  n.  1876.  F.  Perez  in  the 
Scl.  Ind.  Epist.    75. 

7  Sel.  Ind.  Epist.,  198. 

8  Polanco,  IV.,  668. 


JESUITS     IN     ABYSSINIA.  313 

Rome  had  first  arisen  under  Paul  III.,1  and  was  still  enter- 
tained under  Julius  III.  As  of  old,  the  Holy  See  again  made 
use  of  the  mediation  of  Portugal.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1555  the  Pope  thought  he  was  able  to  take  a  decisive  step  ;  in 
consideration  of  the  distance  of  the  country,  he  appointed,  on 
January  23rd,  three  bishops  chosen  from  the  Society  of  Jesus  ; 
of  these  he  fixed  on  Nunez  Barreto  as  patriarch,  and  Fathers 
Andreas  Oviedo  and  Melchior  Carnero  as  assistant  bishops  with 
the  right  of  succession.2  His  Holiness  hoped  all  the  more  for 
the  success  of  this  attempt  as  he  had  succeeded  in  1553  in 
bringing  about  the  reunion  of  the  Nestorians  in  Mesopotamia.3 

1  Cf.  Vol.  XII.  of  this  work  p.  112  seq. 

2  See  Acta  Consist,  in  Raynaldus,  1555,  n.  10  ;  cf.  ibid.  1554, 
n.  25  seqq.  ;  Beccari,  X.,  39  seqq.,  Mon.  Ign.  Ser..,  VIII.,  460 
seqq.  The  departure  of  the  three  bishops  was  delayed  by  the 
death  of  Julius  III.  ;  they  then  took  with  them  a  letter  of  Paul 
IV.  of  March  10,  1556,  to  the  Negus  Claudius  (see  Beccari, 
X.,  52  seq.)  The  instructions  of  Ignatius  in  the  Mon.  Ign.  Ser. 
1,  VIII.,  676  seqq.  The  new  Patriarch  sent  the  Jesuit,  Gonzalo 
Rodriguez  from  Goa  in  advance,  who  encountered  in  the  mean- 
while (see  his  letter  of  September  13,  1556,  in  Beccari,  V.,  358 
seqq.)  unexpected  difficulties.  When  Oviedo  finally  reached 
Abyssinia  in  the  spring  of  1557,  he  could  accomplish  nothing 
for  the  union,  owing  to  the  attitude  of  the  Negus  Asnaf  Sagad. 
The  Negus  Adamas  Sagad,  who  succeeded  in  1559,  forbade  the 
preaching  of  the  Catholic  religion,  and  arrested  the  bishop. 
After  his  death  in  1563,  Oviedo  was  set  free  ;  he  devoted  himself 
to  the  spiritual  care  of  the  Portuguese  kept  in  imprisonment  in 
Abyssinia,  and  persevered  there,  in  the  most  difficult  conditions, 
until  his  death  in  1577  (see  Becarri,  X.,  196-7,  209-210  ;  As- 
train,  II.,  389)  although  Pius  V.  had  allowed  him  on  February 
5th,    1566,   to   proceed   as   bishop  to   Japan  ;    see  Beccari,   V., 

424-5- 

3  Cf.  for  the  journey  to  Rome  of  the  chosen  "  Catholicos," 
Sulaka  and  the  foundation  of  the  united  Chaldean  patriarchate 
of  Mosul,  besides  Raynaldus,  1553,  n.  42  seqq.,  the  reports 
in  the  periodical  "  Bessarione  "  1898  and  1901,  also  "  Oricns 
Christianus,"  1906,  261  seqq.  In  both  essays  the  Portuguese 
report  in  the  Corpo  dipl.   Port.,   VII.,   311-312,  has  been  over- 


314  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

What  hopes  Julius  III.  placed  in  the  Jesuits  for  the  con- 
version of  the  East,  may  best  be  understood  from  the  fact  that 
he  gave  them  permission,  by  a  Bull  of  October  6th,  1553,  to 
found  three  colleges,  one  in  Jerusalem,  a  second  in  Cyprus,  and 
a  third  in  Constantinople.1  These  establishments,  which 
might  have  become  of  the  greatest  importance,  never  came 
into  existence,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  Julius  III.  lived  to  see 
the  beginning  of  the  mission  in  far-off  Japan.  To  this  island 
kingdom,  possessed  of  a  scenery  of  indescribable  beauty, 
Providence  now  sent  a  man  who  must  be  counted  one  of  the 
most  heroic  pioneers  of  the  religion  of  the  Cross. 

Filled  with  a  burning  zeal  for  the  spread  of  the  doctrines  of 
Christianity,  the  Apostle  of  India,  Francis  Xavier,  had  pro- 
ceeded, in  the  last  year  of  the  pontificate  of  the  Farnese  Pope, 
to  Japan,  where  he  landed  in  Kagoschima  on  August  15th.2 
On  November  5th,  1549,  ne  sent  his  nrs^  impressions  and 
experiences  in  an  exhortation  to  his  fellow- workers.  "  The 
greatest  trials  you  have  until  now  endured  are  small  in  com- 
parison with  those  you  will  experience  in  Japan.  Prepare 
yourselves  for  difficulties,  by  setting  aside  all  consideration 
for  your  own  interests."3 

looked.  Cf.  also  the  *relatio  eorum  quae  gesserunt  nuntii  missi 
a  Julio  III.  in  partibus  Orientis,  in  the  Cod.  Vat.  3933,  p.  73~75, 
of  the  Vatican  Library.  The  patriarch  of  Armenia  had  been 
in  Rome  in  1550  ;  see  *Passus  pro  Stephano  patriarcha  Armen. 
cathol.  Roma  revertente,  dat.  1550,  April  23,  in  the  Arm.  41, 
t.  55,  n.  345  ;  cf.  ibid.  n.  363  :  *Imperatori  (recommendation  of 
the  patriarch  of  Armenia  on  his  return  home,  dated  April  25, 
I55°)  '>  t.  64,  n.  355  :  *Passport  for  the  Armenian  Messichi, 
who  came  from  Tauris  to  Rome,  remained  there  for  a  time  and 
shall  remain  still  longer,  dat.  May  24,  1552.  The  **letter  of 
instructions  of  Julius  III.  to  Ignatius,  patriarch  of  Antioch, 
is  also  noteworthy  (cf.  Ciaconius,  III.,  747),  of  May  26,  1553,  loc. 
cit.,  t.  68,  n.  385. 

1  See  the  Bull  (the  only  copy)  contained  in  the  Rossiana  Library, 
Vienna,  in  the  Etudes,  LXX.,  75  seqq.  (1897). 

2  Cf.  Vol.  XII.  of  this  work,  p.  119  seqq. 
3Mon.   Xav.,   I.,   584-5. 


THE     MISSION     TO     JAPAN.  315 

The  Europeans  in  Japan  really  felt  as  if  they  had  come  into 
a  new  world.  All  che  habits,  customs  and  forms  of  courtesy 
were  different,  the  food  was  scanty  and  unusual,  and  the 
language  was  difficult.  A  missionary  wrote  later  that  one 
must  again  become  a  child  in  Japan,  and  learn  once  more  how 
to  speak,  sit  down,  walk  and  eat.1  Instead  of  the  respect 
which  the  Portuguese  had  paid  to  the  priests,  the  missionaries 
found  the  opposite  here,  because,  with  all  their  ceremonious 
politeness  to  one  another,  the  Japanese  felt  nothing  but  con- 
tempt for  strangers,  especially  when  they,  as  was  the  case  with 
these  messengers  of  the  faith,  appeared  in  poor  apparel. 

Political  conditions,  moreover,  were  not  favourable  to  the 
spread  of  Christianity,  as  the  country  was  in  a  state  of  anarchy. 
Japan  was  nominally  under  the  dominion  of  the  Emperor  and 
his  representative,  the  Schogun,  but  both  of  them  were,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  completely  powerless.2  The  actual  power  was 
in  the  hands  of  more  than  sixty  petty  princes,  the  Daimios,  who 
waged  perpetual  civil  war  on  each  other.  The  well  organized 
Buddhist  monasteries,  which  were  well  provided  with  armed 
forces,  had  great  political  influence,  perhaps  the  greatest  in  the 
country,  and  that  these  would  soon  attack  Christianity,  "  and 
not  in  words  alone,"  Xavier  recognized  from  the  first.3 

It  was  fortunate  for  the  missionaries  that  the  Daimios  were 
exceedingly  anxious  to  attract  Portuguese  ships  to  their 
harbours,  and  hoped  to  gain  this  end  by  protecting  the  mission- 
aries. It  was  also  favourable  to  the  spread  of  Christianity 
that  there  was  no  single  central  government  and  no  universal 
religion.  The  dominant  form  of  religion  was  Buddhism,  which 
was  divided  into  some  six  opposing  sects.4  Xavier  was, 
however,  more  filled  with  confident  expectations  by  the  lively 

1  Valignani  in  the  Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  no. 

2  More  details  concerning  political  conditions  in  James  Mur- 
doch (in  collaboration  with  Isoh.  Yamagata),  A  History  of  Japan 
during  the  century  of  early  foreign  intercourse  (1 542-1 651), 
Kobe  (Japan),  1903,  15-17  ;  H.  Haas,  Geschichte  des  Christen- 
tums  in  Japan,  I.,  96-105,  Tokio,  1902. 

3  Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  594. 

4  Haas,  I.,  122  seqq. 


316  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

interest  which  the  Japanese  took  in  religion,  and  by  their 
character,  which  disposed  them  to  be  influenced  by  arguments 
founded  on  reason,  than  by  any  other  circumstances.  "  If 
God,  our  Lord,"  he  writes,  "  gives  us  ten  years  of  life,  we  shall 
see  great  things  in  this  country."1 

Soon  after  his  arrival  in  Kagoschima,  Xavier  began,  with 
the  help  of  his  companion,  Paul  Anjiro,  to  draw  up  a  summary 
of  Christian  doctrine  in  the  Japanese  language.  As,  however, 
Anjiro  did  not  know  the  language  sufficiently  well,  the  work 
was  not  a  success,  and  educated  Japanese  laughed  at  it.2 
Mocker}/  and  laughter  also  were  not  wanting  when  Francis, 
after  some  time,  produced  his  work  in  the  public  streets  and 
began  to  read  it  aloud.  Nevertheless,  the  whole  bearing 
of  the  missionary,  the  thought  that  he  had  come  so  far  only 
to  promote  the  salvation  of  a  foreign  race,  and  the  sublimity 
of  the  doctrine  which  shone  through  the  imperfectly  expressed 
language,  gradually  made  a  powerful  impression.  After  the 
lapse  of  a  year,  ioo  Christians  could  be  counted  in  Kagoschima, 
while  the  throng  round  the  missionaries  was  so  great  that  the 
bonzes  obtained  from  the  Daimio  a  prohibition  of  further  con- 
versions. Francis  then  repaired  to  Hirado,  an  island  to  the 
west  of  Kiuschiu,  where  Portuguese  ships  had  put  in.3  After 
very  promising  beginnings,  however,  he  left  this  mission  to  his 
companion,  Cosmas  de  Torres,  and  himself  proceeded  to  the 
largest  of  the  Japanese  islands,  Nippon. 

It  had  been  Xavier's  plan,  from  the  very  first,  to  get  as  far  as 
the  capital  of  the  country,  Meaco,  the  present  Kioto,  and  to 
penetrate  into  the  presence  of  the  Emperor,  in  order  to  obtain 
from  him  the  permission  to  preach.  After  being  driven  out  of 
Kagoschima,  he  determined  no  longer  to  postpone  the  carrying 
out  of  this  plan.     He  left  Hirado  at  the  beginning  of  October, 

1  Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  599. 

2  The  opinion  of  the  later  missionaries  in  Valignani's  Historia 
(Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  119). 

3  The  report  that  Xavier  said  that  at  that  time,  neither  he  nor 
his  companion,  Juan  Fernandez,  understood  Japanese,  arises 
from  a  misunderstanding  ;  see  Kneller  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur 
Kath.  Theologie,  XXXV.,  581  seqq.  (191 i), 


DIFFICULTIES     IN     JAPAN.  317 

1550,  and  spent  a  considerable  time  in  Yamaguchi  in  Nippon, 
going  on  from  thence  in  the  middle  of  December  to  Meaco  ; 
he  left  this  town  in  February,  1551,  in  order  to  return  to  Hirado. 
At  the  most  trying  time  of  the  year,  insufficiently  clad,  and 
often  barefoot,  in  the  company  of  the  lay-brother,  Fernandez, 
he  accomplished  an  exceedingly  difficult  journey  through  the 
snow-covered  country.  The  travellers  often  sank  to  their 
knees  in  the  snow  in  the  bad  roads,  and  often  had  to  plunge 
into  icy  streams  to  their  waists.  In  the  villages  they  were 
mocked  and  laughed  at  by-the  people  who  nocked  round  them 
in  crowds,  and  stoned  by  the  children,  while  in  the  inns  at  night 
they  found  nothing  but  a  mat  and  a  wooden  Japanese  pillow, 
that  is  to  say,  if,  in  their  miserable  clothing,  they  were  received 
in  the  inns  at  all. 

This  painful  pilgrimage  was,  moreover,  almost  without 
result,  as  far  as  their  main  object  was  concerned.  In  Yama- 
guchi, indeed,  Francis  was  allowed  to  read  his  book  even  to  the 
Daimio  for  about  an  hour,  but  there  were  no  conversions. 
Nothing  could  be  done  in  Meaco,  on  account  of  the  state  of  war 
prevailing  there,  and  Francis  could  only  have  thought  of  an 
interview  with  the  Emperor,  because  he  did  not  understand 
the  conditions  in  Japan.1 

At  all  events,  he  brought  back  one  important  realization 
from  his  journey.  He  now  knew  that  the  Emperor  was  a  mere 
shadow,  who  could  not  vie  with  the  Daimio  of  Yamaguchi  in 
real  power.  He  had  also  learned  that  the  poverty  and  mean- 
ness of  his  appearance  was  an  obstacle  to  the  spread  of  the 
Gospel.  He  therefore  resolved  to  dress  better,  and  to  offer 
the  presents  which  he  had  brought  from  India  for  the  Emperor 
to  the  ruler  of  Yamaguchi,  Ouchi  Yoschitaka.  He  was 
received  in  a  frendly  manner  by  the  latter,  who  gave  him,  as 
a  return  gift,  an  old  bonze  house,  with  the  permission  to  preach 

1  Concerning  the  details  of  the  journey  we  have  information 
from  Xavier's  companion,  the  lay-brother,  Fernandez,  from 
whose  lips  L.  Froes  and  others  noted  them  down.  Cf.  Cros, 
II.,  99-125. 


318  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

the  Gospel  freely.1  The  preaching,  moreover,  was  not  unsuccess- 
ful ;  in  five  or  six  months,  they  had  from  five  to  six  hundred 
baptisms.  Xavier 's  most  important  conquest  was  a  half-blind 
actor  who  was  baptized  in  the  name  of  Lawrence,  and  was 
afterwards  received  as  a  lay-brother  into  the  Society  of  Jesus  ; 
in  countless  sermons  and  disputations  he  won  thousands  for 
Christianity,  among  others  several  Daimios. 

Still  more  favourable  prospects  were  opened  to  the  messen- 
gers of  the  faith  by  the  Daimio  of  Bungo,  Otomo  Yoschischige, 
who  invited  Francis  to  go  to  him  at  Funai  and  promised  every 
support  to  the  missionaries. 

In  the  meantime,  circumstances  had  aiisen  in  India,  which 
made  the  presence  of  Francis  necessary.2  He  therefore 
returned  to  Goa  in  November,  1551,  with  the  intention  of 
endeavouring  to  introduce  Christianity  into  China,  as  soon  as 
the  troubles  in  India  were  settled. 

Francis  Xavier  had  long  been  persuaded  that  if  Christianity 
was  to  gain  a  firm  footing  in  Asia,  this,  the  largest  and  most 
important  country  of  the  continent,  must,  above  all  others,  be 
won  over  to  the  faith.  He  had,  therefore,  resolved  to  present 
himself  before  the  Emperor  of  Japan  in  Meaco,  in  order  to 
obtain  from  him  a  passport  for  China.3  He  had  been  able  to 
convince  himself  in  his  discussions  with  the  Japanese  of  the 
respect  felt  for  Chinese  learning  and  wisdom  in  Eastern  Asia, 
for  his  arguments  were  often  met  with  the  rejoinder  that  it  was 
difficult  to  believe  that  the  Christian  doctrine  contained  the 
truth,  since  it  was  unknown  to  the  Chinese.4  On  the  other 
hand,   however,  he  was  fully  aware  of  the  difficulty  of  his 

l"  Mandou  polas  ruas  da  cidade  poor  scriptos  em  seii  nome, 
que  ele  folgaua  que  a  ley  de  Deus  se  pregase  em  suas  terras,  e 
que  ele  daua,  licenca  que  os  que  a  quisesem  tomar  a  tomasem." 
Mon.  Xav.,  L,  683. 

2  Cf.  Cros,  II.,  179-190.  The  fact  that  Xavier  did  not  leave 
Japan  because  he  despaired  of  winning  the  country  for  Christian- 
ity, is  shown  in  detail,  in  opposition  to  the  opinion  of  most  Pro- 
testant writers,  by  Haas,  loc.  cit.  supra,  II.,  1-12,  Tokio,  1904. 

3  Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  599  ;   cf.  644. 

4  Ibid.  684. 


XAVIER     AND     CHINA.  319 

undertaking.  Foreigners  were  strictly  forbidden  to  enter 
Chinese  territory  ;  even  the  Portuguese  who  were  shipwrecked 
on  the  Chinese  coasts,  were  loaded  with  chains  and  cast  into 
prison  for  years,  while  death  might  easily  follow  the  punish- 
ment of  the  bastinado  inflicted  by  the  mandarins.  All  this, 
however,  did  not  intimidate  Xavier.  At  first  he  had  hoped 
to  penetrate  into  China  as  the  companion  of  a  Portuguese 
envoy,  his  own  friend,  Pereira,  but  this  plan  was  frustrated  by 
the  opposition  of  the  commandant  of  Malacca,  Alvaro  de 
Ataide,  who  retained  Pereira  there  on  the  pretext  that  he  was 
required  for  an  expected  siege  of  the  town. 

Then  Xavier  determined  to  carry  out  his  plan  alone,  and, 
if  necessary,  to  bear  patiently  the  severity  of  the  Chinese  laws  ; 
he  may  have  thought  that  no  other  course  was  open  to  him 
daring  the  lifetime  of  Alvaro.1  "  I  am  journeying,"  he  writes, 
"  deprived  of  all  human  protection,  to  the  island  of  Canton, 
in  the  hope  that  a  friendly  heathen  will  take  me  over  to  the 
continent  of  China."2 

Portuguese  ships  used  often  to  lie  for  months  at  a  time  off 
the  island  of  Canton,  that  is  to  say  off  the  rocky  island  of 
Sanchoan  (Sancian,  Chang-Tschouen)  in  order  to  make  a  land- 
ing there  at  a  favourable  opportunity,  and  carry  on  smuggling 
with  the  Chinese  of  Canton.  The  island  itself  was  barren, 
and  during  the  time  of  their  stay,  the  Portuguese  lived  in 
hastily  constructed  huts  of  straw,  which  they  burned  on  their 
departure.  To  this  place,  therefore,  Francis  caused  himself 
to  be  conveyed,  in  order  that  he  might  risk  his  lite  for  the 
conversion  of  China. 

Abandoned  though  he  had  been  hitherto,  the  Saint  was  now 
to  be  thrown  still  more  on  his  own  resources.  From  among  his 
companions,  he  was  obliged  to  send  back  a  Portuguese  lay- 
brother,  as  unfit  for  work,  and  an  interpreter  whom  he  had 

1  If  he  should  be  obliged  to  return  to  India,  he  wrote  on  October 
22nd,  1552  :  "  nao  vou  com  esperanca  que  em  tempo  de  D. 
Alvaro  de  Gama  se  fara  couza  n'a  China,  de  que  fique  memoria." 
Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  791. 

2  From  Singapore  on  July  21,  1552  :   Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  767. 


320  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

secured  for  Canton  soon  left  him  for  fear  of  the  punishments  of 
the  mandarins.  The  captain  of  the  ship,  who  had  brought  him 
out  of  consideration  for  Alvaro,  was  not  very  well-disposed 
to  him.  He  was,  it  is  true,  received  into  the  hut  of  a  Portu- 
guese, who  looked  after  him,  but  after  the  departure  of  this 
man,  he  suffered  great  want,  and  had  to  beg  for  bread.  Only 
a  Chinaman  of  about  twenty,  who  had  been  brought  up  in 
Goa,  and  had  almost  forgotten  his  own  language,  and  a 
servant,  were  faithful  to  him. 

In  spite  of  all  this,  and  notwithstanding  the  warnings  he 
received  from  the  Portuguese,  as  well  as  from  the  Chinese 
traders,  Francis  held  fast  to  his  resolution.  A  Chinaman  was 
at  last  induced,  by  the  promise  of  a  large  reward,  to  undertake 
to  convey  him  to  Canton,  and  to  set  him  down  before  daybreak 
at  the  gate  of  the  city.  He  had  to  trust  to  this  man,  in  spite 
of  the  danger  that  he  might  take  the  reward,  and  then  get  rid 
of  the  troublesome  stranger  by  throwing  him  into  the  sea. 
Even  this  danger  did  not  deter  him,  and  when  the  Portuguese 
begged  him,  for  fear  of  his  getting  them  into  trouble,  to  put  off 
his  hazardous  enterprise  until  after  the  departure  of  their 
ships,  he  was  obliged  to  proceed  with  his  great  undertaking 
quite  alone,  and  deprived  of  all  earthly  assistance. 

His  plans,  however,  were  never  carried  out.  On  November 
22nd,  1552,  he  was  attacked  by  a  violent  fever,  and  on  the 
27th,  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  he  was  claimed  by  death. 
On  this  barren  island,  in  a  wretched  hut,  he  met  his  end,  as 
his  great  soul  would  have  desired  it,  in  the  full  strength  of  his 
manhood,  in  the  full  fervour  of  his  love  for  God  and  man,  in 
the  utmost  poverty  and  abandonment,  like  in  his  death  to  Him, 
in  whose  footsteps,  in  life,  he  had  always  endeavoured  to 
tread.1 

1  Concerning  Xavier's  death  and  burial  we  possess  the  report 
of  an  eye-witness,  the  Chinaman,  Anton  (in  Cros,  II.,  342-354  ; 
cf.  Valignani  in  Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  190).  That  the  day  of  his  death 
was  not  December  2,  but  November  27,  is  shown  by  Cros 
(contrary  to  Astrain  in  Razon  y  Fe,  V.,  375-386,  Madrid, 
1903),  loc.  cit.,  355  seqq.,  and  in  the  Etudes,  XCVII.,  680-702, 
Paris,  1903.  Cf.  Analecta  Bollandiana,  XXTIL,  410,  Brussels, 
1904. 


DEATH     OF     ST.     FRANCIS     XAVIER  321 

The  only  witness  of  his  death,  the  Chinaman  Anton,  laid  his 
body,  according  to  the  Chinese  custom,  in  a  sort  of  coffin,  into 
which  was  sprinkled  lime,  to  hasten  decomposition  and  enable 
the  bones  to  be  carried  away.  When  the  grave  was  opened 
once  more,1  shortly  before  the  departure  of  the  ship,  on 
February  17th,  1553,  they  found  the  body  perfectly  incorrupt. 
In  Malacca  it  was  solemnly  received,  but  was  buried  without  a 
coffin.  On  August  15th,  they  again  found  no  trace  of  corrup- 
tion. The  Saint's  body  was  brought  to  the  church  of  St.  Paul 
in  Goa,  at  the  beginning  of  Holy  Week,  1554,  and  was  later 
placed  in  a  tomb  in  the  convent  of  Bom  Jesus,  where,  to  this 
day,  it  has  never  fallen  into  dust.2 

In  Francis  Xavier  were  united  qualities,  which,  at  first  sight, 
seem  to  contradict  one  another.  He  was,  above  all,  a  man  of 
action,  who  could  never  rest,  and  to  whom  everything  he  did 
seemed  trifling  and  of  no  importance,  because  his  eyes  were 
always  fixed  on  what  yet  remained  to  be  done.  He  wrould 
have  liked  to  have  been  everywhere  at  the  same  time,  in  order 
to  spread  Christianity  in  all  directions.  His  activity,  there- 
fore, might  appear  feverish  and  unbalanced,  his  hazardous 
enterprises  foolhardy,  his  constant  journeyings  as  the  expres- 
sion of  a  mere  love  of  wandering.  Alexander  Valignani  was 
alone,  in  the  XVIth  century,  in  pointing  out,  in  contradiction 
to  such  a  view,  the  successes  of  the  Saint.  "  He  was  guided  in 
all  he  did,"  Valignani  remarks,3  "by  a  wonderful  foresight, 
for  his  undertakings  succeeded  very  well,  and  in  all  the  places 

1  It  is  marked  by  an  inscription  in  Portuguese  and  Chinese 
The  remains  of  the  chapel  erected  over  the  hut  in  which  Xavier 
died  are  quite  near  (see  Supplement  to  the  Allgemeine  Zeitung, 
1865,  No  30).  A  *Relatio  sepulturae  S.  Francisci  erectae  in 
Sanciano  insula  anno  1700,  with  a  plan  of  the  island  and  the 
chapel  of  the  Jesuit  missionary,  Caspar  Castner,  in  Cod.  150 
of  the  Library  in  Lyons.  Cf.  Sommervogel,  II.,  853  ;  Civilta 
Catt.  (1894),  IV.,  757  seqq. 

2  Adolf  Muller,  A  pilgrimage  to  Goa  to  the  grave  of  St. 
Francis  Xavier,  in  the  Katholischen  Missionen  (1891),  69  seqq. 
100  seqq.  ;    Civil  .Catt.  (1891),  371  seqq. 

3  Valtgnani  in  Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  192. 

VOL.    XIII.  21 


322  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

wherehe  came,  he  left  a  seed  of  God's  Word,  which  blossomed 
later  on  and  brought  forth  good  fruit."  In  order  to  estimate 
properly  the  activity  of  Francis  Xavier,  we  must  bear  in  mind 
that  he  did  not  look  upon  himself  as  a  single  independent  mis- 
sionary, but  as  the  superior  of  a  band  of  such,  whom  he  had 
to  distribute  over  the  half  of  a  continent.  In  order  to  be  able 
to  assign  to  each  the  sphere  of  activity  to  which  he  was  best 
suited,  he  had  to  know  the  countries  and  peoples  from  his  own 
observation.  He  often  used  to  say,  when  he  sent  missionaries 
to  a  certain  district  :  "  How  could  I  send  these  messengers 
with  a  clear  conscience,  if  I  did  not  know  the  conditions  there 
from  my  own  observation  and  experience  ?  '^  It  appeared 
to  him  to  be  his  mission  to  prepare  the  way  everywhere,  to  take 
the  task  of  the  pioneer  on  his  own  shoulders,  so  that  his  fellow- 
workers  and  those  under  him  should  be  able  to  reap  the  fruits 
of  his  labours.  "  I  beg  God,  our  Lord,"  he  writes  in  the  year 
of  his  death,  "  to  grant  me  the  grace  to  open  the  way  for  others 
even  if  I  attain  nothing  myself."2  It  is  hardly  possible  to  over- 
estimate the  importance  of  the  fact  that,  thanks  to  his  travels 
and  hardships,  the  countries  of  Asia  in  which  the  labours  of 
the  missionaries  were  most  likely  to  be  successful  were  clearly 
indicated,  namely,  not  the  effeminate  and  dreamy  Hindoos 
and  Malays,  but  rather  the  Chinese  and  Japanese. 

To  this  restless  activity,  Xavier  joined  the  intuition  and 
fervour  of  the  mystic.  Already  in  the  early  days  of  his  priest- 
hood, the  signs  of  mysticism  were  to  be  seen  in  him.3  He 
devoted  to  prayer  many  hours  of  the  night,  and  as  much  time 
as  his  labours  left  him  free,  and  he  found  such  interior  delight 
in  it  that  all  his  troubles  seemed  to  him  "  a  sweet  cross."4 
The  determination  with  which  he  clung  to  his  resolutions,  he 
obtained  by  laying  his  plans  before  God.  He  was  undecided 
for  a  long  time,  he  wrote,  as  to  whether  he  should  proceed  to 

1  Ibid.  65. 

2  Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  701.  He  often  expresses  the  wish  to  be  able 
to  prepare  the  way  for  others,  e.g.  ibid,  I.,  695,  729. 

3  Cros.,  I.,  145. 

4  A.  de  Quadros  (1555)  in  the  Sel.  Ind.  Epist.,  185.  Letter 
of  Xavier  of  November  5,  1549  :    Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  576. 


METHOD     OF     ST.     FRANCIS     XAVIER.  323 

Japan  or  not,  but  when  God  gave  him  to  understand,  in  the 
depths  of  his  soul,  that  such  was  His  Will,  then  he  could  not 
fail  in  answering  the  call  without  being  worse  than  the  heathens 
of  Japan.1 

In  spite  of  the  great  sacrifices  which  Xavier  demanded  from 
himself,  he  was  by  no  means  strict  or  severe  towards  others, 
but  was  of  a  captivating  mildness  and  humility,  and  displayed 
a  loveable  friendliness  in  his  dealings  with  his  neighbours. 
He  understood  how  to  suit  himself  to  everybody  and  to  win 
their  regard  ;  princes  and  great  dignitaries  in  Portugal,  as  well 
as  soldiers  and  sailors,  or  the  half -civilised  barbarians  in  India. 
In  Malacca,  he  went  to  the  place  where  the  soldiers  were  play- 
ing, and  when  they  wished  to  stop  out  of  respect  for  him,  he 
encouraged  them  to  continue,  remarking  jokingly  that  soldiers 
are  not  monks,  and  that  he  wished  to  enjoy  himself  with  them.2 
He  sent  a  sharp  reprimand  to  a  member  of  his  order  in  Malacca, 
who  had  a  severe  and  abrupt  manner.3  He  was  full  of  joy  and 
merriment  everywhere,  and  one  of  his  companions,  the  Japan- 
ese, Bernard,  ,who  came  later  to  Europe  and  died  at  Coimbra, 
relates  of  him,4  that  in  their  most  difficult  journeys  in  Japan, 
he  would  often  skip  for  joy,  throw  an  apple  into  the  air  and 
catch  it  again,  while  tears  of  joy  would  stream  from  his  eyes 
when  he  praised  God  aloud,  who  had  chosen  him  to  publish 
the  joyful  tidings  in  those  far  lands. 

He  showed  the  greatest  respect  for  ecclesiastical  dignitaries, 
and  the  members  of  other  religious  orders,  and  required  those 
under  him  to  do  likewise.  Only  once  did  he  appeal  to  his 
powers  as  Papal  nuncio,  and  that  was  when,  in  Malacca, 
Alvaro  wished  to  prevent  his  journey  to  China.  He  thought 
everything  could  be  attained  by  humility,  and  that  it  was 
better  to  do  a  little  good  without  causing  irritation,  than  much 
good  with  bad  feeling.5 

1  Letter  of  June  22,  1549  :    Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  539. 

2  Valignani,  68. 

3  Letter  April  14,  1552  :    Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  745  seqq. 

4  F.  Fournier  in  the  fitudes,  CIX.,  666  (1906). 

5  Mon.  Xav.,  I.,  746. 


324  HISTORY   OF    THE    POPES. 

"  The  Apostle  of  the  Indies,"  so  wrote  three  generations  ago 
the  Protestant  diplomat,  John  Crawford,  "  deserves  to  be 
counted  among  the  greatest  men  who  ever  came  to  Eastern 
Asia.  No  one  can  read  his  life,  so  full  of  virtues  and  merits, 
without  being  carried  away  by  admiration  for  the  unselfishness 
of  this  great  man." 

The  latest  researches  have  fully  confirmed  this  opinion.  A 
Protestant  missionary  in  Japan  gives  us  the  results  of  his 
investigations  concerning  Francis  Xavier  in  the  following 
terms  :  "  Whoever  contemplates  his  indefatigable  activity 
in  an  unprejudiced  manner,  cannot  fail  to  recognize  that  he 
bears  the  title  of  apostle  with  perfect  justice.  Xavier  was  not 
only  a  disciple  of  Ignatius,  whom  he  venerated  to  an  almost 
religious  degree,  nor  only  a  devoted  member  of  the  Society  of 
Jesus  ...  he  was  also  a  follower  of  Jesus  Himself,  on  whose 
model  he  had  formed  himself,  learning  from  Him,  in  a  degree 
to  which  few  attain,  the  lessons  of  humility,  modesty,  morti- 
fication, joyful  resignation  and  loving  condescension  to  the 
most  lowly.  In  heartfelt  intimacy  with  his  Divine  Model, 
this  holy  man  had  penetrated  into  the  secrets  of  God's  kingdom. 
His  whole  life  showed  that  he  felt  himself  called,  not  by  men, 
and  not  through  men,  but  by  Jesus  Christ  and  God.  .  .  This 
gave  him  the  intrepid,  undaunted  courage  of  a  hero,  who, 
fearing  God  and  nothing  else  in  the  world,  shrank  from  no 
danger,  and  willingly  encountered  the  greatest  ;  this  spurred 
him  on  to  that  burning  zeal,  in  which  he  never  tired  of  working 
as  long  as  it  was  day  for  him  ;  this  filled  him  with  the  confi- 
dence of  victory  which  is  the  pledge  of  success." 

"  For  such  a  vocation  to  the  apostolate,  Xavier  was  en- 
dowed by  nature  with  qualities  which  must  have  proved  of 
the  greatest  service.  He  was  gifted  with  a  clear  understanding 
and  great  intellectual  activity,  he  was  magnanimous  and  full 
of  enthusiasm,  and  with  all  his  mildness  and  gentleness  was 
full  of  fire  and  energy,  while  through  all  his  humility  there 
shone  a  perfect  confidence  in  himself  ;  a  moral  equipment 
from  which  God  could  well  expect  great  things,  when,  after  he 
had  given  up  his  life,  his  worldly  pleasures  and  earthly  ambi- 
tions, he  fixed  his  hopes  on  Him  alone  and  on  eternal  life. 


( I 


APOSTLE  OF  THE  INDIES.        325 


At  the  same  time,  Xavier  was  not  only  a  servant  of  God  and  a 
true  disciple  of  Jesus,  he  was  also  a  son  and  servant  of  His 
church,  and  a  true  member  of  the  Society  to  which  he  had 
dedicated  himself.  His  understanding  of  the  doctrine  of  Christ 
was  that  of  the  Catholic  Church,  his  piety  was  that  of  his 
Order.  This  ought  not,  however,  to  make  his  Protestant 
judges  blind  to  the  fact  that  he  was  a  man  of  God  .  .  .  who 
with  heart  and  soul  clung  to  his  holy  and  sublime  vocation."1 
In  the  Catholic  world  the  veneration  of  Francis  Xavier 
which  was  inaugurated  by  his  canonization  by  Gregory  XV. 
in  1622,  is  still  living  and  fruitful.  Old  Goa  is  a  dead  town 
at  the  present  day,  and  only  awakes  to  life  when  the  earthly 
remains  of  Francis  Xavier  are  exposed  to  the  veneration  of 
thousands  of  the  faithful.2  Rome,  since  1616,  possesses,  in 
the  right  hand  of  the  Saint,  with  which  he  baptized  countless 
thousands,  a  precious  relic.  The  magnificent  altar  which 
contains  it  stands  opposite  the  shrine  of  the  founder  of  his 
Order.  No  greater  honour  could  fall  to  the  lot  of  the  disciple 
of  Ignatius,  but  he  deserves  it  in  the  fullest  degree,  for  his 
heroic  labours  introduced  a  new  epoch  for  the  christianizing 
of  the  whole  civilized  world  of  the  East. 

1  Haas,  232-233. 

2  Concerning  the  veneration  of  St.  Francis  Xavier,  cf.  Daurig- 
nac,  Gesch.  des  hi.  Franz  Xaver,  German  by  Clarus,  Frankfort, 
J865,  396  seqq.,  408  seqq.,  418  seqq.,  429  seqq. ;  CROS,  II.,  478  seqq.  ; 
A.  Brou,  Saint  Francois  Xavier,  II.,  370  seqq.,  Paris,  1912  ; 
Sommervogel,  Bibl.,  X.,  1657  seqq.  Concerning  the  last  great 
pilgrimages  to  Old  Goa,  see  Kolnische  Volkszeitung,  191 1,  No.  87. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

Julius  III.  in  Relation  to  Letters  and  Art.     Michael 

Angelo   and   the    Rebuilding   of    Saint   Peter's.     The 

Villa  Giulia. 

Julius  III.,  who  had  received  a  classical  training  from  the 
humanist,  Raphael  Brandolini  Lippo,  lived  at  a  time  when  the 
Renaissance  had  reached  its  zenith.  He  had  always  displayed 
a  lively  interest  in  science  and  art,  and  it  was,  therefore, 
natural  that  great  things  should  have  been  expected  from  him 
after  his  elevation  to  the  Papacy.  The  humanists  at  once 
began  to  hail  his  election,1  and  openly  declared  their  hopes 
of  the  beginning  of  a  Golden  Age.2  It  seemed  certain  that  the 
unusual  and  well  known  generosity  of  the  Pope  would  be 
favourable  to  their  hopes,  but  it  soon  became  clear  that  the 
means  for  a  true  return  to  the  age  of  Maecenas  were  not  avail- 
able. The  financial  distress,  which  made  itself  felt  only  too 
soon,  and  which  was  increased  to  an  almost  unbearable  degree 
by  the  war  with  Parma,  had  a  paralysing  and  restraining 
effect  in  all  other  fields  of  activity.  It  is  significant  of  the 
unfavourable  circumstances  which  prevailed,  that  the  wish  of 
the  Pope  to  have  the  works  of  his  master,  Brandolini,  pub- 
lished, in  token  of  his  gratitude,  should  not  have  been  fulfilled.3 
Julius  III.,  however,  showed  no  lack  of  desire  to  be  a  patron 

1  A.  F.  Rainerius,  Thybris  s.  de  creatione  Iulii  III.  P.M., 
Ronae  1550. 

2  Cf.  the  Poem  *Divo  Julio  III.  Pontif.  Max.,  in  the  Cod.  Ottob., 
1351,  p.  3b,  Vatican  Library.  See  also  the  panegyric  of  Julius  III. 
by  Muzio,  in  which  he  says  :  "  Nuovo  Papa,  nuovo  anno  et  anno 
santo  Risplende  al  mondo."     Rime,  656,  Venice,  1551. 

3  Cf.  Brom  in  the  Romischen  Quartelschrift,  II.,  177-8,  180  seqq. 

326 


THE     VATICAN     LIBRARY.  327 

of  learning  as  his  great  predecessor  had  been,  and  humanists 
such  as  Galeazzo  Florimonte,  Romolo  Amaseo  and  Paolo 
Sadoleto  readily  found  appointments  at  his  chancery.1  The 
Pope  also  passed  over  the  fact  that,  now  and  again,  pagan 
expressions  found  their  way  into  the  documents  compiled  by 
these  men,  even  when  they  dealt  with  matters  of  purely 
ecclesiastical  importance,  a  thing  which  would  justly  have  been 
blamed  in  later  times,  when  stricter  views  prevailed.2  The 
traditional  and  much  too  great  freedom  of  speech  which  pre- 
vailed in  Rome  at  that  time,  was  by  no  means  lessened  under 
Julius  III.,  and  Pasquino  could  again  jeer  and  mock  as  he  had 
done  before  in  the  classical  days  of  the  Renaissance.3 

It  was  far  more  to  the  credit  of  Julius  III.,  who  also  collected 
a  library  of  his  own,4  that  he  appointed  the  learned  Cardinal 
Marcello  Cervini  to  be  librarian  for  life  of  the  Vatican  Library, 
as  early  as  February  24th,  1550,  and  invested  him  with  full 
powers.5  It  was  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  Cervini 
that,  three  years  later,  the  Pope  sent  an  envoy  to  the  Greek 
Basilian  monasteries,  in  order  to  borrow  the  sacred  and  profane 
manuscripts  preserved  there,  for  the  purpose  of  having  them 
copied.6 

In  the  first  year  of  his  pontificate,  Julius  III.  interested 
himself  in  the  reform  of  the  Roman  University.  On  November 
5th,  1550,  he  entrusted  Cardinals  Cervini,  Morone,  Crescenzi 
and  Pole  with  this  task.7     This  commission,  to  which  were 

1  Cf.  supra  p.  74. 

2  See  Pallavicini,  13,  17,  2. 

3  Cf.  Gnoli,  Storia  di  Pasquino  ;  Nuova  Antologia,  XXV.,  74 
(1890). 

4  Cf.  the  inscription  in  Ciaconius,  III.,  758.  In  this  library, 
the  Apronian  Virgil  was  to  be  found,  which  came  into  the  hands  of 
Card.  I.  del  Monte  after  the  death  of  Julius  III.,  and  later  went 
to  Florence  :   see  Tiraboschi,  III.,  29-30  (Neapolitan  Edition). 

5  See  the  *brief  in  Appendix  No.  5  (Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican) . 

6  See  the  *brief  of  February  24,  1553,  for  Hannib.  Spatafore 
archimand.  Messan.  O.  S.  Bas.  in  the  Appendix  Nos.  17-18. 
(Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican).         7  See  Massarelli,  198,  199. 


328  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

afterwards  added  Cardinals  Guido  Ascanio  Sforza  and  MarTei, 
inaugurated  several  salutary  reforms  in  1552.  Besides  this 
the  efficiency  of  this  institution  was  doubled  by  an  increase  in 
its  revenues.1  German  universities,  such  as  Heidelberg, 
Ingolstadt  and  Wurzburg,  were  also  favoured  by  Julius  III., 
and  the  college  in  Dillingen  was  raised  by  him  to  the  status  of 
a  university.2 

The  evidences  of  favour  for  the  humanists  and  literati  were, 
on  account  of  the  pecuniary  difficulties,  not  very  numerous, 
but  whenever  one  of  these  received  any  promotion,  he  ex- 
pressed his  thanks  in  extravagant  but  unmeaning  verses,  as 
was  the  case  with  Girolamo  Fracastoro,3  Fausto  Sabeo4  and 
Francesco  Modesto.5 

Among  the  teachers  whom  Julius  III.  provided  for  the  young 
Roberto  de'  Nobili  weie  Giulio  Poggiano  and  the  Servite, 
Ottavio  Pantagato,  the  former  celebrated  as  an  elegant  stylist, 
and  the  latter  as  an  eminent  humanist.  The  noble  poetess, 
Ersilia  Cortese,6  wife  of  Giovan  Battista  del  Monte,  and  the 
learned  poet,  Onorato  Fascitelli,7  also  enjoyed  the  Pope's 
favour.  Julius  III.  appointed  the  eminent  Ludovico  Becca- 
delli  as  nuncio  in  Venice,  and  later  on  his  vicar-general  in 
Rome  ;  when  Morone  went  to  Germany,  Beccadelli  accom- 
panied him,  and  it  was  reported  that  he  would  be  created  a 
cardinal  on  his  return.8     The  learned  Guglielmo  Sirleto  was 

1  See  Marini,  Lettera,  121,  127  ;    Renazzi,  II.,  132-3,  252  seqq. 

2  See  Hautz,  Heidelberg,  I.,  229,  449,  452,  460,  464  ;  Prantl, 
Ingolstadt-Munchen,  I.,  185  ;  cf.  Raynaldus,  155 i,  n.  76  ; 
Wegele,  Wurzburg  II.  26,,  seqq.  Concerning  Dillingen  cf.  suprv 
p.  227. 

3  Ad  Iulium  III.  P.M.,  most  excellently  rendered  by  Schluter, 
M.A.  Flaminus  und  seine  Freunde,  145  seqq.,  Mayence,  1847. 

4  See  Ciaconius,  III.,  757.  Achille  Bocchi  also  belongs  to  the 
humanists  promoted  by  Julius  III.,  see  Mazzuchelli,  II.,  3,  1389. 

5  Cf.  Albini,  II  Modesto,  Imola,  1886,  and  Atti  per  le  prov.  d. 
Romagna,  Ser.  3,  XV.,  376  (1897). 

6  See  Tiraboschi,  VII.,  1,  22  and  3,  47  (Neapolitan  Edition). 

7  Cf.  Minieri  Riccio,  Mem.  d.  scritt.  di  Napoli,  73  seqq. 

8  See  Beccadelli,  Monum.,  I.,  35-6,  40,  65. 


JULIUS     III.     AND     GIOVIO.  329 

promoted,  and  his  commentary  on  the  New  Testament,  which 
was  directed  against  Valla  and  Erasmus,  was  approved.1 

Unfortunately,  Julius  III.  also  had  relations  with  literati 
of  quite  a  different  stamp.  The  Pope  had  hardly  been  elected 
when  Paolo  Giovio  addressed  a  letter  of  congratulation  to  him, 
which  is  very  characteristic.  In  this  Giovio  expresses  the  hope 
that  he  will  be  able  to  come  to  Rome  as  soon  as  he  has  recovered 
from  the  gout,  and  the  weather  has  improved  ;  he  takes  the 
liberty  of  remarking,  however,  how  greatly  he  was  disappointed 
when  the  apartments  he  was  to  have  occupied  in  the  Vatican 
had  been  otherwise  disposed  of  ;  he  was  quite  determined  that 
the  Pope  should  compensate  him  with  a  pension.  Cardinal 
Medici  was  commissioned  by  the  Pope  to  assure  Giovio  that  a 
dwelling  in  the  Vatican  would  be  provided  for  him.2  Although 
the  said  Cardinal  informed  him  once  more  in  June,  1550,  that 
the  Pope  was  well  disposed  to  him,3  the  calculating  humanist 
thought  it  wise  to  ingratiate  himself  still  further  by  the  dedi- 
cation of  a  work  to  His  Holiness.  In  the  dignified  brief  of 
August  15th,  155 1,  in  which  Julius  III.  thanked  Giovio  for 
the  dedication  of  his  "  Eulogium  of  Celebrated  Men,"  a  book 
of  international  interest,  he  promised  him  an  honourable 
reception4  on  his  proposed  journey  to  Rome,  and  a  few  months 
later  sent  him  a  reward.  Giovio  thereupon  promised  to  extol 
his  benefactor  with  a  "  golden  pen."5  His  death,  however, 
on  December  nth,  1552,  put  an  end  to  his  plan. 

Pietro  Aretino  had  at  once  opened  relations  with  Julius  III., 
and  sent  him  a  sonnet  on  his  election.  The  Pope  was  weak 
enough  to  feel  flattered  by  this,  and  Aretino  was  immediately 
rewarded.6     On  October  31st,  1550,  the  officious  poet  sent  the 

1  Cf.  Mercati,  in  the  Theol.  Revue  (1909),  61. 

2  See  Periodico  de  Como,  XVI.  (1904),  17-18. 

3  Ibid.  18,  n.  1. 

4  See  the  *brief  of  August  15,  1551,  in  Appendix  No.  14  (Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

5  See  letter  of  December  6,  1551,  in  Atanagi,  Lett,  facete,  I., 
84-5,  Venice  1582. 

6  "  A  Pietro  Aretino  ha  fatto  S.S.U  gratia  d'un  cavalerato  di 
S.  Pietro,  che  suol  vendersi  300  scudi  o  pin  et  questo  per  conto  d'un 


330  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Pope  some  more  verses.1  How  well  Aretino  perceived  the 
changed  tendency  of  the  times  is  shown  by  the  religious  writ- 
ings which  he  composed,  and  a  new  edition  of  which  he  dedi- 
cated to  the  Pope.2  Aretino  came,  full  of  hope,  to  Rome  in 
1553,  where  Julius  received  him  very  kindly,  so  that  the  vain 
poet  at  once  dreamed  of  attaining  to  the  dignity  of  Cardinal  ; 
as  this,  of  course,  was  not  bestowed  on  him,  he  left  the 
Eternal  City  a  disappointed  man.3 

Although  not  much  was  to  be  hoped  for  from  Julius  III. 
by  the  humanists,  they  still  continued  to  extol  him  in  poems.4 
The  extravagance  and  pomposity  of  this  sort  of  literature,  in 
which  all  the  gods  of  the  ancients  play  their  part,  was  in 
singular  contrast  to  the  services  which  the  Pope  really  rendered 
to  the  advancement  of  literature.  A  still  unpublished  pane- 
gyric in  verse  by  Antonius  Franciscus  Rainerius,  about  the 
pontificate  of  Julius  III.,  is  very  characteristic  ot  such  men.5 
In  this  the  generous  disposition  of  the  Pope  is  extolled,  as  are 
his  care  in  supplying  Rome  with  provisions,  the  summoning 

sonetto  ch'egli  fece  sopra  la  creatione  di  S.S.^."  Buonanni 
April  30,  1550  (State  Archives  Florence). 

1  Ternali  in  gloria  di  Giulio  III.,  etc.,  Lyons,  1551  ;  cf.  Mazu- 
chelli,  I.,  2,  1018. 

2  See  Al  beat.  Giulio  III.,  etc.,  II  genesi,  l'humanita  di  Christo  e  i 
salmi.  Opere  di  P.  Ar.,  Vinegia,  155 1  ;  cf.  Brunet,  I.,  401  ; 
Mazuchelli,  I.,  2,  1016  ;  also  Luzio  in  the  Giorn.  stor.  di  lett. 
Ital.,  XXIX.,  236-7. 

3  Cf.  Lett,  al  Aretino,  II.,  345,  391-2,  498,  Paris,  1609  ;  Mazu- 
chelli, I.,  2,  1013.  Atti  Mod.,  III.,  88  ;  Bongi,  Annali  Giolitini, 
II.,  10  ;    Luzio,  Pronostico,  xxii.,  xxxv.n. 

4  Besides  the  poems  in  Ciaconius,  III,  357,  cf.  the  poems  men- 
tioned supra  p.  326,  n.  2,  and  those  referred  to  in  the  following  note. 
See  also  the  *poem  in  the  Addit.  MS.  175 14,  of  the  British  Museum, 
and  Vol.  VI.  of  this  work  p.  457  note.  Gian  Vitale  sang  the 
praises  of  the  Pope  and  all  the  members  of  the  Sacred  College 
{cf.  Mongitore,  Bibl.  Sic,  I.,  305)  in  his  Sac.  Rom.  Ecclesiae 
Elogia,   Roma,    1553. 

5  *Antonii  Francisci  Rainerii,  Mediol.  de  vita  sanctiss.  ac 
beatiss.  Iulii  III.  Pont.  Max.  ab  initio  pontific.  (Cod.  Ottob.,  865, 
p.  4  seqq.  Vatican  Library). 


JULIUS     III.     AND     THE     LITERATI  331 

of  the  Council,  and  even  the  war  with  Parma,  which  he  had 
waged  for  the  defence  of  religion  !  The  death  of  his  nephew, 
Giovan  Battista  del  Monte,  is  deplored,  and  Fabiano  del 
Monte  is  extolled  as  the  comfort  of  his  old  age.  There  is  added 
a  well-merited  verse  of  praise  for  the  Pope's  efforts  to  secure 
peace,  and,  finally,  the  artistic  enterprises  of  Julius  are  lauded 
in  an  altogether  extravagant  manner  ;  the  poet,  it  may  be 
added,  has  nothing  to  say  about  the  advancement  of  letters.1 
There  is  no  lack  of  writings,  both  printed  and  in  manuscript, 
dedicated  to  Julius  III.2  Among  those  which  are  printed,  the 
"  Anatomy  of  Vice  "  is  noteworthy ;  this  is  by  Lorenzo 
Davidico,  who,  in  view  of  the  depravity  of  the  clergy  of  the 
cinquecento,  which  he  depicts  unsparingly,  had  fixed  his  hopes 
on  the  new  Orders  :  the  Jesuits,  the  Barnabites  and  the 
Theatines.3 

1  Reumont's  statement  (III.,  2,705)  concerning  an  academy 
in  the  villa  of  Julius  III.,  originated  in  an  old  erroneous  inter- 
pretation of  the  inscription  there,  which  has  already  been  cor- 
rected by  Tiraboschi  (VII.,   1,   119). 

2  In  the  Vatican  Library  I  noted  *Cod.  Vat.  5831  :  Io.  Petri 
Ferretti  de  exarchatu  Raven,  libri  7,  5832  :  LP.  Ferretti  eccles- 
iasticarum  disciplinarum  divinarumque  constit.  commentaria 
sive  de  institutis  et  moribus  eccles.  libri  8.  (See  also  in  the  Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican,  XL,  45,  p.  324  seqq.  *Tractus  de  re 
frumentaria  [1551]  ,"  561  seqq  :  *Ptolomaeus  Blaesius  Nicanus, 
De  morte  Io.  Bapt.  de  Monte  in  bello  Mirandol.  [1551];  571  seqq  : 
♦Tractatus  de  transitu  exercitus  petendo  ac  concedendo  vel 
denegando  [1555].  Cod.  Vat.,  3561  :  *Andreas  de  Monte,  super 
insig.  montium  (Latin  and  Hebrew)  :  *Triumphus  Montium 
editus  a  fratre  Mariano  Cavense  eremita  [ord.  S.  Aug.  ;  cf.  Ossin- 
ger,  Bibl.  August.]  s.  theolog.  coltore  ad  divum  Iulium  III.  P.M. 
et  O.  (dedication  dated,  Cavis,  Kal.  Maii  1551)  in  the  Cod.  R.  4, 
18  of  the  Angelica  Library  in  Rome.  Theological  works  dedicated 
to  Julius  III.  in  Lauchert,  31,  124-5,  432,  465,  602,  654.  Con- 
cerning a  work  dedicated  to  the  Pope  by  G.  G.  Albani  :  De  im- 
munit  eccl.  see  Mazzuchelli,  I.,  i,  274.  The  curious  work  by 
G.  B.  Modio  :  II  convito  o  vero  del  peso  della  moglie,  Rome, 
1554,  is  dedicated  to  Cardinal  I.  del  Monte. 

3  L.   Davidico,   Anatomia  delli  vitii,   Florence,    1550,   preface. 


332  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

The  most  important  work  dedicated  to  Julius  III.  was  a 
volume  of  masses  for  four  voices,1  by  Giovanni  Pierluigi  da 
Palestrina2.  The  composer,  afterwards  of  world-wide  cele- 
brity, thus  expressed  his  thanks  for  the  position  of  director 
of  the  choir  of  St.  Peter's,  which  had  been  bestowed  on  him 
by  the  Pope  in  September,  1551.  In  January,  1555,  Julius 
III.  summoned  his  protege  to  become  a  member  of  the  choir 
of  singers  of  the  papal  chapel,  omitting  in  his  case  the  searching 
examination  which  had  been  prescribed  for  all  candidates  on 
August  5th,  1554.  As  it  was  a  case  of  a  composer  of  such 
promise,  Julius  also  overlooked  the  fact  that  Palestrina  was 
married,  although  the  charter  for  the  members  of  the  choir  of 
the  Papal  chapel  prescribed  celibacy.3 

Finally,  it  is  also  worthy  of  note  that  the  life  of  Michael 
Angelo  by  Ascanio  Condivi,  and  published  in  Rome,  in  July, 
x553>  by  Antonio  Blado,  was  dedicated  to  Julius  III.  It  is 
suggested  by  the  author  that  the  dedication  will  certainly  be 
agreeable  to  His  Holiness,  as  he  so  much  prized  the  virtue  and 
genius  of  the  master. 

Nothing  shows  more  clearly  the  contradictory  qualities  which 
were  combined  in  the  character  of  Julius  III.,  than  the  fact 

Cf.  concerning  this  work,  Tacchi  Venturi,  I.,  34  seqq.  Concern- 
ing I.  Nachianti's  Enarrationes  in  epist.  Pauli  ad  Ephesios,  which 
was  dedicated  to  Julius  III.,  see  Lauchert,  588-9.  Zimmer- 
mann  mentions  the  J.  Strada  appointed  by  Julius  III.  in 
the  Mitteil.  des  Oestr.  Inst.,  Erg-Bd.,  VI.,  836.  Among  the 
privileges  to  printers  that  of  March  24,  1553,  is  of  interest  :  *De 
non  imprimendo  ad  10  annos  historiam  regum  Gothorum  [appeared 
in  1554  ;  see  Bertolotti,  in  the  Arch.  stor.  Ital.,  VII.  (1891), 
1 17-128]  a  fratre  archiepiscopi  Upsalensis,  quam  archiepiccopus 
intendit  imprimi  facere. 

1  Rome,  1554.     Copy  in  the  Academia  di  S.  Cecilia,  Rome. 

2  Born  1526,  not  1524,  as  Baini  thinks,  nor  15 14,  as  Ambros 
(IV.,  3)  gives  it.  See  Haberl  in  the  Kirchenmusikalischen 
Jahrbuch,  1886,  42. 

3  Palestrina  took  up  his  new  post  on  January,  13,  1555  ;  see 
Diarium  in  Ambros,  IV.,  6  ;  cf.  Celani  in  the  Riv.  music.  Ital., 
XIV.  (1907),  103. 


JULIUS     III.     AND     MICHAEL     ANGELO         333 

that  the  man  who  honoured  an  Aretino  should  have  given 
expression  to  the  beautiful  idea  that  he  would  willingly  give 
up  the  remainder  of  the  years  allotted  to  him  to  lengthen  those 
of  Michael  Angelo.1 

These  words  were  followed  up  by  actions  which  corresponded 
with  them.  Whenever  he  had  an  opportunity,  the  Pope 
showed  his  respect  for  and  confidence  in  the  great  master,  to  an 
even  greater  extent  than  had  been  the  case  with  Paul  III. 
He  gave  open  expression  to  this  by  making  Michael  Angelo  sit 
beside  him2  in  the  presence  of  several  Cardinals  and  other 
great  dignitaries,  and  by  giving  him  the  large  salary  of  fifty 
scudi  a  month.3  These  tokens  of  favour  were  all  the  more 
significant,  as  the  disparagers  and  detractors  of  Michael 
Angelo  never  tired,  now  as  of  old,  of  stirring  up  intrigues 
against  him.  The  master,  who  was  already  suffering  greatly 
under  the  weight  of  years,  also  had  to  endure  great  anguish  of 
mind.  Hatred  and  envy  were  the  outcome  of  the  exceptional 
position  to  which  he  had  been  called  by  Paul  III.,  for  the  re- 
building of  St.  Peter's,  a  matter  in  which  Julius  III.  also 
showed  the  greatest  interest,  and  which  he  zealously  promoted.4 
The  stern  rectitude  with  which  Michael  Angelo  provided  that 
"  promises,  emoluments  and  presents  "  should  play  no  part  in 
this  vast  work,  added  to  the  number  of  his  enemies  from  day 
to  day.  Untroubled,  however,  by  all  this  hostility,  Michael 
Angelo  remained  true  to  his  principle,  never  to  accept  any 
material  for  the  building  which  was  not  trustworthy  and 
serviceable,  even  if  it  fell  from  heaven.5 

1  Condivi,  Iviii. 

2  See  Ticciati's  supplement  to  Condivi ;  Quellenschriften  zur 
Kunstgesch.,  VI.,  97. 

3  This  "  solita  provisione  "  was  paid  punctually  up  to  the  death 
of  Julius  III. ;  see  *Intr.  et  Exit.,  1554-1555  in  the  Cod.  Vat.  10605, 
where  it  is  regularly  booked  from  March,  1554,  till  March,  1555  : 
"  A  m.  Michelangelo  Buonarotti  scudi  venticinque  d'oro  et  ven- 
ticinque  di  moneta  per  el  mese  passato."     (VaticanLib.). 

4  See  the  *Bulls  in  Appendix  No.  27. 

5  See  Lettere  di  M.,  ed.  Milanesi,  555.  Cf.  Condivi,  lix.  ;  see 
also  Thode,  I.,  220. 


334  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

As  had  been  the  case  in  the  time  of  Paul  III.,  so  now  again 
it  was  the  followers  of  Sangallo  who  raised  a  storm  against  the 
director  of  the  rebuilding  of  St.  Peter's.  Although  he  had  been 
invested  with  the  most  unlimited  authority,  they  hoped,  in 
view  of  the  complaisance  and  irresolution  of  Julius  III.,  that 
this  time  they  would  attain  their  end.  The  anxious  fear  with 
which  Michael  Angelo  guarded  the  secrets  of  his  studio  was 
used  to  prejudice  the  members  of  the  Fabbrica  di  S.  Pietro 
against  him.  At  the  end  of  the  year  1550,  these  latter  set 
themselves  to  address  a  letter  to  the  Pope,  which  was  intended 
to  destroy  the  confidence  which  Julus  III.  had  in  the  master. 
The  principal  accusation,  besides  that  of  extravagance,  con- 
cerned the  secrecy  with  which  the  plans  were  kept.  "As  to 
the  building,  and  how  it  will  turn  out,"  says  the  letter,  "  the 
deputies  can  make  no  report,  as  everything  is  kept  secret  from 
them,  as  if  they  had  nothing  to  do  with  it.  They  have  several 
times  protested,  and  are  now  protesting  again  to  ease  their 
consciences,  that  they  do  not  approve  of  the  manner  in  which 
Michael  Angelo  is  proceeding,  especially  as  regards  the  demo- 
lition. The  destruction  has  been,  and  is  still  to-day,  so  great, 
that  all  who  have  witnessed  it  have  been  deeply  moved. 
Nevertheless,  if  Your  Holiness  approves  of  it,  we,  the  deputies, 
shall  have  no  further  complaint  to  make." 

The  result  of  these  accusations  was  the  celebrated  meeting 
of  the  members  of  the  Fabbrica  and  others  engaged  on  the 
rebuilding,  summoned  by  Julius  III.,  before  whom  Michael 
Angelo  was  to  justify  himself.  According  to  the  account  of 
Vasari,1  the  Pope  himself  communicated  to  the  master  the  most 
important,  and  the  only  detailed  accusation,  which  the  building 
commission,  and  especially  Cardinals  Salviati  and  Cervini  had 
made  against  him.  This  concerned  the  bad  lighting  of  the 
apse  of  the  new  St.  Peter's.  Michael  Angelo  asked  permission 
to  be  allowed  to  answer  the  deputies  of  the  Fabbrica  in  person. 
Then  followed  a  dramatic  discussion  with  Cardinal  Cervini, 
who  avowed  himself  to  be  the  originator  of  the  accusation. 
"  Monsignore,"  replied  Michael  Angelo,  "  three  other  windows 

1  Vasari  VII.  232-3  ;  Cf.  Thode  i,  222-3. 


JULIUS     III.     AND     MICHAEL     ANGELO.        335 

are  to  be  placed  above  those  already  provided."  "  You  have 
never  let  a  word  as  to  this  be  heard,"  answered  the  Cardinal. 
Michael  Angelo  replied,  "  I  am  not  obliged,  and  have  never 
intended  to  be  obliged  to  give  information  concerning  my  plans 
to  your  Eminence,  or  to  anyone  else.  It  is  your  duty  to  pro- 
vide the  money  and  to  see  that  nothing  is  stolen.  It  is  my 
business  alone  to  look  after  the  plans  of  the  building."  Then, 
turning  to  the  Pope,  he  continued  :  "  Holy  Father,  see  what 
reward  I  get  ;  if  the  afflictions  I  experience  do  not  prove  of 
advantage  for  my  soul,  then  indeed  do  I  lose  my  time  and 
trouble."  Graciously  laying  his  hand  on  his  shoulder,  Julius 
answered  him,  saying  :  "  You  are  gaining  merit  for  both  body 
and  soul,  have  no  fear." 

The  attempt,  therefore,  to  overthrow  the  master  had,  on  the 
contrary,  the  effect  of  strengthening  his  position  more  than 
ever.  In  order  to  put  a  stop  to  further  troubles,  Julius  III., 
on  January  23rd,  1552,  ratified  the  motu  proprio  of  Paul  III., 
of  October,  1549,  sanctioned  everything  hitherto  carried  out  by 
Michael  Angelo  for  the  building  of  St.  Peter's,  ordered  that  his 
models  should  be  carefully  preserved,  and  only  altered  by 
himself,  and  confirmed  the  extensive  powers  already  bestowed 
on  him  as  chief  architect  of  St.  Peter's.1 

This  was  not,  however,  the  end  of  Michael  Angelo's  diffi- 
culties. More  painful  than  the  hostility,  which  did  not 
meanwhile  cease,2  but  which,  thanks  to  the  favour  of  the  Pope, 

1  The  document,  erroneously  given  by  Buonanni  (80  seq.),  was 
first  published  correctly  by  Pogatscher  in  the  Repert.  fiir 
Kunstwiss.,  XVIII.,  403-4.  Giordani  (p.  49)  writes  :  "  Gia  tin 
dall  1552  era  entrato  il  Vignola  a  servizio  della  chiesa  e  in  quell' 
anno  gli  si  attribuiva  il  pomposo  titolo  di  architetto  della  basilica 
di  S.  Pietro,  in  aiuto  a  Michelangelo,"  and  likewise  cites  *R.  Tesor. 
seg.  1552,  f.  10.  When  one  opens  this  volume  in  the  State  Archives 
Rome,  however,  one  finds  at  the  place  quoted,  for  January,  1552, 
only  the  entry  :  "  Al  Vignola  architetto  di  N.S.sc.  25  d'oro." 
This  corresponds  as  little  with  the  contents  given  by  Giordani,  as 
the  other  passages  of  this  volume  (f .  8  and  27  where  "  per  la  cnra  de 
architetto  13  scudi  d'oro  "  is  entered. 

2  This  is  evident  from  the  letters,  Vasart,  VIII.,  319. 


336  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

he  had  no  longer  cause  to  fear,  was  another  disastrous  cir- 
cumstance which  now  overtook  him.  The  exhaustion  of  the 
Papal  finances  had,  by  May,  1551,  the  effect  of  causing  the 
money  necessary  for  the  continuation  of  the  rebuilding  of  St. 
Peter's  to  come  in  ever  decreasing  amounts  ;  how  much  this 
was  the  case  is  shown  from  the  fact  that  from  January  1st  to 
May,  1 55 1,  121,554  ducats  were  provided  for  the  building, 
while  only  half  this  sum  was  to  hand  during  the  next  four 
years.1  In  consequence  of  this  critical  situation,  and  the 
renewed  difficulties  of  the  master,  Duke  Cosimo  I.  thought  that 
he  would  at  last  succeed  in  getting  Michael  Angelo  to  return 
to  Florence.2  The  latter  was,  however,  determined  to  remain 
at  his  post  in  the  Eternal  City.  In  a  letter  of  August  20th, 
1554,  Vasari  employed  all  his  eloquence  to  induce  him  to 
return  to  Florence,  urging  the  afflictions  which  beset  him  in 
Rome,  and  the  want  of  appreciation  shown  for  him  there.3 
Michael  Angelo,  whose  hand  had  already  begun  to  tremble 
greatly,  thanked  him  in  a  few  words.  "  From  your  letter," 
he  wrote,"  I  recognise  the  love  you  bear  me,  and  you  may  well 
believe  that  I  would  gladly  lay  my  bones  to  rest  beside  those 
of  my  father,  as  you  beg  me  to  do  ;  should  I,  however,  go  away 
from  here,  then  great  disadvantages  would  ensue  for  the 
building  of  St.  Peter's,  and  I  should  be  the  cause  of  great 
scandal  and  misfortune.  When  everything  is  so  far  forward 
that  nothing  more  can  be  changed,  then  I  hope  to  do  what  you 
write,  should  it  not  be  sinful  to  cause  discomfort  to  several 
rascals,  who  expect  me  to  go  away  from  here  at  once."4 

It  was,  above  all,  religious  motives  which  caused  Michael 

1  Fea,  Notizie  intorno  a  Raffaele,  Rome,  1822,  35.  It  was 
most  significant  that  the  Fabbrica  of  St.  Peter's  in  1554  did  not 
receive  less  than  50,000  scudi  from  the  inheritance  of  Sigismondo  de' 
Conti ;   see  the  introduction  to  his  Storie,  I.,  xxxiii.,  Rome,  1883. 

2  Endeavours  had  already  been  made  in  this  direction  as  early 
as  June,  1550  ;  see  the  *letters  of  Buonanni,  dat.  Rome,  June  8, 
1550,  in  the  State  Archives,  Florence.  Cf.  Vasari,  VII.,  235-6, 
and  Thode,  I.,  454  concerning  the  attempts  in  1552. 

3  Vasari,  VIII.,  318-9.     Thode,  I.,  455. 

4  Lettere,  ed.  Milanesi,  534.     Guhl,  I.,  159. 


JULIUS     III.     AND     MICHAEL     ANGELO.        337 

Angelo  to  devote  his  last  powers  to  the  great  work  for  which 
he  had  refused  any  earthly  payment,  as  he  wished  only  to  work 
for  the  love  of  God,  out  of  veneration  for  the  Prince  of  the 
Apostles,  and  for  the  salvation  of  his  soul.  The  thoughts 
which  filled  his  mind  at  that  time  are  shown  by  the  touching 
sonnet  which  he  enclosed  in  his  letter  to  Vasari : — 

Giunto  e  gia  '1  corso  della  vita  mia, 

Con  tempestoso  mar  per  fragil  barca, 
Al  comun  porto,  ov'a  render  si  varca 
Conto  e  ragion  d'ogn  'opra  trista  e  pia. 

Onde  raffettuosa  fantasia, 

Che  l'arte  mi  fece  idol  'e  monarca, 

Conosco  or  ben  quant'era  d'error  carca, 

E  quel  ch'a  mal  suo  grado  ogn  'uom  desia. 

Gli  amorosi  pensier,  gia  vani  e  lieti, 

Che  fieno  or,  s'  a  duo  morte  m'avvicino  ? 
D'una  sol  certo,  e  l'altra  mi  minaccia. 

Ne  pinger  ne  scolpir  fia  piu  che  quieti 
L'anima  volta  a  quell'  Amor  divino 

Ch'aperse,  a  prender  noi,  in  croce  le  braccia.1 

Condivi,  in  his  life  of  Michael  Angelo,  tells  us  how  Julius  III., 
in  his  admiration  for  the  aged  master,  showed  the  tenderest 
consideration  for  his  failing  strength,  and  carefully  avoided 
taxing  it,  though  always  seeking  his  opinion  and  advice  in  his 
artistic  undertakings.2  Several  special  duties  also  fell  to  the 
lot  of  Michael  Angelo.  He  designed,3  for  example,  the  plans 
for  the  rebuilding  of  Bramante's  staircase  in  the  Belvedere, 

1  Guasti,  Rime,  230. 

2  Condivi,  lviii. 

3  Vasari  VII.,  228  seqq.,  233.  Geymuller,  Michelangelo  als 
Architekt,  38,  40,  46,  Kallab,  89.  Thode,  I.,  452-3.  In  the 
account  books  of  Julius  III.  (Tesor.  seg.  1555,  p.  53b)  we  find  the 
♦payment  of  10  scudi  for  Bastiano  (Malenotti)  soprastante  della 
fabrica  di'S.  Pietro  a  buon  conto  del  modello  che  m.  Michelangelo 
pittore  ha  cominciata  per  far  una  facciata  di  un  palazzo  di  ordine 
di  N.S.  (State  Archives,  Rome).  It  is  evident  from  this  that  the 
similar  note  in  Lanciani,  III.,  39,  n.  1,  does  not  refer  to  the 
Vatican,  as  he  thinks,  but  to  the  palace  beside  S.  Rocco. 

VOL.    XIII.  22 


33$  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

and  for  a  fountain  which  was  to  be  erected  there  ;  he  also  made 
the  designs  for  the  palace  of  the  Rota,  which  was  to  be  built 
alongside  S.  Rocco.  Fabrizio  Boschi,  in  the  Casa  Buonarotti 
in  Florence,  has  represented  Michael  Angelo  seated  beside  the 
Pope,  who  is  surrounded  by  his  court,  and  explaining  to  him 
the  plans  for  the  palace  of  the  Rota.1 

Michael  Angelo's  advice  was  also  sought  with  regard  to  an 
undertaking  which  still  keeps  the  name  of  Julius  III.  alive  in 
Rome,  the  celebrated  Villa  or  "  Vigna  di  Papa  Giulio."2  The 
Pope  proved,  in  the  laying  out  of  this  villa,  how  thoroughly 
he  was  animated  by  the  joyous,  beauty-loving  spirit  of  the 
Renaissance.  The  preference  shown,  at  this  period,  for  artistic 
elaboration  in  the  designing  of  country  seats,  and  for  the  gay 
enjoyment  of  life,  is  evidenced  here  in  all  its  splendour. 

Even  as  a  Cardinal,  Julius  III.  possessed,  together  with  his 
brother  Baldovino,  a  small  villa,  with  a  vigna,  about  a  quarter 
of  an  hour  outside  the  Porta  del  Popolo,  on  the  Flaminian  Way, 
which  he  had  inherited  from  his  uncle,  Cardinal  Antonio 
Ciocchi.  The  Campagna,  which  at  that  time  extended  to  the 
gates  of  Rome,  bears  a  much  more  kindly  appearance  on  the 
north  than  on  the  south  of  the  city,  where  the  contrasts  are 
greater  and  the  countless  relics  of  antiquity  give  a  very 
melancholy  character  to  the  whole  landscape.,  The  charm  of 
rustic  solitude  which  the  district  outside  the  Porta  del  Popolo 
once  possessed  has  more  and  more  disappeared  owing  to  the 
encroachments  of  the  modern  city,  and  has  been  altogether 
destroyed  by  the  recent  drastic  changes,  the  exquisite  view 
on  Monte  Mario  alone  remaining.  In  order  fully  to  appreciate 
this  creation  of  Julius  III.  one  must  bring  the  former  conditions 
before  one's  mind.     With  its  gently  rising  hills,  broken  by 

1  E.  Steinmann  intends  to  publish  this  picture  in  his  work 
(shortly  to  appear)  about  the  portrait  of  Michael  Angelo. 

2  Vigna,  not  Villa.  The  whole  estate  is  mostly  so  named  by 
contemporaries.  It  is  also  so  designated  in  the  *report  of  Nava- 
gero  of  September  5th,  1556  (in  the  St.  Mark's  Library,  Venice) 
concerning  the  confiscation  of  the  estates  of  Fabiano  del  Monte  by 
Paul  IV.  Lasso  also  (Druffel,  II.,  824)  speaks  only  of  a  "  viniera  " 
Massarelli  (cf.  infra  p.  345,  n.  3)  always  says  "  vinea." 


THE     VILLA     GIULIA  339 

steep  limestone  rocks  crowned  with  evergreen  oaks,  with  the 
dips  in  the  valley  and  the  then  free  open  vistas  over  the  blue 
mountain  ranges  which  encircle  Rome  on  the  north,  this  spot 
was  admirably  suited  for  a  villa  situated  in  the  immediate 
neigbhourhood  of  the  city,  a  "  villa  suburbana  "  such  as  the 
great  nobles  of  the  Renaissance  loved.1  Julius  III.  gave 
evidence  of  a  cultured  taste  when  he  resolved  to  create,  by  the 
extension  of  the  already  existing  grounds,  a  place  of  rest  and 
recreation  in  such  lovely  surroundings,  a  place  where,  freed 
from  the  constraints  of  state,  he  might  enjoy  life  in  his  gay 
manner,  give  banquets  and  spend  his  time  in  untrammelled 
conversation  with  his  friends,  as  well  as  with  poets  and  artists. 
The  place  had  also  the  advantage  that  the  Pope  could  easily 
reach  it  without  entering  the  busy  city,  by  passing  through 
the  covered  passage  from  the  Vatican  to  the  Castle  of  St. 
Angelo,  whence  a  barge  could  convey  him  up  the  Tiber. 

It  was  soon  evident  that  Julius  III.  intended  to  carry  out 
his  plan  with  true  Roman  magnificence.  By  the  purchase  of 
numerous  vineyards,  and  plots  of  ground,2  a  very  extensive 
space  was  procured,  in  the  centre  of  which  the  new  villa  was 
to  arise.  The  Pope's  interest  was  gradually  concentrated 
on  this  estate  to  such  an  extent  that  his  work  in  the  Vatican 

1  Riegl  (Barockkunst,  104)  who  carefully  interprets  the 
intentions  of  Julius  III.,  falsely  denies  to  it  the  character  of  a 
"  villa  suburbana  "  in  which  the  rural  element,  that  is  the  garden, 
is  of  essential  importance,  because  he  knows  nothing  of  these 
surroundings,  which  have  now  entirely  disappeared.  Burck- 
hardt's  opinion  (Gesch.  der  Renaissance,  3rd  ed.,  249)  holds  good, 
namely  that  the  Villa  of  Julius  III.  is  the  most  important  "  villa 
suburbana  "  we  have  preserved  to-day.  "  Praedium  subur- 
banum  "  is  the  designation  clearly  bestowed  on  the  whole  estate 
in  the  inscription  mentioned  infra  p.  348,  in  the  second  court.  On 
Bufalini's  plan  (L)  which  gives  the  state  of  the  neighbourhood  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Pope's  reign,  the  villa  is  called  '"  vinea 
S.D.N.P.  Iulii  III."  ;   the  Villa  itself  was  not  then  built. 

2  Cf.  the  extracts  from  the  *documents  of  the  State  Archives, 
Rome,  in  Tesorini,  86-7  ;  Lanciani,  III.,  15-16,  and  I>.\i .1  stra  in 
his  monograph  (p.  9  seqq.)  quoted  infra  p.  344,  n.  1. 


340  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

began  to  come  to  a  standstill.1  His  Holiness  now  began  to 
seek  for  a  model  for  his  new  country  house  from  among 
existing  residences.  The  thought  of  the  celebrated  Palazzo 
del  Te,  belonging  to  the  Gonzaga  family  in  Mantua,  and  of  the 
Villa  Madama  erected  by  Cardinal  Giulio  de'  Medici,  smiling 
across  from  the  cypress-crowned  Monte  Mario,  filled  his 
imagination. 

From  the  information  now  at  our  disposal  it  is  not  easy  to 
determine  either  who  designed  the  plans  for  the  Villa  Giulia 
or  who  carried  them  into  execution.  Vasari  claims,  in  the 
description  in  his  life,  the  honour  of  having  drawn  up  the 
first  plans,  even  if  others  carried  them  out.  It  was,  at  all 
events,  he  who  translated  the  fantastic  ideas  of  the  Pope  into 
sketches,  which  were  then  corrected  byl  Michael  Angelo. 
Vignola  is  supposed  to  have  completed  the  apartments,  halls 
and  decoration  of  the  villa  from  countless  plans  of  his  own, 
but  the  deep  set  nymphseum  indisputably  owes  its  origin  to 
Vasari  and  Ammanati,  the  latter  afterwards  executing  the 
loggia  over  this  well-house.  Vasari  concludes  with  the  signi- 
ficant words  :  "  However,  in  this  work  one  could  display 
nothing  of  what  one  could  do,  and  do  nothing  in  the  right  way, 
as,  from  day  to  day,  the  Pope  had  new  ideas,  which  had  to  be 
carried  out  in  accordance  with  the  never-ending  instructions 

1  Concerning  these  undertakings  cf.  of  the  older  writers, 
Chattard,  II.,  xxvi.,  14,  49,  193-4,  J96>  377-  435"6»  544  ;  III., 
106,  iio-iii,  and  of  the  more  modern,  Ancel  in  the  Revue 
Benedictine,  XXV.,  49-50.  See  also  Mai,  Spicil.,  IX.,  376; 
Forcella,  VI.,  183.  Concerning  the  works  in  the  Belvedere, 
where  the  Pope  loved  to  reside  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign  (cf. 
supra  p.  59),  cf.  also  Massarelli,  202  ;  Lanciani,  III.,  37  ; 
Kallab,  86,  88,  89.  One  can  read  the  name  of  Julius  III.  at  the 
right  hand  side  of  the  Galleria  Lapidaria  above  a  door.  The 
apartments  of  the  maestro  di  camera,  now  the  residence  of  the 
sotto-prefetto  of  the  Vatican  palace,  were  tastefully  decorated  by 
Julius  III.  In  two  halls,  the  roof  paintings,  containing  a  large 
coat  of  arms  of  Julius  III.  in  the  centre,  are  in  a  fair  state  of 
preservation. 


THE     POPE  S     ARCHITECTS.  34I 

of  the  maestro  di  camera,  Pier  Giovanni  Aliotti."1  In  his  life 
of  Taddeo  Zuccaro,  Vasari  again  refers  to  his  share  in  the  work, 
emphasizing  the  fact  that  he  had  prepared  the  drawings  for  the 
villa  and  the  nymphaeum  before  any  of  the  others,  and  that 
Vignola  and  Ammanati  had  merely  followed  out  his  designs. 
The  walls,  he  adds,  were  executed  by  Baronino  da  Casal  Mon- 
ferrato.2  Only  this  last  statement  is  confirmed  by  the  docu- 
ments concerning  the  building.3  One  seeks  in  vain  among 
them  for  the  name  of  Vasari  in  connection  with  the  sums 
expended  on  the  villa,  while  we  find  on  February  1st,  1551, 
Vignola  named  as  the  Pope's  architect,  with  a  monthly  salary 
of  thirteen  gold  scudi.4  In  the  life  of  Girolamo  da  Carpi,  the 
annoyance  of  Vasari  at  the  changeable  decisions  of  the  Pope, 
again  finds  expression,  when  he  mentions  that  in  the  evening, 
His  Holiness  had  rejected  what  he  had  sanctioned  in  the 
morning.5 

It  is  certain  that  unpleasantness  arose  between  the  Pope 
and  Vasari,  in  consequence  of  which  the  latter's  work  was 
limited  to  making  the  first  design.6  Vignola,  whom  Julius  III. 
had  known  in  Bologna,  erected  the  principal  part  of  the  villa, 
and  completed  his  work  in  the  short  period  between  1551  and 
1553,  as  is  proved  by  the  building  accounts,  while  Ammanati 
executed  the  nymphseum  court.7     Nearly  all  the  painters  and 

1  Vasari,  VII.,  694.  Aliotti  is  mockingly  referred  to  by 
Michael  Angelo  as  "  II  Tantecose  "  ;]  ibid.^Y. 

2  Ibid.  81-82. 

3  See  Bertolotti,  Bartolomeo  Baronino  da  Casalmaggiore, 
architetto  in  Roma  nel  secolo  XVI.,  Casale,  1876,  21. 

4  Kallab,  Vasari-Studien,  87. 

5  Vasari,  VI.,  478. 

6  See  Willich,  56.  Nothing  appears  to  have  come  of  the 
proposed  painting  of  the  loggia  of  the  villa  with  frescoes  in  1553  by 
Vasari  (see  Kallab,  87,  90,  91).  At  the  beginning,  Vasari  stood 
high  in  the  favour  of  Julius  III.  (see  Gaye,  Carteggio,  II.,  377). 
The  contents  of  the  Vasari  archives,  to  be  edited  by  Frey,  should 
throw  new  light  on  the  relations  of  Julius  III.  to  Vasari. 

7  Cf.  Gurlitt,  41-42  ;  Willich,  58  ;  Thieme,  Kiinstlerlexicon, 
I.,  414,    P.  Giordani  has  lately  endeavoured  in  the  Mem.  e  studi 


342  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

sculptors  in  the  Rome  of  that  day,  especially  Taddeo  Zuccaro 
and  Prospero  Fontana,  were  employed  on  the  decoration  of  the 
interior,  which  was  begun  in  1552. 1  The  Spanish  faience, 
which  was  procured  in  1554  for  the  flooring,  seems  to  mark 
the  end  of  the  work.2 

The  laying  out  of  the  magnificent  gardens  and  pleasure 
grounds  was  carried  out  with  great  activity  at  the  same  time 
as  the  actual  building  of  the  villa,  as  was  the  purchase  of  the 
adjoining  land.  Besides  elms  and  chestnuts,  countless  fruit 
trees  were  planted,  and  kitchen  gardens  and  vineyards  laid 
out.  Costly  shrubs  and  flowers  were  procured  from  Naples, 
and  set  in  terra  cotta  vases.  The  total  number  of  plants  and 
'trees  purchased  amounted  to  about  36,000,  while  additional 
expense  was  incurred  for  the  erection  of  aviaries,  fish-ponds 
and  various  fountains.3 

In  a  sense,  the  church  of  S.  Andrea,  which  had  been  erected 
by  Vignola  to  the  north,  on  the  Flaminian  Way,  on  the  spot 
where  Cardinal  Bessarion,  bearing  the  relics  of  the  Apostle, 
had  once  made  a  halt,  belonged  to  this  magnificent  villa,  which 
had  gradually  absorbed  the  greater  part  of  the  land  up  to 
Monte  Parioli.  An  exquisite  laurel  grove  adjoined  the  church, 
and  this  elegant  little  structure  is  of  special  interest  on  account 
of  the  employment,  presumably  for  the  first  time,  of  an  ellipse 
cut  in  half  lengthwise,  to  serve  as  a  means  of  connecting  the 
two.4     An  inscription,  which  may  still  be  read,  requests  the 

intorno  a  J.  Barozzi,  131-2,  to  fix  more  clearly  the  share  of  Vignola 
in  the  villa,  but- much  still  remains  mere  supposition.  Venturi 
[loc.  cit.,  355)  firmly  shares  the  view  of  Willich. 

1  See  Bertolotti,  loc.  cit.  supra  20,  and  Art.  Veneti,  25  ;  P. 
Giordani  in  L'Arte,  X.  (1907),  134-5.  Concerning  a  compart- 
ment of  the  arch  above  the  fountain  court  of  the  Villa  Giulia,  see 
Dolmetsch,  Ornamentenschatz,  Stuttgart,  1887,  Taf.  57,  No.  6. 

2  See  the  document  from  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican  in 
App.  No.  23. 

3  See  Lanciani,  III.,  16-17. 

4  Concerning  this  building,  which  owed  its  erection  to  a  vow  of 
Julius  III.  {cf.  supra  p.  47)  cf.  Stern,  Piante  e  elevatione,  profili  e 
spaccati  della  villa  suburbana  di  Giulio  III.,  Rome,  1784,  107  seqq., 


THE     '    VIGNA     DI     PAPA     GIULIO.  343 

visitors,  who  have  been  delighted  with  the  contemplation  of 
the  beauties  of  the  villa,  to  pray  in  this  holy  spot  for  the  builder 
and  the  owner. 

It  is  very  difficult  to-day  to  form  any  idea  of  the  impression 
which  the  Vigna  di  Papa  Giulio  then  made,  for,  apart  from  the 
demolitions  of  later  times,1  an  essential  element  is  wanting, 

Letarouilly,  I.,  199-200  ;  Forcella,  XII.,  211  ;  Gurlitt,  51-2, 
184,  188  ;  Ebe,  Spatrenaissance,  I.,  142-3  ;  Willich,  64  seqq.  ; 
Lanciani,  III.,  26-27.  The  church  was  then  called  S.  Andrea 
della  Vigna,  as  is  to  be  seen  in  a  *letter  of  E.  Capilupi  to  Card. 
Gonzaga  of  December  20,  1552,  in  the  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 
1  The  villa  estate,  which  Julius  III.  willed  to  his  brother  Baldo- 
vino,  had  the  most  varied  fortunes.  When  Baldovino  died  in 
August,  1556,  Paul  IV.  confiscated  the  possessions  of  Fabiano  del 
Monte  in  April,  1557,  because  they  had  been  procured  with  the 
money  of  the  Apostolic  Camera  (Tesoroni,  44-5,  99-100).  When 
Pius  IV.  annulled  this  sentence,  he  excepted  the  Villa  Giulia,  of 
which  a  part  was  given  to  the  Borromei,  and  through  them  came 
to  the  Colonna  (see  Balestra  in  the  work  cited  infra  p.  344.  n.  1, 
and  ibid.  p.  44  seq.).  The  principal  building,  already  restored  in 
one  place  under  Paul  IV.  (see  Intr.  et  Exit.  1558,  December  8, 
State  Archives,  Rome),  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  Pope  and 
served  for  a  long  time  as  a  lodging  for  Cardinals,  ambassadors  and 
princely  personages,  who  prepared  here  for  their  solemn  entry  into 
the  city  (see  Erulei,  23-4).  Paul  V.  restored  the  nymphaeum 
(see  Stern,  76).  Clement  XIV.  and  Pius  VI.  endeavoured  to 
restore  the  villa,  which  had  suffered  greatly  from  the  preceding 
war  troubles,  and  which  fell  into  complete  decay  during  the 
French  period.  Under  Leo  XII.  it  served  as  a  veterinary  school, 
and  under  Gregory  XVI.  as  a  hospital,  under  Pius  IX.  first  as  a 
book  depot  and  then  as  a  powder  magazine.  The  Italian  govern- 
ment next  used  the  building  for  military  purposes,  but,  at  the 
instigation  of  Letarouilly,  it  was  finally  made  into  a  museum  by 
royal  decree  of  Februry  7,  1889,  for  the  remains  found  outside 
Rome,  and  especially  for  those  of  Etruscan  origin.  The  present 
director,  Prof.  G.  Colini,  was  the  first  to  look  after  the  sadly 
dilapidated  building  and  the  crumbling  nymphaeum  ;  the  last 
restoration  in  191 1  is  owing  to  his  efforts.  Cf.  Hermanin, 
Kunstchronik,  N.F.  XXL,  339-340.  The  performance  of  come- 
dies in  the  villa,  spoken  of  here,  is  not  supported  by  any  docu- 
mentary evidence. 


344  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

namely  the  surroundings,  which  had  been  laid  out  with  so  much 
artistic  taste  ;  the  pleasure  grounds  and  the  magnificent 
gardens,  in  which  cypresses,  laurels  and  myrtles  exhaled  their 
perfume,  pomegranates  and  other  fruit  trees  blossomed,  and 
fountains  threw  their  sparkling  waters  into  the  air,  while  in  all 
directions,  antique  marble  statues,  inscribed  tablets,  little 
temples,  grottos  and  summer-houses  gleamed  among  the  dark 
trees. 

A  little  harbour  was  constructed  on  the  Tiber,  where  the 
Pope,  arriving  from  the  Vatican  in  a  magnificently  equipped 
barge,  landed.  From  here  a  shady  arbour,  120  paces  in  length, 
led  to  the  point  where  the  Vicolo  dell'  Arco  Oscuro  branches 
off  from  the  Flaminian  Way.  Here  Julius  III.  had  erected  a 
monumental  fountain  adorned  with  Corinthian  pilasters  and 
columns.  In  the  two  side  niches  were  placed  the  statues 
of  Fortune  and  Abundance,  and  in  the  centre  a  large  inscrip- 
tion, surmounted  by  the  Papal  arms,  announced  that  Julius 
III.  had  dedicated  this  work  in  the  third  year  of  his  pontificate, 
for  the  benefit  of  the  public.  Under  the  inscription,  the  water 
gushed  forth  from  an  antique  head  of  Apollo,  while  the  upper 
corners  of  the  whole  structure  were  adorned  with  statues  of 
Rome  and  Minerva,  the  central  pediment  with  two  granite 
pyramids,  and  the  summit  with  an  antique  Neptune.1 

From  the  street  corner,  at  which  the  fountain  stood,  a  private 
road,  bordered  with  fruit  trees,  led,  alongside  the  Vicolo  dell' 
Arco  Oscuro,  to  a  circular  open  space,  in  which  the  principal 
building  of  the  Villa  Giulia  stood,  rising  out  of  a  small  depres- 

1  Egger  (Veduten,  I.,  1)  published  a  pen  and  ink  drawing  from 
the  Vienna  library,  which  is  by  an  anonymous  artist  of  the  XVIth 
century,  and  which  shows  the  original  appearance  of  the  fountain 
Cf.  the  monograph  of  Balestra,  La  Fontana  pubblica  di  Giulio 
III.  e  il  palazzo  di  Pio  IV.  sulla  via  Flaminia,  Rome,  191 1.  Both 
investigators  have  overlooked  a  copper-plate  engraving  of  H. 
Cock  :  Fontis  ornatiss.  structura  a  Iulio  III.  P.M.  ad  viam 
Flaminiam  facta,  in  J.  M.  Heberle's  (Cologne)  Cat.  103,  No.  3003. 
Clausse,  Les  San  Gallo,  III.,  193-4,  Paris,  1902,  declares  that 
Francesco  da  Sangallo  was  also  employed  at  the  construction  of 
this  fountain. 


THE     VILLA     GIUI.IA.  345 

sion  in  the  valley  ;  this  is  the  only  part  of  the  villa  which  is  in 
a  good  state  of  preservation  to-day.1  The  facade,  two  storeys 
in  height,  with  a  large  rustic  porch  and  pillars  supporting  a 
balcony,  is  severe  and  simple,  for  it  was  considered  good  taste 
to  conceal  the  splendour  and  magnificence  of  such  a  building 
from  the  outer  world.  The  visitor  realizes  this  when  he  pene- 
trates into  the  interior.  Through  the  gateway  one  enters  first 
the  simple  atrium,  on  each  side  of  which  there  is  a  large  hall. 
Of  the  former  exceedingly  rich  decoration  of  these  rooms,  there 
only  remain  the  mythological  and  allegorical  frescoes  on  the 
ceiling,  the  work  of  Taddeo  Zuccaro,  and  the  frieze,  richly 
adorned  with  stucco  and  gold.2  The  halls  on  the  ground  floor 
correspond  with  two  others  on  the  upper  storey,  while  over  the 
atrium  there  is  a  central  hall,  as  well  as  several  smaller  apart- 
ments leading  towards  the  courtyard.  These  form  the  only 
dwelling  rooms  in  the  villa  ;  they  were  sufficient,  as  it  was  not 
the  Pope's  intention  to  create  a  permanent  residence,  but  only 
a  place  of  rest  and  recreation,  to  which  he  might  retire  for  a 
short  time,  in  summer  or  in  winter,  generally  only  for  a  single 
day,3  to  recruit  after  the  arduous  duties  of  his  position.     He 

1  The  earliest  description  of  the  villa  is  given  by  B.  Ammanati  in 
a  letter  to  M.  M.  Bonavides  of  May  2,  1555,  first  printed  in  the 
Giorn.  arcadico,  IV.,  387,  Rome,  1819,  and  again  in  Balestra, 
65-6.  Cf.  also  Stern,  io-ii  ;  Letarouilly,  421  ;  Erulei,  9 
seqq.  ;  Willich,  61  seqq.  ;  Riegl,  105-6.  Lanciani  (III.,  24.) 
has  restored  the  old  designs. 

2  Cf.  Lanciani,  Dei  fratelli  Zuccari,  pittori,  Jesi,  1892  ;  Fried- 
lander,  52. 

3  Cf.  the  exact  statements  of  Massarelli  in  Merkle,  II.,  177,  213, 
219,  221,  222,  223.  That  the  Pope  frequently  went  to  the  villa 
is  also  proved  from  the  *report  of  the  Mantuan  embassy  (Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua),  but  it  is  an  exaggeration,  which  is  connected 
with  the  partisanship  of  the  Florentine  historian  when  Adriani 
(VIII.,  1)  writes  :  "  la  maggior  parte  del  tempo  dimorava  ozioso 
a  un  suo  giardino,  etc."  The  additional  remark  :  "  onde  i 
cortegiani  e  altri  a  cui  la  cosa  importava  se  ne  disperavano,"  shows 
how  such  pronouncements  originated  in  personal  feelings.  The 
statement  that  Julius  III.  laughingly  answered  an  official  who 
addressed  to  him  the  customary  formula  :    "  Beatissime  pater, 


346  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

wished,  however,  to  be  surrounded  by  beauty  on  all  sides,  and 
therefore  had  these  upper  rooms  richly  decorated  with  stucco 
and  frescoes.  Of  special  interest  are  the  "  vedute,"  views  in 
perspective  with  the  surrounding  landscape,  on  the  frieze, 
which  are  still  in  a  good  state  of  preservation,  and  which 
represent  the  appearance  of  the  seven  hills  in  those  days,  as 
well  as  the  Villa  Giulia  itself.  This  new  fashion  in  pictures, 
which  had  already  made  its  appearance  in  isolated  cases,  as, 
for  instance,  in  the  Palazzo  del  Te,  was  becoming  much  more 
common.1  It  inaugurated  the  period  when,  in  pictorial 
representations,  not  the  artistic,  but  the  descriptive  "  motif  " 
takes  the  first  place. 

On  coming  out  of  the  atrium  into  the  first  court,  one  reaches 
a  semi-circular  portico,  which  was  richly  adorned  with  stucco 
and  frescoes.  The  only  part  which  is  still  comparatively  well- 
preserved,  is  the  decoration  of  the  barrel  vaulting,  depicting 
arbours  of  roses  and  vines,  animated  by  putti  and  birds.  The 
statues,  of  which  there  were  thirty,  above  the  principal  cornice 
and  round  the  walls  of  the  court,  have  all  disappeared.2  In 
the  centre  there  was  a  large  and  magnificent  antique  basin, 
constructed  out  of  a  single  piece  of  porphyry.  This  gift,  by 
which  Ascanio  Colonna  expressed  his  thanks  for  the  restoration 
of  his  dominions,  originally  came  from  the  Baths  of  Titus,  and 
was  subsequently  taken  to   the   Sala   Rotonda  of   the   Pio- 

cras  erit  consistorium  "  by  saying  :  "  Cras  erit  vinea,"  is  from  the 
same  source.  On  the  strength  of  this  anecdote  Erulei  says  (p.  7  : 
"  Per  la  villa  oblio  ogni  altro  negozio  religioso  e  civile  !  "  In  1552 
Julius  had  a  great  feast  at  the  villa  on  St.  Andrew's  Day,  to  which 
he  invited  all  the  Cardinals  ;  see  Lasso's  report  in  Druffel,  II., 
825,  and  the  *letter  of  C.  Capilupi  of  November  20,  1552  (Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua). 

1  Cf.  Friedlander,  86.  These  views  [vedute]  are  unfortunately 
not  yet  published. 

2  Interesting  statements  concerning  the  antiquities  of  the  villa 
and  their  subsequent  dispersion  in  Lanciani,  III.,  20,  seqq.  29  seqq. 
Cf.  Cracas,  1888,  n.  80;  Hubner,  I.,  108-9.  Besides  the  antiques, 
there  were  also  modern  marbles  in  the  vigna,  cf.  Bertolotti, 
Artisti  Subalp,  97,  Mantua,  1884. 


THE     VILLA     GIULIA.  347 

Clementino  Museum  in  the  Vatican.1  The  water  flowed  into 
the  basin,  at  the  sides  of  which  two  shells  of  green  veined 
marble  were  fixed,  from  the  bill  of  a  swan,  held  by  a  Venus. 

The  sides  of  this  magnificent  court  were  formed  by  walls 
two  storeys  in  height,  consisting  of  round  arched  blind  arcades, 
separated  by  columns,  with  Ionic  half-columns  in  front,  and 
crowned  by  a  plain  Attic  capital.  At  either  end  of  the  two 
side  walls,  exits  led  out  respectively  to  the  gardens  and  the 
park. 

The  transverse  building  which  separates  this  first  court  from 
a  second  one,  was  built  by  Ammanati,2  as  the  outline  sketches 
and  an  inscription  on  one  of  the  pillars  testify.  The  threefold 
entrance  opens  in  the  centre  of  the  building,  and  several  steps 
lead  to  a  loggia,  the  roof  of  which,  once  gorgeously  decorated 
with  stucco  ornamentation  and  gold,  is  supported  by  fourteen 
Ionic  columns  of  different  coloured  marbles.  To  the  right  and 
left  of  this  loggia  there  are  rooms,  close  to  which  one  descends 
by  two  external  flights  of  stairs  to  the  sunken  fountain-court, 
with  a  still  lower,  and  exceedingly  graceful  grotto,  the  so-called 
Fontana  Segreta,  as  it  is  named  in  Ammanati's  description  of 
May,  1555.  The  fountain-court  itself  consists  of  two  storeys, 
with  niches  which  were  adorned  with  antique  busts  and  statues. 
Only  a  few  busts  are  still  preserved,  but  in  the  lower  storey, 
where  there  are  two  grottos  resembling  loggias,  there  are  still 
the  colossal  figures  of  the  Arno  and  Tiber,  crouching  over  two 
basins.  The  semi-circular  centre  of  the  court  is  surrounded 
by  an  open-work  railing,  which  was  likewise  adorned  with 
statues,  and  which  encloses  the  actual  nymphseum,  the  Fontana 
Segreta,  which  lies  a  storey  lower  down.  The  roof  of  this 
building  is  borne  up  by  eight  female  Hermae,  made  from  a 

1'See  Vasari,  I.,  in  ;  Cancellieri,  Lettera  intorno  la  maravi- 
gliosa  tazza  di  porfido  regalata  a  Giulio  III.  da  A.  Colonna,  Roma, 
1821  ;  cf.  Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom.,  IV.,  329-330  ;  Lanciani,  II.,  190  ; 
Guida  del  Museo  Vaticano  di  scoltura,  Roma,  1908,  16.  The 
Amazon  sarcophagus,  now  set  up  in  the  Cortile  del  Belvedere  also 
comes  from  the  villa  Giulia  ;  see  Amelung,  Die  Skulpturen  des 
Vatikanischen  Museums,  II.,  120  seqq. 

2  See  Willich,  57. 


348  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

design  of  Vignola.1  The  pavement  is  composed  of  costly 
marbles  of  different  colours,  while  from  the  well  the  waters  of 
the  Aqua  Virgo  gush  forth  in  a  glittering  stream.  Two  little 
winding  stairways,  which  are  concealed  in  the  grottos,  give 
access  to  this  central  point  of  attraction  of  the  building.  In 
these  apartments  the  artist  has  depicted  on  the  roof  and  walls 
the  saga  of  the  Aqua  Virgo,  after  Frontinus,  as  well  as  the  signs 
of  the  zodiac,  the  seasons,  and  the  principal  deities  of  the 
ancients  ;  the  paintings  after  Frontinus  are  destroyed,  but  the 
others  still  remain.  These  are,  to  a  great  extent,  rather  free 
representations,  in  the  taste  of  the  Renaissance  period,  which 
prove,  as  do  the  figures  of  the  goddess  of  love,  frequently  found 
throughout  the  villa,  that  the  austere  spirit  of  the  Catholic 
Reformation  had  not  yet  found  its  way  into  the  court  of  Julius 
III.2  Very  characteristic,  too,  are  the  large  tablets  of  marble, 
let  into  the  reverse  side  of  the  fountain-court,  bearing  two 
inscriptions  in  classical  Latin,  the  one  containing  the  regu- 
lations for  the  gardens  (Lex  hortorum)  and  the  other,  probably 
inscribed  later,  relating  to  the  history  of  the  villa,  and  the 
testamentary  direction  that  it  is  to  remain  in  the  possession  of 
the  family  of  the  del  Monte.3 

1  Ibid.  62  n. 

2  This  judgment  may  appear  too  severe  to  some  people.  All  the 
more  do  I  believe  myself  justified  in  repudiating  an  accusation 
which,  though  quite  unfounded,  has  been  lately  again  brought 
against  Julius  III.  Cancellieri  (Mercato,  269)  noted,  in  his 
zeal  for  collecting  material,  from  Theod.  Sprenger,  Roma  nova, 
Francot.  (1667)' 470,  the  anecdote  about  the  Priapus,  which  Julius 
III.  had  installed  at  the  villa,  which  Bruzzone  (Vigna  di  Papa 
Giulio  :  Fanfulla  della  Domenica,  1890,  n.  23,  and  ibid.  n.  33) 
cites  in  a  very  weak  essay  (Giulio  III.)  as  a  proof  of  the  paganism 
of  the  Pope,  although  no  contemporary  mentions  anything  of  the 
sort.  Sprenger,  who  wrote  a  full  century  after  the  death  of 
Julius  III.,  also  gives  other  anecdotes,  the  unhistorical  character 
of  which  is  only  too  palpable. 

3  Already  published  by  Stern  (Taf.  30).  Lanciani  (in  the 
Arch.  Rom.,  VI.,  230-1)  has  overlooked  this,  as  well  as  the  publi- 
cation of  both  inscriptions  by  Letarouilly  (466-7)  ;  cf.  also 
Ciaconius,  III.,  760,  and  Tesoroni,  43-44. 


THE     VILLA     GIULIA.  349 

As  in  all  such  country  residences,  the  nymphseum,  where  the 
owner  could  enjoy  refreshing  coolness  during  the  hot  months, 
forms  the  most  attractive  feature  of  the  whole  building,  and  is, 
accordingly,  the  most  richly  decorated  part.  After  having 
been  scandalously  neglected  for  a  long  time,  the  nymphaeum 
of  the  Villa  Giulia  has  been  carefully  and  lovingly  restored  in 
recent  times,  so  that  one  can,  at  least  to  a  great  extent,  realize 
its  one-time  magnificence.  It  is  true  that  the  figure  ornamen- 
tation of  the  building,  and  the  statue  of  the  sleeping  Aqua 
Virgo,  the  praises  of  which  were  sung  by  the  poets  of  the  day,1 
as  well  as  the  plane  trees  which  shaded  them,  are  no  more,  but 
when  it  was  furnished  with  costly  plants  and  flowers,  and  the 
sparkling  waters  were  in  full  play,  this  fountain  building  must 
have  been  a  beautiful  object,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  the 
whole  exquisite  villa,  even  though  it  was  not,  as  a  whole,  in 
perfect  unity  of  style.  One  can,  to  a  great  extent,  understand 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  contemporaries  who  compared  the 
grounds  to  the  gardens  of  Nero.  That  is,  no  doubt,  as  much 
an  exaggeration  as  are  the  250,000  scudi  which  the  villa  is 
supposed  to  have  cost.2  The  expenses  must,  however,  have 
been  on  a  very  large  scale.  Julius  is  more  deserving  of  blame 
in  having  at  such  a  critical  period  devoted  so  much  money  to 
the  erection  of  a  sumptuous  building,  in  which,  moreover, 
ecclesiastical  decorum  was  not  always  observed,  than  he  was  in 
thankfully  retiring,  suffering  in  health  as  he  often  was,  to  his 
beautiful  villa,  although  this  does  not  imply  that  he  was  by  any 
means  inactive  as  far  as  his  duties  were  concerned.3  As  one 
of  the  last  buildings  of  this  kind,  at  the  end  of  the  Renaissance 
period,  the  Villa  Giulia  clearly  shows  the  worldly  tendencies  of 
this  Pope,  who,  though  he  did  not  disregard  the  claims  of  the 

1  See  Saggiatore,  I.,  2,  91-92  ;  cf.  Anec.  litt.,  IV.,  429  seqq., 
445  seqq.  The  statue  of  the  Aqua  Virgo  stood  opposite  the 
Caryatides. 

2  Segni,  XIII.,  829.  Cf.  Lasso's  report  in  Druffel,  II.,  824  ; 
the  opinion  of  a  visitor  to  Rome  in  1554  (see  Rot.,  Itin.  Rom.,  249) 
which  goes  to  prove  that  the  villa  was  easily  accessible  ;  Condivi, 
lviii.  ;    Adriani,  VIII. ,   1 19-120, 

3  Cf.  supra  p,  140. 


350  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

new  age,  by  no  means  drew  all  the  inferences  which  the  altered 
state  of  affairs  demanded. 

In  accordance  with  the  bad  custom  of  the  time,  antique 
building  material  was  greatly  made  use  of  in  the  construction 
of  the  Villa  Giulia  ;  it  appears  from  the  accounts,  that,  as  in 
the  time  of  Paul  III.,  the  district  that  was  especially  plundered, 
was  that  of  the  Aqua  Albulae.1 

Valuable  discoveries  at  that  time  proved  the  inexhaustible 
wealth  of  the  soil  of  Rome  in  the  relics  of  antiquity.  Among 
these,  two  are  deserving  of  special  mention.  In  1551,  there 
was  found  a  superb,  but  unfortunately  imperfectly  preserved, 
example  of  early  Christian  plastic  art,  in  the  statue  of  St. 
Hippolytus,  which  was  afterwards  placed  in  the  Christian 
museum  of  the  Lateran.2  In  the  Via  de'  Leutari,  the  cele- 
brated statue  of  Pompey  was  found,  which  the  Pope  bought 
for  500  scudi  and  presented  to  Cardinal  Capodiferro,  whose 
palace,  afterwards  called  the  Palazzo  Spada,  it  still  adorns.3 
Cardinal  Ricci  also  distinguished  himself  at  this  time  as  an 
indefatigable  collector  of  antiques.4  Not  a  few  of  these 
treasures  went  abroad  ;  it  is  related  of  the  ever  generous  Pope 
that  he  gave  to  Cardinal  Guise,  who  made  use  of  his  stay  in 
Rome  to  collect  antiquities  with  the  most  ardent  zeal,  the 
valuable  collection  of  coins  from  the  legacy  of  Cardinal 
Grimani.5 

1  Cf.  Lanciani,  II.,  45,  109-110,  1 19-120,  132  ;   III.,  18-19. 

2  See  Kraus,  Roma  Sott.,  368-9,  and  Gesch.  der  christl.  Kunst, 
I.,  229-230. 

3  See  Helbig,  Fuhrer,  II.,  170. 

4  See  Lanciani,  III.,  106-7.  Ricci  also  collected  porcelain 
during  his  stay  in  Portugal,  which,  as  a  very  rare  curiosity,  came  to 
Europe  at  that  time  from  China.  In  his  letters,  he  says  that  it 
comes  from  the  Antipodes  ;  a  small  piece  cost  two,  and  a  fine 
piece  ten  ducats  ;  see  Mele,  *Genealogia  d.  famiglia  Ricci  (Ricci 
Archives,  Rome). 

5  Cf.  Heulhard,  Rabelais,  314,  Buonanni  *reports  on  March  8, 
1550  :  "II  card.  Guise  attende  a  buscar  piu  medaglie  antiche  et 
piu  statue  che  pu6  et  fu  donato  da  S.Stei  a  i  di  passati  di  tutte 
queste  medaglie  bellissime,  che  restaron  del  card.  Grimani  ch'erano 
in  castello."     (State  Archives,  Florence). 


THE     PALAZZO     CARDELLI.  35 1 

Vignola  remained  the  official  architect  of  Julius  III.  during 
the  whole  of  his  pontificate.1  It  is  not,  however,  certain 
whether  he  is  the  creator  of  the  gracefully  simple  hall  with 
wings  on  the  Capitol,  towards  Monte  Caprino,  which  still  bears 
the  arms  of  Julius  III.2  Another  task,  which  is  certain  to  have 
fallen  to  the  lot  of  Vignola,  was  the  reconstruction  of  the  palace 
of  the  Cardelli  family,  situated  in  the  Rione  Campo  Marzo, 
which  received  the  name  of  Palazzo  di  Firenze,  after  its  subse- 
quent possessor,  Cosimo  de'  Medici. 

Julius  III.  had  bought  this  building  with  the  money  of  the 
Apostolic  Chamber  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  in  order  to 
provide  his  brother  Baldovino  with  a  suitable  residence  of  his 
own.  In  November,  1552,  Baldovino  was  already  living  there, 
but  it  was  a  year  later  that  the  presentation  of  the  palace  and 
the  Villa  Giulia  was  made  to  him  and  his  heirs.3  The  Palazzo 
Cardelli  had  in  the  meantime  been  completely  rebuilt  by 
Vignola.  Not  only  was  the  pillared  courtyard  at  the  entrance 
enlarged,  and  the  principal  staircase  embellished,  and  made 
more  convenient,  but  a  new  connecting  building  between  the 
courtyard  and  the  garden  was  erected.  This  part  is  adorned, 
on  the  side  of  the  garden,  with  a  beautiful  double  loggia.4  The 
interior  of  the  palace  was  richly  and  tastefully  decorated  with 
stucco  ornamentation  and  frescoes.      Unfortunately,  sufficient 

1  He  bears  this  title  in  the  account  books  ;  see  Bertolotti  in 
the  Atti  Mod.     Ser.  3,  I.,  84. 

2  Giordani  has  lately  declared  himself  against  the  commonly 
accepted  belief  that  Vignola  designed  it,  in  consideration  of  the  style 
of  the  building.  He  is,  however,  mistaken  when  he,  as  well  as  all  the 
others,  including  Wtllich  (p.  68)  attributes  both  pillared  halls  to 
the  time  of  Julius  III.,  for  the  lilies  of  the  Farnese  family  appear 
on  the  hall  on  the  other  side  towards  the  Aracoeli. 

3C/.  Tesoroni,  31-32,  35-36,  38-39,  89-90. 

4  Cf.  Letarouilly,  660,  seqq.,  plate  318-9;  Tesoroni,  36-7; 
Willich,  70-1  ;  Ferri,  La  ricostruzione  del  portico  del  Vignola 
nel  palazzo  di  Firenze,  Rome,  1846.  Giordani  (p.  135-6) 
declares  that  tradition  must  be  accepted  with  reserve  in  this  case 
as  well. 


352  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

research  concerning  this  important  work  has  not  been  made. 
Vasari  states  that  Prospero  Fontana  was  engaged  upon  it  ; 
probably,  however,  Zuccaro,  who  nearly  always  appears  in 
conjunction  with  Vignola,  as  well  as  Primaticcio,  co-operated 
in  the  work.1  Besides  this  palace,  Julius  III.  had  instructed 
Vignola  to  begin  the  building  of  a  second  one  near  the  Via  della 
Trinita  (now  del  Clementino)  the  completion  of  which  was 
delayed  by  his  death.  It  is  evident,  from  an  amusing  letter  of 
the  Pope  to  his  brother  on  September  23rd,  1553,  that  he  had 
personally  inspected  the  beginning  of  the  work.2 

The  love  which  Julius  III.  felt  for  his  family  is  also  shown 
by  the  monuments  which  he  caused  to  be  erected  to  his  grand- 
father, Fabiano,  and  his  uncle,  Cardinal  Antonio.  He  chose 
for  these  the  last  chapel  on  the  epistle  side  of  the  church  of 
S.  Pietro  in  Montorio.  The  plans  for  this  pious  work,  the  first 
artistic  undertaking  of  Julius  III.  after  his  election,  were 
furnished  by  Vasari,3  although  the  advice  of  Michael  Angelo 
was  also  sought.  Vasari  had  proposed  Raffaello  da  Montelupo 
for  the  figures  on  the  monuments,  but  Michael  Angelo  would 
not  accept  him.  They  were  therefore  executed  by  Bartolomeo 
Ammanati,  to  whom  are  also  attributed  the  sturdy  boys  on  the 
balustrade  of  the  chapel.  The  paintings  and  the  vaulting  are 
by  Vasari,  who  also  executed  the  picture  over  the  altar,  the 
baptism  of  the  Apostle  Paul  by  Ananias.  The  two  monuments 
are  opposite  to  one  another,  and  are  symmetrically  executed 
in  the  same  form.  The  sarcophagus,  with  the  recumbent 
figure  of  the  deceased,  is  raised  on  a  bold  substructure,  the 
statues  of  Religion  and  Justice  being  placed  in  niches  over  the 
tombs.  The  epitaph  for  the  Cardinal  :  "  The  Church,  by  his 
death,  has  lost,  as  it  were,  her  father,"  sounds,  indeed,  rather 

1  See  Vasari,  VII.,  415  ;    Giordani,  138. 

2  See  Tesoroni,  37,  88-9.  The  care  of  Julius  III.  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Papal  palace  at  Avignon,  which  was  sadly  in 
need  of  repair,  is  clear  from  his  *brief  to  Card.  Farnese  of  April  17, 
1553  (Arm.  41,  t.  68,  n.  295.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

3  Cf.  his  design  in  the  Louvre  at  Paris,  which  E.  Steinmann  is 
about  to  publish.  Here  may  be  seen  the  epitaph  for  Fabiano  del 
Monte,  which  has  now  disappeared, 


ARTISTS     IN     ROME.  353 

extravagant,  but  the  gratitude  of  Julius  III.  here  finds  suitable 
expression.  Although  not  without  faults,  this  family  monu- 
ment nevertheless  reminds  one  of  a  better  time,  and  makes  a 
thoroughly  dignified  impression.1 

Besides  A mmanati,  Vasari  and  Zuccaro,  Julius  III.  employed 
numerous  other  artists.  Of  these  special  mention  may  be  made 
of  Giovanni  da  Udine,  Daniele  da  Volterra,  Girolamo  da  Carpi 
and  Pietro  da  Imola.2 

In  spite  of  many  signs  of  decline,  considerable  artistic 
activity  prevailed  at  this  time  in  Rome,  to  which,  moreover, 
many  artists  from  northern  countries,  and  especially  the 
Netherlands,  came  as  visitors.  Their  stay  in  Rome  proved 
fateful  for  many  of  them,  because,  on  the  one  hand,  they 
acquired  the  style  then  in  vogue,  and  on  the  other,  fell  under 
bad  influences.  Many,  however,  as,  for  instance,  Antonio 
More,  the  court  painter  of  Charles  V.  and  Philip  II.,  derived 
great  benefit  from  their  sojourn  in  Rome,  and  developed  into 
eminent  colonrists.  Jan  van  der  Straet,  from  Bruges,  the 
friend  of  Vasari,  executed  pictures  in  the  Vatican  between 
1550  and  I553-3 

Artistic  crafts  reached  great  perfection  and  flourished  during 

1  Cf.  Vasari,  VII.,  226-7,  229-230,  231,  235,  693  ;  Forcella, 
V.,  254  ;  Nibby,  Roma,  I.  (1899),  589  ;  Kallab,  84,  86,  87,  89  ; 
Thieme,  Kiinstlerlexikon,  I.,  414  ;  Reumont,  III.,  2nd  ed.,  724  ; 
Escher,  Barock,  116.  In  the  July  of  1554,  Ammanati  received 
the  remainder  of  the  payment  "  della  scultura  della  capella  del 
card.  Montalto."  (*Intr.  et  Exit,  in  the  Cod.  Vat.  10605  °f  the 
Vatican  Library).  Card.  Fulvio  della  Corgna  also  found  his 
resting  place  in  S.  Pietro  in  Montorio  (see  Forcella,  V.,  260). 
Card.  Ricci  erected  a  similar  tomb  for  himself  in  the  chapel 
opposite  that  of  the  del  Monte  ;   see  Forcella,  V.,  254. 

2  Cf.  Vasari,  VI.,  478  ;  Kallab,  84,  86  ;  Atti  Mod.,  Ser.  3,  I., 
83.  Payment  for  Pietro  da  Imola  in  the  *Exit.  155 1,  April  29 
(State  Archives,  Rome). 

3  Cf.  Bertolotti,  Artisti  Belgi  e  Olandesi  a  Roma  nei  secoli 
XVI.  e  XVII.,  Florence,  1880,  46-47,  51  ;  V.  v.  Loga  in  the  Jahrb. 
des  oster.  Kaiserhauses,  XXVII.,  96-97  ;  Hoogewerff,  Neder- 
landsche  Schilders  in  Italie,  142-3,  155-6. 

VOL.    XIII.  23 


354  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

the  pontificate  of  Julius  III.,  as  they  had  done  under  his  pre- 
decessor. In  the  account  books,  payments  to  goldsmiths, 
jewellers,  medallists,  and  engravers  frequently  appear.  One 
meets  here  the  name  of  the  celebrated  Alessandro  Cesati, 
called  "  il  Greco,"  and  of  a  pupil  of  Benvenuto  Cellini,  named 
Manno  Sbarra.1 

If  one  compares  the  artistic  activity  under  Julius  III.  with 
that  under  his  predecessor,  one  finds  a  great  disparity  between 
the  two  periods.  The  great  impetus  which  Paul  III.  knew  how 
to  give  to  every  enterprise  is  non-existent  in  the  reign  of  his 
successor ;  apart  from  the  Villa  Giulia,  few  works  of  import- 
ance were  executed.  This  is  partly  to  be  attributed  to  the 
irresolution  of  Julius  III.,  and  partly  to  the  shortness  of  his 
pontificate,  but,  above  all,  to  his  financial  difficulties.  It  was 
for  this  reason  also  that  the  laying  out  of  the  streets2  and  the 
works  for  the  fortification  of  the  city,  and  especially  of  the 
Borgo,3  which  followed,  and  which  had  been  begun  on  a  grand 

1  Cf.  Plon,  Cellini,  393-4  ;  Atti  Mod.,  II.,  258  ;  Bertolotti, 
Art.  Veneti,  31  and  Art.  Lomb.,  I.,  312.  Concerning  the  medals 
of  Julius  III.  see  also  L'Arte,  X.,  137.  A  well-known  artist  of  the 
Emilia  (cf.  Malaguzzi-Valeri,  Lo  scultore  Prospero  Spani  detto  il 
Clemente,  Modena,  1894)  furnished  watches.  In  the  *Intr.  et 
Exit.  155 4- 1555  one  also  finds  Giov.  di  Prato  Tedescho  orefice 
(Cod.  Vat.  10605  of  the  Vatican  Library).  Cf.  the  Monatsbericht 
fur  Kunstwissenschaft  of  Helbing  und  Seidlitz,  I.  (1900),  77. 
The  organ  of  the  silver  chapel  of  the  Hofkirche  in  Innsbruck  is 
traditionally  considered  to  be  a  gift  of  Julius  III.  ;  no  proofs  of 
this,  however,  are  forthcoming  in  the  inventories  of  the  archives 
of  the  Franciscan  Province  of  the  Tyrol. 

2  Cf.  Lanciani,  III.,  8. 

3  The  city  walls  were  not  only  considerably  repaired  (cf.  Nibby, 
Le  Mura  di  Roma  (1820),  319,  320,  337,  358  ;  Revue  archeol.,  VII., 
129,  130,  136,  138,  232,  234,  237,  336,  339  ;  Forcella,  XIII.,  31  ; 
Clausse,  II.,  351)  and  restorations  undertaken  at  the  Castle  of  St. 
Angelo  (Paggliucchi,  122),  but  the  fortifications  of  the  Borgo 
were  also  continued.  Lanciani  (III.,  59)  knows  of  only  one 
document  in  support  of  this,  that  of  June  12,  1553.  There  are, 
however,  others.  See  the  *report  of  C.  Capilupi  of  March  14,  1553 
(Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua),  concerning  the  beginning  of  these 


APPEARANCE     OF     THE     CITY.  355 

scale  by  the  Farnese  Pope,  were  restricted  to  very  moderate 
limits.  The  appearance  of  the  city  was  very  little  altered 
during  this  pontificate,  in  all  essentials  it  remained  as  before. 
This  appearance,  however,  Rome  was  not  to  retain  for  long, 
she  was  to  undergo  a  far-reaching  metamorphosis  during  the 
latter  half  of  the  century.  It  will,  therefore,  be  in  place, 
at  this  point,  to  give  some  description  of  the  citj7,  as  it  appeared 
at  the  close  of  the  period  of  the  Renaissance. 

works  in  App.  No.  19.  Cf.  also  Pagliucchi,  124-5  ;  Rocchi, 
Piante,  68  seq.,  78,  214  ;  Ravioli,  Notizie  sui  lavori  di  archit. 
milit.  dei  nove  Sangallo,  15-16.  Concerning  Jacobo  Fusti  Cas- 
triotto,  who  was  in  the  service  of  Julius  III.  and  then  served 
under  the  Imperialists  against  Siena,  cf.  Vol., XII.  of  this  work  562, 
seq.  Concerning  the  restoration  of  the  Ponte  di  S.  Maria,  which 
did  not  resist  the  inundation  of  1557,  see  Fanfani,  Spigol. 
Michael  Angelo,  136  seq.,  Pistoia,  1876.  Concerning  a  medal 
struck  to  commemorate  the  improvement  of  the  port  and  fortifica- 
tions of  Civitavecchia,  see  Venuti,  93. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

Rome  at  the  End  of  the  Renaissance  Period. 

The  Rome  of  the  Cinquecento  was  surpassed  in  population  by 
Paris  and  London,1  and  in  beauty  by  Venice,  and  perhaps  also 
by  Florence.  The  appearance  of  the  city,  crowded  together 
as  it  was  in  the  low-lying  district  between  the  Tiber,  the  Pincio 
and  the  Capitol,  and  filled  with  busy  traffic,  made,  with  its,  for 
the  most  part,  badly  saved  and  dark  crooked  streets  and  its 
hoary  buildings,  a  decidedly  unfavourable  impression,2  in 
spite  of  its  numerous  palaces  and  interesting  churches.  But, 
taken  as  a  whole,  the  dwelling  place  of  the  Head  of  the  Church, 
this  "  world  in  miniature/'  was  the  universal  ft  atria,3  because 

1  The  population  of  Rome  did  not  exceed  50,000  under  Leo 
X.  cf.  Vol.  VIII.,  of  this  work,  p.  128,  n.  Under  Paul  III.  the 
numbers  increased,  but  the  90,000  which  Riess  (p.  157)  gives 
for  the  middle  of  the  XVI.th  century  is,  however,  somewhat 
exaggrerated.  According  to  Mocenigo-Alberi  (p.  35)  the  popula- 
tion under  Paul  IV.,  during  whose  reign  many  people  left  the 
city,  amounted  to  between  40,000  and  50,000,  and  afterwards 
increased  to  about  70,000.  Venice  with  162,000,  London  with 
185,000,  and  Paris  with  300,000  (see  Riess,  157)  were  much 
more  populous  than  Rome.  The  population  of  the  Eternal 
City  was  continually  changing,  to  a  remarkable  degree,  as  is 
stated  by  Mocenigo,  loc.  cit. 

2  Mocenigo-Alberi  (34)  expressly  declares  that  the  city  did 
not  appear  very  beautiful  as  a  whole. 

3  Cf.  ibid.  31.  See  also  the  passage  from  the  treaty  of  Leo  X. 
with  Charles  V.  (Urbe  quae  semper  communis  patria  est  habita) 
cited  by  Reumont  in  the  Arch.  stor.  ital.  Ser.  3,  IX.,  80.  On 
the  tombstone  in  S.  Stefano  Rotondo  of  a  prelate  of  Sieben- 
biirgen,   who  died  in   Rome  in   1523,   we  read  :    Natum    quod 

356 


HEEMSKERCK  S  PANORAMA.        357 

of  its  historic  past,  its  sacred  relics,  its  artistic  treasures,  its 
rare  medley  of  ruins  and  buildings  from  classic  times,  from  the 
Middle  Ages  and  from  the  Renaissance,  because  of  the  austere 
grandeur  of  its  surroundings,  as  well  as  because  of  the  cos- 
mopolitan character  of  the  population  which  had  flocked 
together  from  the  most  different  countries  to  the  central  point 
of  the  Catholic  world — a  place,  in  short,  which  was  like  no 
other  in  the  world. 

From  a  number  of  sources  of  different  kinds,  it  is  possible 
to  form  a  fairly  true  picture  of  the  condition  of  the  capital 
of  the  world,  which  had  recovered,  during  the  long  and  peaceful 
reign  of  Paul  III.,  from  the  terrible  catastrophe  of  1527,  and 
had  taken  a  new  lease  of  life,  owing  to  the  improvement  of 
sanitary  conditions,  the  beautifying  of  the  streets,  and  the 
awakening  of  a  revived  activity  in  the  sphere  of  building.  All 
this  had  been  continued  under  the  pontificate  of  Julius  III.1 

Besides  the  Italians,  Leonardo  Bufalini  and  Ulisse  Aldrov- 
andi,  it  is  specially  to  two  men  of  northern  origin  that  posterity 
owes  a  detailed  knowledge  of  the  Rome  of  the  Cinquecento. 
One  was  Marten  Van  Heemskerck,  a  pupil  of  Jan  van  Scorel, 
who,  like  so  many  of  his  countrymen,  came  to  the  Eternal  City 
in  1532,  to  pursue  his  studies,  and  lived  there  till  1535. 2 
Heemskerck  made  very  good  use  of  his  time.  A  great  number 
of  his  sketches  and  drawings  have  been  preserved,  and  now 
form  a  treasure  of  the  cabinet  of  copper-plate  engravings  in 
the  Berlin  Museum.  In  this  collection  there  are  large  and  small 
views  of  Rome,  its  hills,  ancient  monuments,  ruins,  churches, 

gelidum  vides  ad  Istrum — Romana  tegier  viator  urna — Non 
mirabere,  si  extimabis  illud — Quod  Roma  est  patria  omnium 
fuitque  (Forcella,  VIII.,  209.) 

1  Besides  Amasaeus,  Oratio  in  funere  Pauli  III.  P.M.,  Bologna, 
1563,  and  Modio,  II  Tevere,  Rome,  1556,  7,  cf.  Vol.  XII.,  of 
this  work,  p.  566  seq.  Concerning  the  increase  of  prices  under 
Paul  III.,  see  Lutolf,  Schweizergarde,  32.  Navagero  *states 
on  October  30th,  1557,  that  houses  were  four  times  dearer  in 
Rome  than  in  Naples  (Court  Library,  Vienna). 

2  Cf.  Preibisz,  M.  v.  Heemskerck,  Leipsic,  191 1,  and  Hooge- 
werff,  Nederlandsche  Schilders  in  Italie,  195  seq. 


35§  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

palaces,  galleries  of  statues  and  old  gardens,  which  are,  from 
their  accuracy,  priceless  treasures  of  the  greatest  historical 
and  archa^logical  value.  Almost  always  drawn  on  the  spot, 
they  give,  with  conscientious  fidelity,  and  without  additions 
and  embellishment,  everything  just  as  it  was  at  the  time.1 
Other  sketch-books  of  visitors  to  Rome,  and  the  copper-plate 
engravings  of  the  time,  afford  a  valuable  supplement  to  these. 
Among  the  latter,  the  collection  of  engravings  on  copper, 
"  Speculum  Romanae  Magnifrcentiae,"  of  the  enterprising 
publisher,  Antoine  Lafrery,  who  settled  in  Rome  in  the  middle 
forties  of  the  XVIth  century,  takes  a  prominent  place.2 

The  second  northerner  is  the  learned  lawyer  of  Frankfort, 
Johann  Fichard,  who,  during  his  residence  in  Rome  in  the 
autumn  of  1535,  had  the  happy  idea  of  consigning  his  varied 
impressions  to  writing.3     The  hasty  notes,   written  on  the 

1  Cf.  J.  Springer  in  the  Jahrb.  der  Preuss.  Kunstsamml.,  V. 
1884),  327  seqq. ;  XII.  (1891),  117  seq.,  and  in  the  Stud,  zur  Kunst- 
gesch.  fur  A.  Springer  226  seq.,  as  well  as  the  critical  inventory 
of  Michaelis,  Romische  Skizzenbiicher,  in  the  Archaol.  Jahrb., 
VI.  (1891),  126  seqq.  ;  Hubner,  I.,  16,  52  seq.  A  complete 
edition  of  the  sketch-books  of  Heemskerck  is  being  prepared  by 
Christian  Hiilsen  and  Hermann  Egger.  Of  this  magnificent  work, 
which  will  reproduce  300  sketches  in  180  plates  in  tinted  photo- 
type, and  among  them  20  plates  in  coloured  facsimile,  with  a 
descriptive  catalogue,  I  was  allowed,  through  the  kindness  of  the 
publisher,  the  use  of  the  first  sheets. 

2  Cf.  Jahrb.  des  deutsch.  arch.  Inst.,  VII.,  83  seq.  ;  v.  Fabriczy, 
in  the  Arch.  d'Arte,  VI.  (1890),  112  seq.  ;  Ehrle,  Roma  prima 
di  Sisto  V.,  11  seqq.,  and  Hubner,  I.,  15  seq.,  34  seq.,  69  seq., 
57  seq. 

3  J.  Fichard's  Italia  was  published  by  J.  C.  v.  Fichard  in  the 
Frankfurtischen  Archiv  fur  altere  deutsche  Literatur  und 
Geschicte,  III.  (1815),  1  seqq.,  with  a  good  introduction,  but  re- 
mained almost  forgotten  till  Schmarsow  again  drew  attention 
to  this  great  source  of  information  in  the  Repertorium  fur 
Kunstwissenschaft,  XIV.,  130  seqq.,  the  reading  of  which  filled 
me  in  my  early  youth  with  enthusiasm  for  Rome.  Concerning 
J.  Fichard  cf.  Jannsen,  Bohmer,  III.,  426,  and  Jung  in  the  Archiv 
fiir  Frankfurter  Geschichte,   II.    (1889),   209  seqq.,   and  Allgem. 


JOHANN     FICHARD.  359 

spot  in  Latin,  were  not  intended  for  publication,  whereby 
their  value  is  notably  increased.  They  by  no  means  belie  the 
dryness  of  the  legal  mind,  but  are,  for  that  very  reason, 
reliable,  coming,  as  they  do,  from  a  prosaic  observer.  Only 
very  rarely  does  the  enthusiasm  of  the  humanist  break  forth  in 
Fichard's  impressions.  He  feels  no  tremor  of  delight  at  the 
sight  of  Italy's  splendours,  he  merely  considers  them  from  the 
point  of  view  of  a  scholar.  His  notes  are  as  important  as  they 
are  interesting,  not  only  for  the  knowledge  of  the  then  con- 
dition of  Rome  which  they  afford  us,  but  also  for  the  glimpses 
we  get  of  the  opinions  entertained  at  that  time.  The  vague- 
ness of  men's  ideas  as  to  the  remains  of  antiquity,  the  pre- 
ponderance of  antiquarian  interest  over  that  of  the  connoisseur 
of  art,  several  remarkable  errors  concerning  very  important 
works  of  the  Renaissance,  all  these,  even  to  the  use  of 
magical  arts  to  discover  the  perpetrator  of  a  theft,  are 
admirably  characteristic  of  the  knowledge  and  ideas  of  that 
epoch.1 

Fichard  remarks  that  three  points  of  view  give  the  best  sur- 
vey of  Rome  ;  the  summits  of  the  Pantheon,  the  Castle  of  St. 
Angelo  and  the  Capitol.  He  acknowledges  that  he  has  never 
himself  got  a  satisfactory  view  of  Rome,  for  everything  was 
separated  and  cut  up  by  hills  and  gardens.  He  cites  Monte 
Caprino  (what  is  now  considered  to  be  the  Tarpeian  Rock), 
which  was  not  then  built  over,  as  affording  the  best  general 
view.2  It  was  just  there,  where  to-day  stands  the  Palazzo 
Caffarelli,  the  present  seat  of  the  German  embassy,  that 
Heemskerck,  in  the  year  1535,  sketched  his  great  panorama, 

Deutsche  Biographie,  VI.,  757  seqq.  The  manuscript  of  the 
Italia  has  disappeared  (see  Jung,  Frankfurter  Chroniken,  XX.) 
which  is  much  to  be  regretted,  especially  on  account  of  the 
sketches  added  to  it. 

1  This  magician  was  a  Jew  (see  Fichard,  Italia,  73).  Bertolotti 
treats  of  "  streghe,  sortiere  e  maliardi  nel  sec.  XVI.  in  Roma," 
in  the  Riv.  Europ.,  XXII.  (1882),  882  seq.  ;  XXIII.  (1883), 
581  seq.     Cf.  also  Rodocanachi,  Rome,  342. 

2  Fichard,  Italia,  24,  26,  70. 


360  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

which  has  happily  been  preserved.1  The  value  of  this  lies 
in  the  unusually  faithful  representation  of  the  actual  objects, 
and  it  is  thereby  distinguished  from  all  the  earlier  attempts, 
which  have  a  traditionally  conventional  character.  The 
Netherlander  has  worked  with  such  genuine  national  assiduity, 
and  with  such  painstaking  accuracy,  that  one  might  well 
describe  his  panorama  as  a  memorial  drawn  as  a  parting 
reminder  of  the  Eternal  City.  The  more  one  studies  the 
details,  the  better  does  one  realize  the  immense  historical 
value  of  his  sketches.  The  artist,  who  has  depicted  a  panor- 
ama before  the  eye  of  the  spectator,  begins  on  the  left  hand 

1  First  reproduced,  with  introduction  by  de  Rossi,  in  the 
"  Antiken  Denkmalern,"  Vol.  II.,  plate  12,  published  by  the 
German  Archaeological  Institute.  Cf.  Springer  in  the  Jahrb. 
der  Preuss.  Kunstsammlungen,  XII.  (1891),  123  seq.  ;  Michaelis, 
Romische  Skizzenbucher,  169 ;  de  Rossi,  Panorama  circol. 
di  Roma  (Estr.  d.  Bull.  arch,  commun.),  Rome,  1892.  Similar 
reproductions  in  Rodocanachi,  Rome,  217,  220.  The  date  on 
the  panorama  is  not  1534,  or  1536,  but  (according  to  Hiilsen) 
I535  >*  in  this  case  one  is  relieved  of  the  necessity  (in  contra- 
distinction to  van  Mander)  of  prolonging  the  artist's  stay  in 
Rome  to  four  years,  instead  of  three.  Concerning  the  great  pan- 
orama of  Rome,  Professor  Hiilsen  kindly  informs  me  that  he  and 
Egger  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  is  not  the  single- 
handed  work  of  Heemskerck,  but  owes  its  origin  to  a  contem- 
porary Dutch  artist,  whose  name  he  still  hopes  to  succeed  in 
discovering.  "  This  artist,"  continues  Hiilsen,  "  is  further 
represented  in  the  second  Berlin  volume,  as,  e.g.,  by  the  view 
of  the  Forum,  reproduced  in  my  Forum  p.  34,  fig.  7,  and  by  the 
picture  of  St.  Peter's  Square,  reproduced  in  Egger,  Romische 
Veduten,  Plate  19.  Apart  from  the  style  of  the  drawing,  the 
difference  in  the  writing  is  decisive.  Heemskerck,  when  he  was 
in  Rome,  as  his  less  certain  autographs  in  the  first  volume  prove, 
wrote  in  a  quite  Norse  script,  whereas  the  name  which  was  cer- 
tainly written  at  the  same,  time  by  the  artist  on  the  panorama 
approaches  the  Italian  style  of  writing.  Egger  wishes  to  read 
the  date  as  1536,  of  which  I  am  not  quite  convinced,  but  that 
becomes  of  less  importance  if  Heemskerck  is  discarded  as  the 
author." 


VIEW     OF     ROME.  361 

with  the  Aventine,  and  travels  through  the  west,  north  and 
east,  returning  again  to  the  same  hill,  at  the  foot  of  which  one 
sees  the  neighbourhood  of  S.  Maria  in  Cosmedin,  the  Casa  di 
Cola  di  Rienzi,  the  not  yet  destroyed  Ponte  di  S.  Maria  (Ponte 
Rotto)  and  the  harbour  full  of  ships,  while  in  the  distance 
appear  the  Janiculum,  with  S.  Pietro  in  Montorio  and  the  twin 
towers  of  the  Porta  S.  Pancrazio.  In  the  foreground,  we  see 
the  citadel  of  the  Savelli,  built  into  the  Theatre  of  Marcellus, 
arising  majestically  a  little  to  the  right,  and  behind  it  the  old 
town  with  its  maze  of  houses,  massive  towers  and  churches. 
The  extensive  palace  of  the  Cancelleria,  the  pointed  tower  of  St 
Agostino,  the  flat  dome  of  the  Pantheon,  the  column  of  Marcus 
Aurelius  (not  yet  crowned  with  the  statue  of  the  apostle)  and 
the  Palazzo  di  S.  Marco  stand  up  as  salient  points  in  the  dist- 
ance. The  artist  has  been  specially  successful  in  reproducing 
the  manner  in  which  the  city  is  dominated  by  the  Castle  of 
St.  Angelo,  which  is  shown  as  a  darkly  threatening  fortress, 
on  the  summit  of  which  floats  the  large  standard  of  the  Pope. 
The  Vatican  rises  high  from  out  the  Borgo,  with  the  venerable 
pile  of  St.  Peter's  and  the  gigantic  construction  of  the  new 
building  of  Bramante  beside  it.  Then  follows  in  the  fore- 
ground, forming  the  actual  central  point  of  the  panorama,  the 
Capitoline  Hill,  shown  in  profile,  and  not  yet  having  the  form 
given  to  it  by  Michael  Angelo.  One  sees  the  piazza  of  the 
Capitol,  with  the  obelisks  and  the  celebrated  palms  which 
stand  between  the  palace  of  the  Senators  and  the  church  of  S. 
Maria  in  Aracoeli.  Far  away  rises  the  mighty  Torre  delle 
Milizie,  while  farther  to  the  north,  in  the  lonely  hill  district, 
which  forms  a  background,  appear  the  basilica  of  S.  Maria 
Maggiore  with  the  great  patriarchal  palace,  the  then  very  high 
tower  of  the  Conti,  and,  only  lightly  sketched  in,  the  gigantic 
halls  of  the  Baths  of  Diocletian,  as  well  as  the  Lateran.  At 
the  feet  of  the  spectator  lies  the  Forum,  alive  with  herds  of 
cattle,  with  the  Basilica  of  Constantine,  the  Arch  of  Septimus 
Severus,  the  remains  of  the  Temple  of  Saturn,  the  beautiful 
portico  of  the  Temple  of  Faustina  and  Antoninus,  as  well 
as  the  three  columns  of  the  Temple  of  Castor,  while  to  the 
right  we  see  the  mighty  mass  of  the  Colosseum,  the  Arch  of 


362  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

Titus  and  S.  Maria  Nuova  (S.  Francesca  Romana).  To  the 
east  one  recognizes,  at  the  foot  of  the  Tarpeian  Rock,  S.  Maria 
della  Consolazione,  S.  Teodoro  and  the  monuments  of  the 
Velabro,  while  above  are  the  ruins  of  the  Palace  of  the  Caesars. 
The  Septizonium  is  also  clearly  recognizable,  as  well  as  S. 
Anastasia  with  its  campanile  and  the  steps  by  which  people 
once  entered  this  church.  To  the  right  the  Aventine,  with  the 
battlement  crowned  fortress  of  the  Savelli,  give  the  finishing 
touches  to  this  wonderful  panorama. 

Viewed  as  a  whole,  what  strikes  one  most  in  this  picture  is 
the  great  preponderance  of  the  mediaeval  character.  Not 
only  in  the  Trastevere,  but  elsewhere  as  well,  countless  towers, 
with  which  all  the  dwellings  of  the  nobles,  and  especially  those 
of  the  Cardinals,1  were  provided,  rose  aloft  towards  the  sky. 
Square,  furnished  with  loopholes,  and  crowned  with  battle- 
ments, they  are  a  reminder  of  bloody  times.  The  highest 
of  these  towers  are  the  Torre  delle  Milizie  and  the  legendary 
Torre  di  Nerone,  which  play  such  an  important  part  in  medi- 
aeval views  of  the  Eternal  City.2  The  principal  tower  of  the 
palace  of  the  Senators  on  the  Capitol,  with  its  loopholes  and  its 
turrets  at  the  four  corners,  still  bears  the  stamp  of  the  XlVth 
century.  In  the  case  of  the  churches,  too,  one  sees  hardly 
anything  but  mediaeval  campanili ;  the  few  cupolas  which  had 
existed  from  the  time  of  Sixtus  IV.  are  almost  entirely  invisible 
on  account  of  their  want  of  height,  whereas  it  is  precisely  the 

1  Cf.  Albertini,  Opusculum  de  mirabilibus  novae  urbis  Romae 
ed.  Schmarsow,  Heilbronn,  1886,  31. 

2  This  tower,  built  under  Gregory  IX.,  frequently  changed 
owners,  but  again  came  into  the  possession  of  the  Conti  family 
in  1546  (Lanciani,  II  Panorama  di  Roma  delin.  da  A.  v.  d. 
Wyngaerde  ca.  l'a.  1560,  Rome,  1895,  13,  and  Nuova  Antologia 
191 2,  165  seq.)  A  special  work  concerning  the  towers  of  Rome 
has  yet  to  be  written.  Cf.  meanwhile  Adinolfi,  La  Torre  de' 
Sanguigni,  Rome,  1863  ;  Giorn.  Arcadico,  1889,  II.,  282,  373  ; 
III.,  49  ;  Gnoli,  Roma,  135  seqq.,  138  seqq.,  152  seq.  ;  Dengel, 
S.  Marco,  76  ;  Sabatini,  La  Torre  dei  Cenci,  Rome,  1906  ;  La 
famiglia  e  le  torri  dei  Frangipani  in  Roma,  Rome,  1907  ;  La 
famiglia  e  le  torri  dei  Crescenzi,  Rome,  1908. 


SMALLNESS     OF     THE     CITY.  363 

numerous  domes  of  the  baroque  period  which  give  the  Rome 
of  to-day  her  special  character  of  stately  majesty. 

No  less  astonishing  is  the  smallness  of  the  actual  city,  in 
comparison  with  the  immense  still  unbuilt  district  with  its 
chaos  of  ancient  ruins,  and  its  lonely  dominating  basilicas  and 
monasteries.  Everywhere  this  silent  region  is  sharply  divided 
by  the  shades  of  a  mighty  past  from  the  modern  city. 

This  contrast  between  the  inhabited  and  the  uninhabited 
districts  which  are  enclosed  by  the  Aurelian  walls,  is  also 
clearly  io  be  seen  in  the  panorama  of  Hendrik  van  Cleve,1 
drawn  in  1550,  and  from  the  large  plan  of  the  city,  engraved 
on  wood,  which  Leonardo  Bufalini  prepared  at  the  end  of  the 
pontificate  of  Paul  III.,  and  published  in  1551,  under  Julius 
III.2 

Rome  had  no  central  point,  for  the  Vatican,  the  residence  of 
the  Renaissance  Popes,  as  well  as  the  Lateran,  the  seat  of  the 
Head  of  the  Church  in  the  Middle  Ages,  were  situated  on  the 
borders  of  the  municipal  territory.  The  Leonine  City,  or  the 
Borgo,  remained  under  Paul  III.  what  it  had  been  under  Julius 
II.   and   the   Medici   Popes,   the   intellectual   quarter,   which 

1  Preserved  in  the  Roman  Gabinetto  nazionale  delle  stampe 
(F.  N.  3379).  See  Bartoli  in  the  Bull.  arch,  commun.,  XXXVII. 
(1909),  3  seqq. 

2  Bufalini's  plan  is  of  immeasurable  value  for  the  knowledge 
of  Roman  topography,  and  gives,  besides  the  plan  of  Du  Perac, 
executed  in  1577  (ed-  EhRLE,  Rome,  1908),  a  clear  picture  of  the 
appearance  of  Rome  about  the  middle  of  the  Cinquecento,  before 
the  great  reconstructions  of  Greogry  XIII.  and  Sixtus  V.  We 
owe  a  new  edition,  based  on  the  copy  in  the  Vatican  Library, 
to  Ehrle  :  Roma  al  tempo  di  Giulio  III.  La  pianta  di  Roma 
di  L.  Bufalini  del  1551,  Rome,  191 1.  The  comparative  lowness 
of  the  houses  in  Heemskerck's  panorama  is  very  characteristic 
of  Rome  before  the  Baroque  period.  The  cupola  of  S.  Agostino, 
e.g.  which  to-day  is  almost  invisible  in  a  view  of  the  city,  in 
the  panorama,  as  well  as  in  many  of  the  smaller  sketches  (f.  16  : 
view  from  the  Villa  Madama  ;  f.  58v :  panorama  from  the  Borgo) 
stands  up  high  over  the  whole  Campo  Marzo  ;  the  same  is  true 
of  S.  Omobono,  at  the  foot  of  the  Capitol,  which  to-day  is  hardly 
to  be  seen  among  the  surrounding  houses. 


364  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

character  had  been,  once  for  all,  impressed  upon  it  by  three 
mighty  buildings,  the  time-honoured  place  of  burial  of  the 
Prince  of  the  apostles,  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo  and  the  Palace 
of  the  Vatican,  which  contained  the  most  extensive  collection 
of  art  treasures.  From  the  Vatican  the  Rione  del  Vaticano 
afterwards  took  its  name,  namely  that  part  of  the  city  which 
was  strengthened  under  Paul  III.  and  Julius  III.  with  new 
fortifications,  and  which  formed,  from  the  time  of  Sixtus  V., 
the  fourteenth  of  the  districts  into  which  Rome  was  divided.1 
The  principal  street  of  the  Borgo,  called  after  its  builder, 
Alexander  VI.,  the  Via  Alessandrina,  now  the  Borgo  Nuovo, 
praised  by  Fichard  as  "  a  royal  road  "  ;2  Paul  III.  caused  it 
to  be  paved.  This  quarter,  which  had  suffered  terribly  in  the 
Sack  in  1527,  had  gradually  regained  its  former  character  and 
splendour.  To  the  magnificent  palaces  which  had  been 
erected  here  for  Branconio  dell'  Aquila,  and  for  Raphael,  as 
well  as  for  Cardinals  Domenico  della  Rovere,  Adriano  Castel- 
lesi,  Soderini,  Pucci  and  Accolti,3  various  new  buildings  had 
been  added,  among  which  the  Palazzo  Cesi  held  a  prominent 
place.4     After  the  death  of  its  founder,  Cardinal  Paolo  Emilio 

1  Cf.  Mocenigo-Alberi,  39 ;  Adinolfi,  La.  Portica  di  S. 
Pietro  ossia  Borgo  nell'eta  di  mezzo,  Rome,  1859  ;  Reumont, 
HI.,  2,  657. 

2  See  the  *Taxa  per  lo  matonar  la  via  Alexandrina  del  Borgo 
di  Roma,  dat.  October  22,  1544  (Mandat.  1543-1545,  p.  195, 
State  Archives,  Rome).  One  can  see  in  the  drawing  of  Giov. 
Ant.  Dosio,  reproduced  in  Egger,  Veduten,  Plate  16,  what 
the  appearance  of  the  Borgo  Nuovo  was  in  1560.  Prof.  Hiilsen 
has  drawn  my  attention  to  the  rare  and  little  noticed  engraving 
of  Hendrik  van  Cleve,  Burgus  Romae  (in  the  Ruinarum  varii 
prospectus  engraved  by  Theodore  Galle)  which  Dosio  amplifies 
by  representing  the  greater  part  of  the  south  side  of  the  square 
about  as  far  as  S.  Gregorio  in  Cortina. 

3  Cf.  Vol.  VIII.  of  this  work  p.  129  seq.,  and  Rodocanachi, 
Rome,  24  seq.,  186  seq.  Card.  Giov.  Salviati  (died  1553)  lived 
in  the  palace  of  Dom.  della  Rovere  {cf.  Ferri,  21  seq.)  at  the 
beginning  of  the  reign  of  Julius  III.,  see  Bufalini  (B). 

4  Now  the  Collegio  S.  Monica,  via  S.  Uffizio,  No.  1,  which, 
in  essentials,  is  fairly  well  preserved   (Cf.  Gnoli  in  the  Bull.  d. 


THE     VATICAN.  365 

Cesi,  in  1537,  this  building,  which  was  situated  on  the  left  side 
of  St.  Peter's,  near  the  city  wall,  came  into  the  hands  of  the  no 
less  aitistic  brother  of  Paolo,  Federigo  Cesi,  who  received  the 
purple  in  1544.  In  the  Cesi  gardens,  which  Heemskerck 
sketched,  and  which  every  cultivated  stranger  visited,  numer- 
ous antiquities  were  to  be  seen,  as,  for  instance,  the  Silenus, 
now  in  the  Villa  Albani,  and  the  two  statues  of  barbarians 
which  were  placed  in  the  Palace  of  the  Conservatori  in  1720. 
The  altered  arrangement  of  these  sculptures  which  was  made 
by  Federigo  Cesi,  is  explained  in  a  description  of  them  by  him, 
composed  in  1550.  Of  the  whole  collection,  the  most  import- 
ant private  one  at  the  time  of  Paul  III.,  after  that  of  the  Valle, 
only  a  few  unimportant  fragments  remain.1 

Fichard  describes  the  Papal  palace  at  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  the  Farnese  Pope  ;  he  emphasizes  its  great  extent,  for 
the  Vatican  consisted  of  a  series  of  palaces.  The  entrance  to 
it  was  in  the  form  of  a  terrace,  in  the  lower  part  of  which  the 
officials  lived  and  worked  ;  in  the  middle  storey,  officials  of  a 
higher  degree  resided,  among  them  a  few  Cardinals,  as,  for 
instance,  Nicholas  von  Schonberg,  in  the  reign  of  Paul  III. 
Fichard  extols  the  size  of  the  Vatican,  its  splendour,  and  its 
wealth  of  loggias,  apartments,  halls,  and  the  staircases  by 
which  one  could  ascend  to  the  top  floors.  As  the  objects  of 
chief  interest,  he  specially  mentions  the  Sixtine  Chapel,  the 
wonderfully  well-filled  library,  and  the  Belvedere,  incompar- 
able both  from  its  position  and  its  view,  with  Bramante's 
winding  staircase  and  the  celebrated  gallery  of  statues.2 

1st.  Germ.,  XX.,  276  seq.)  A  *brief  of  Paul  III.  to  the  Doge  of 
Venice,  of  January  2,  1546,  refers  to  the  collection  of  works  of 
art  belonging  to  Card.  Cesi,  and  speaks  of  a  legacy  of  coins  and  a 
statue  of  Scipio  Africanus  in  jasper,  of  which  the  cardinal  was 
robbed  by  a  legal  decision  (Arm.  41,  t.  35,  n.  10  Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican). 

1  See  Michaelis,  Rom.  Skizzenbiicher,  139  seq.  ;  Aldrovandi, 
122  seq.  ;  Hulsen-Egger,  I.,  14  seq.  ;  Hubner,  I.,  87  seq.  ; 
Burckhardt,  Beitrage,  559  seq.  Concerning  Rot's  visit  see 
Itin.  Rom.,  262. 

2  Fichard,  Italia,  47-49. 


366  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Fichard's  description  is  the  first  complete  and  well  arranged 
account  of  this  world-renowned  collection  of  ancient  remains. 
In  one  instance,  he  has  observed  with  even  closer  attention 
than  Ulisse  Aldrovandi,  whose  statistics,  drawn  up  in  1550, 
of  all  the  antiquities  contained  in  Rome,  is,  by  reason  of  its 
accuracy  and  reliability,  regarded  as  a  most  excellent  guide.1 
The  description  of  the  Frankfort  scholar  is  supplemented  by 
the  pen  and  ink  drawings  of  Heemskerck,2  while  a  picture  by 
Hendrik  van  Cleve,  now  in  the  Imperial  Picture  Gallery  in 
Vienna,  reproduces  the  grounds  of  the  Belvedere  and  its 
adornment  with  statues  in  1550. 3 

As  was  the  case  with  the  Capitoline  collection,  a  super- 
intendent was  also  appointed  for  the  Belvedere  by  Paul  III. 
The  magnificent  examples  of  sculpture  which  Julius  II.,  Leo 
X.,  and  Clement  VII.  had  collected  there,  the  Apollo,  Venus 
Felix,  Laocoon,  Cleopatra,  Tiber,  Nile,  Tigris,  and  torso  oi 
Hercules,  was  enriched  by  the  Farnese  Pope  with  only  one 
really  important  example,  the  statue  of  the  so-called  Antinous, 
found  in  a  garden  not  far  from  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo  in  1543, 
but  which  in  reality  represents  Hermes.  The  remaining 
antiquities,  as  numerous  as  they  were  valuable,  which  were 
discovered  during  the  long  reign  of  Paul  III.,  were  destined 
by  him  for  his  family  and  their  palace. 

Julius  III.  had  a  fountain  erected  in  the  vestibule  of  the 
Belvedere,  where  the  above-mentioned  Torso  now  stands, 
which  attained  a  great  celebrity,  and  which  formed  a  most 
effective  ending  to  the  long  corridor  of  Bramante.4  He  did  not 
enrich  the  collection  himself,  as  he  was  too  much  occupied 
with  the  decoration  of  the  Villa  Giulia.     In  spite  of  this,  how- 

1  Delle  statue  antiche,  che  per  tutta  Roma  in  diversi  luoghi  e 
case  si  vegono  di  Messer  ■  Ulisse  Aldroandi,  in  Lucio  Mauro,  Le 
Antichita  della  Citta  di  Roma,  Venetia  1562,  115  seq.  (appeared 
first  in  1556)  Cf.  Archaol.  zeitung  (1876),  151  seq.  ;  Burchardt 
Beitrage,  553  seq.  ;    Hubner,  I.,  29  seqq. 

2  See  Michaelis,  Gesch.  des  Statuenhofes  im  Belvedere,  33  ; 
Hubner,  I.,  78  seq. 

3  Egger,  Veduten,  33,  plate  46. 

4  Michaelis,  Statuenhof,  37-8. 


old    st.    peter's.  367 

ever,  the  gallery  of  statues  in  the  Belvedere  of  the  Vatican 
with  which  Ulisse  Aldrovandi  begins  his  well-known  descrip- 
tion of  the  antiquities  in  Rome,  was  the  most  important  of  all 
the  museums  of  ancient  remains. 

The  Vatican,  embellished  under  Paul  III.  by  the  gorgeous 
Sala  Regia  and  the  Capella  Paolina,  was  considered  the  largest 
and  most  beautiful  palace  in  the  world.  The  Venetian 
ambassador,  Mocenigo,  who  gives  this  opinion  in  1560,  com- 
pares it  to  a  small  town,  about  which  one  can  with  difficulty 
find  one's  way,  and  which  it  is  impossible  to  describe.1  It 
was,  however,  a  great  disadvantage  for  the  Papal  residence 
that  the  air  in  this  district  proved  unhealthy  in  summer.2 
Strangers  were  allowed  to  visit  the  Vatican  in  all  its  parts, 
with  that  liberality  which  most  of  the  Popes  displayed  ;  when 
Julius  III.  was  staying  at  his  villa,  people  were  even  allowed, 
under  the  guidance  of  an  official  of  the  court,  to  view  the 
magnificently   furnished   private   apartments   of   the    Pope.3 

The  Loggia  of  the  Benediction,  adjoining  St.  Peter's,  which 
was  begun  by  Pius  II.  and  completed  by  Julius  II.,  in  which 
the  Bull  In  Coena  Domini  was  read  on  Maundy  Thursday,  is 
erroneously  described  by  Fichard  as  the  palace  of  the  Rota, 
of  which  he,  as  a  lawyer,  gives  an  exhaustive  description.4 

The  Frankfort  scholar  gives  an  essentially  correct  description 
of  old  St.  Peter's,  with  its  five  long  aisles  ;  he  mentions  the 
broad  entrance  steps,  the  wide  square  vestibule  and  the  atrium, 
with  its  fountain  (Cantharus)  adorned  with  bronze  pine  cones 
and  gilded  peacocks.  There  were  also  fragments  of  ancient 
statues  here  at  that  time.  In  the  vestibule  of  this  venerable 
basilica  of  Constantine,  which  was  still  for  the  most  part 
standing,  the  marble  statue  of  St.  Peter,  now  in  the  crypt,  and 

1  Mocenigo- Alberi,  34. 

2  Navagero  emphasizes  this  in  his  *reports  of  August  15,  1556 
(St.  Mark's  Library,  Venice). 

3  See  Rot,  Itin.  Rom.,  258.  The  Castle  of  St.  Angelo  was  also 
then  to  be  visited  ;   Ibid.  262. 

4  Fichard,  Italia,  45-47.  He  has  mistaken  this  for  the  palace 
of  Innocent  VIII.,  which  lies  behind  it.  Concerning  the  "  Loggia 
della  Benedizione  "  see  Egger,  Veduten,  24. 


368  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Giotto's  Navicella,  attracted  his  particular  attention.  Of  the 
doors  which  led  into  the  interior  of  the  stately  building,  the 
one  to  the  extreme  right,  the  so-called  Porta  Santa,  was  only 
opened  in  years  of  Jubilee.  The  main  entrance,  with  the 
bronze  door,  by  Filarete,  caused  Fichard  to  fall  into  the  error 
of  providing  the  side  entrance  also  with  a  door  of  bronze, 
whereas,  in  reality,  it  only  had  a  carved  wooden  one,  the  work 
of  Fra  Antonio  di  Michele  da  Viterbo,1  placed  there  under 
Eugenius  IV. 

The  interior  of  the  place  of  burial  of  the  Princes  of  the 
Apostles,  made  holy  by  a  long  and  glorious  past,  with  its 
wealth  of  chapels,  altars,  mosaics,  frescoes  and  sepulchral 
monuments,  must  have  filled  every  visitor  with  astonishment 
and  admiration.  A  walk  to-day  through  the  crypts  of  St. 
Peter's  gives  some  idea  of  the  treasures  which  had  been  gathered 
together  there  in  the  course  of  the  centuries. 

The  basilica  formed  such  a  museum  of  the  history  of  the 
Church  and  of  art  as  the  world  had  never  seen.  Many  monu- 
ments had  been  repeatedly  changed  as  to  their  place.  For 
example,  Fichard  saw  the  tomb  of  the  Piccolomini  Pope,  of  such 
special  interest  to  every  German,  in  the  chapel  of  St.  Andrew, 
then  named  S.  Maria  della  Febbre.  Outside  this  hallowed 
spot,  in  the  left  hand  aisle  of  the  basilica,  were  the  confessionals 
of  the  seven  penitentiaries,  for  as  many  different  languages. 
Opposite,  on  the  right  hand  wall  of  the  church,  one  could  see 
Pollajuolo's  monument  of  Innocent  VIII.,  and  then  the  very 
neglected  resting  places  of  the  Medici  Popes,  Leo  X.  and 
Clement  VII.  On  the  same  side  was  also  the  celebrated  bronze 
seated  statue  of  St.  Peter,  which  Fichard  describes  as  indiffer- 
ent, but  a  very  ancient  work.  The  tomb  of  Pope  Nicholas  V., 
with  whose  accession  the  Renaissance  had  ascended  the  Papal 
throne,  he  declares  to  be  superb  ;  it  was  at  that  time  already 
within  the  area  of  the  still  unfinished  new  building.     The  Doric 

1  Fichard,  Italia,  43-44.  Cf.  Schmarsow  in  the  Repert.  fur 
Kunstwiss.,  XIV.,  132,  133  ;  see  also  Springer,  II.,  2nd  ed.,  364. 
See  also  the  description  of  the  time  of  Pius  IV.  by  O.  Panvinio  in 
Mai,  Spic.,  IX.,  367  seq. 


STATE     OF     THE     OLD     BASILICA.  369 

erection  at  the  Tomb  of  St.  Peter,  raised  under  Leo.  X.,  the 
Frankfort  jurist  compares  to  a  chapter  house,  because  the 
throne  of  the  Pope  and  the  seats  of  the  Cardinals  were  placed 
there.1 

The  days  of  the  old  basilica  were  numbered,  on  account  of 
the  new  building  begun  by  Julius  II.  Several  highly  interest- 
ing drawings  by  Heemskerck  give  us  an  idea  of  the  state  of  the 
work  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Paul  III.  ;  he  reproduces 
some  interesting  details  with  the  fidelity  and  conscientiousness 
peculiar  to  him.  Several  of  his  sketches  are  uncommonly 
plastic  in  their  effect.2  Specially  valuable  is  a  sketch  of  the 
old  and  new  St.  Peter's,  taken  from  the  south.  In  this  one 
sees  the  provisional  choir  of  the  new  building,  and  the  connect- 
ing structure  of  the  arches  of  the  south  tribune,  afterwards 
broken  up  ;  the  mighty  square  pillars,  with  the  south  and  east 
connecting  arches  ;  of  old  St.  Peter's  there  are,  first  of  all,  S. 
Maria  della  Febbre  and  the  Obelisk,  still  surmounted  with  a 
sphere,  which  stands  in  its  old  place  alongside  the  new  building, 
the  choir  chapel  of  Sixtus  IV.,  over  against  which  stands  the 
remaining  portion  of  the  nave  of  the  old  basilica,  the  front  part 
with  its  somewhat  projecting  gable,  and,  further  to  the  right, 
the  atrium,  shut  in  by  the  palace  of  the  arch-priest  and  by 
that  of  Innocent  VIII.,  and  dominated  by  the  Sixtine  Chapel 
and  the  top  storey  of  the  old  Vatican  palace.  Underneath, 
the  picturesque  Leonine  belfry  and  the  narrow  side  of  the 
western  galleries  belonging  to  the  Loggie  of  Raphael,  still  open 
at  that  date,  appear  the  Loggia  of  the  Benediction  and  the 
front  part  of  the  mighty  portico  of  Paul  II.,  with  the  entrance 
door  to  the  Vatican  erected  by  Innocent  VIII.,  and  close  to 
these  the  ramparts  from  which,  on  festivals,  the  trumpets  were 
sounded.     In  the  distance  one  can  see  the  long  stretched  out 

1  Fichard,  Italia,  43-44.  Heemskerck  sketched  the  tomb  of 
Innocent  VIII.  in  its  old  position  ;  see  Michaelis,  Rom.  Skizzen- 
biicher,  158. 

2  Geymuller,  Entwi'irfe,  324,  328,  plates  24  and  52.  Springer 
in  the  Jahrb.  der  Preuss.  Kunstsamml.,V.,  327,  seq.,  XII..  118  seq. ; 
Michaelis,  Rom.  Skizzenbucher,  136,  155,  163-4.  Egger, 
Vcduten,  29  seq.,  plates  29-34.     Hulsen-Euger,  I.,  6  seq.,  8  seq, 

VOL,    XIII,  24 


370  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

gallery  of  Bramante,  the  pinnacle-crowned  Belvedere,  and 
the  Nicchione  in  its  original  one-storeyed  form.1  The  great 
interest  taken  by  the  artist  in  the  new  building  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  he  made  quite  a  number  of  further  sketches  of  it. 
Vasari's  fresco  in  the  Cancelleria  shows  the  progress  made 
with  the  work  under  Paul  III.  We  can  learn  from  other 
sketches  made  about  the  year  1550,  the  state  it  had  reached 
at  the  end  of  the  reign  of  the  Farnese  Pope,  and  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  pontificate  of  Julius  III.2 

Fichard  praises  the  square  in  front  of  St.  Peter's  as  the  finest 
in  the  whole  city,3  although  it  was  then  only  half  as  large  as 
to-day  ;  the  obelisk  which  Sixtus  V.  placed  in  the  centre  was 
not  yet  in  position,  nor  were  the  two  fountains  or  the  mag- 
nificent colonnade  of  Bernini.  The  principal  adornment  of 
St.  Peter's  Square,  in  which  bull-fights  were  still  held  in  the 
time  of  Julius  III.,4  as  was  also  the  case  in  front  of  S.  Marco 
and  S.  Maria  in  Trastevere,  was  then  the  beautiful  fountain, 
begun  by  Innocent  VIII.  and  completed  by  Alexander  VI.5 
Rome  could  not  yet  point  to  those  incomparable  fountains 
which  were  later  on  such  a  feature  of  Roman  art.  Heemskerck 
has  also  drawn  St.  Peter's  Square  several  times,  showing  the 
front  part  of  the  old  building  and  the  Vatican.  One  of  these 
sketches,  lately  discovered  in  the  Court  library,  Vienna,  gives 
an  exceedingly  instructive  picture  of  the  unevenness  and 
difference  of  level  of  the  square.  One  can  see  very  clearly  in 
this  the  difference  between  the  steep  ascent  which  led  to  the 
Vatican,  and  the  gentler  slope  of  the  ground  towards  the 
external  flight  of  steps  of  the  basilica,  which  had  been  restored 
by  Pius  II.,  and  at  either  side  of  which  stood  the  statues  ot  the 
Princes  of  the  Apostles.6 

Under  Paul  III.  mercenaries7  guarded  the  entrance  to  the 

1  Egger,  Veduten,  29  seq.,  plate  29. 

2  Ibid.,  31  seq. 

3  Fichard,  Italia,  42. 

4  Cf.  Massarelli,  2ii,  213,  214. 

5  Cf.  Egger,  Veduten,  25. 

6  Ibid.  23  seq.,  plate  17. 

7  The  "  guarclia  tedescha  "  as  Fichard  calls  them  (p.  71). 


THE     RIONE     DI     PONTE.  37I 

Vatican  ;  these  were  first  replaced  by  the  Swiss  in  1548. 1  The 
Borgo  was  very  strictly  guarded  at  that  time  ;  Fichard  par- 
ticularly points  out  that  no  one  was  allowed  to  enter  by  the 
Porta  S.  Petri  who  had  not  permission  from  the  guard  of  the 
Castle  of  St.  Angelo.2  At  the  other  end  of  the  bridge  of  St. 
Angelo  the  statues  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  had  been  standing 
since  1530  as  the  guardians  of  the  Leonine  City.  It  was  only 
after  crossing  this  bridge  that  one  entered  the  actual  city. 

The  character  of  the  Rione  di  Ponte,  of  which  the  river  forms 
the  boundary  on  two  sides,  is  clearly  indicated  by  the  first 
great  palace  to  the  right  of  a  person  coming  from  the  Borgo. 
Here,  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber,  lived  the  noble  and  artistic 
banker,  Bindo  Altoviti,  the  friend  of  Raphael  and  Michael 
Angelo.3  Besides  the  banks  of  the  Florentines,  among  which 
that  of  Giovanni  Gaddi  was  pre-eminent,  there  were  also  Ger- 
man houses,  the  best  known  of  which  were  those  of  Fugger  and 
Welser.  Perino  del  Vaga  had  adorned  the  palace  of  the  Fugger 
with  mythological  frescoes.4 

As  Bufalini's  plan  very  clearly  shows,  the  streets  leading 
into  the  heart  of  the  city  from  the  residence  of  the  Head  of  the 
Church,  radiated  in  all  directions  from  the  Ponte  S.  Angelo. 
On  the  right  side  of  the  bridge,  one  came,  through  the  new  Via 
Paola,  to  the  national  church  of  the  Florentines,  built  by 
Jacopo  Sansovino,  past  which  the  longest  and  most  beautiful 
street5  in  Rome  at  that  time,  the  Via  Giulia6,  laid  out  under 
Julius  II.  by  Bramante,  and  improved  by  Paul  III.,  followed 
the  course  of  the  river  as  far  as  the  Ponte  Sisto.  To  the  left, 
the  street  called  after  the  prison  situated  there,  the  Tor  di 
Nona,7  also  running  parallel  to  the  Tiber,  formed  the  connec- 

1  See  Lutolf,  45  seq. 

2  Fichard,  Italia,  50. 

,  3  Cf.  Vol.  VIII.  of  this  work,  p.  120  seq. 

4  See  Schulte,  Fugger  I.,  201  seq.  ;   Schmidlin,  Anima,  242. 

5  So  Fichard  calls  it  p.  25. 

6  See  *Mandata  1539-1542,  p.  144  (State  Archives,  Rome). 

7  See  Corvisieri  in  the  Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom.,  I.,  118  ;  Baracconi, 
Rioni,  280  seq.  ;  Simon etti,  Vie,  105-6  ;  cf.  BERTOLOTri,  Le 
prigioni  di  Roma  nei  sec.  XVI. -XVI 1 1.,  Roma,  1890. 


372  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

tion  with  the  Corso  ;  it  divided  at  the  church  of  S.  Maria  in 
Posterula,  which  was  built  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  into  the 
Via  Sistina  or  del  Orso,  on  the  right,  which  led  into  the  Scrofa, 
and  on  the  left,  into  the  new  Via  della  Trinita  (later  Via  di  S. 
Lucia,  Monte  Brianzo,  Piazza  Nicosia,  Fontanella  di  Borghese 
and  Condotti),  which  intersected  the  Scrofa  and  Corso,1  and 
ended  in  the  then  unbuilt  piazza  below  the  convent  of  the 
Trinita  de'  Monti.  To  the  latter  one  ascended  by  a  steep  path, 
shaded  by  trees. 

Paul  III.  had  opened  out  another  new  street,  the  Via  di 
Panico,  more  towards  the  centre  of  the  city,  by  which  one 
could  reach  the  fortified  Palazzo  Orsini  on  Monte  Giordano, 
fiom  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo  ;  this  palace  was  inhabited  in 
1550  by  Cardinal  Ippolito  d'Este.2  From  the  said  street,  the 
very  busy  Via  di  Tor  Sanguigna,  afterwards  called  the  Via 
dei  Coronari,  from  the  numerous  dealers  in  rosaries,  branched 
off.3  This  busy  thoroughfare  of  Sixtus  IV.,  which,  to  this  day, 
affords  one  of  the  most  characteristic  street  scenes  in  Rome, 
with  its  beautiful,  but  unfortunately  neglected  palaces,  and 
its  little  Quattrocento  houses,  dating  from  the  time  of  the 
first  of  the  Rovere  Popes,  led  to  the  tower  of  the  Sanguigni 
and  to  the  Piazza  Navona. 

The  most  important  and  the  finest  link  between  the  city  and 
the  Vatican  was  the  celebrated  Canale  di  Ponte,4  which  owed 

1  At  this  spot  there  stood  in  the  time  of  Julius  III.  the  Croce 
della  Trinita,  often  mentioned  in  the  documents;  see  Tesorini 
12,  n.  1. 

2  See  Bufalini  (G.) 

3  The  lower  part  of  this  street  was  called  Via  dell'  Imagine  di 
Ponte  (see  Adinolfi,  Via  Sacra,  88)  after  a  picture  of  a  saint,  of 
which  Albertus  Serra  de  Monteferrato  had  the  architectural  frame- 
work renewed  by  Antonio  da  Sangallo  ;  see  Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom., 
XVII.,  445  n  ;   Simonetti,  Vie  44. 

4  See  Adinolfi,  Canale  di  Ponte,  3  and  46.  On  Bufalini's  plan 
the  street  is  marked  with  the  name  Forum  numulariorum 
banchii.  The  celebrated  Contrada  de'  Banchi  was  to  have  been 
saved,  according  to  the  original  plan  of  the  reconstructions,  but  it 
fell,  however,  in  1889,  when  so  many  other  objects  of  interest  in 


INUNDATIONS     OF     THE     TIBER.  373 

its  name  to  the  fact  that,  during  the  frequent  inundations,  it 
resembled  a  canal  in  the  city  of  the  lagoons.1  An  inscription 
which  has  survived  all  the  changes  of  the  centuries,  still 
reminds  us  of  the  inundation  of  1275.2  The  height  to  which 
the  Tiber  repeatedly  invaded  the  city  is  also  evident  from  the 
mark  on  the  church  of  the  Minerva  concerning  the  inundations 
in  the  years  1422,  1495  and  1530. 3  It  was  only  the  great 
inundations  that  were  commemorated  by  such  records,  for 
lesser  ones  took  place  every  few  years,  as  may  be  gathered 
from  the  reports  of  the  embassies.4  The  poorer  population 
in  the  parts  of  the  city  situated  close  to  the  Tiber,  suffered 
terribly  under  these  calamities.5 

In  the  Canale  di  Ponte  was  situated  the  Papal  Mint,  or  the 
Zecca,  erected  by  Antonio  da  Sangallo,  and  changed  by  Paul 
V.  into  the  Banco  di  S.  Spirit o,  from  which  comes  the  present 
name  of  Via  del  Banco  di  S.  Spirito.6  At  the  Zecca  the 
Canale  di  Ponte  branched  off  into  two  streets  :  to  the  left, 
the  Via  dei  Banchi  Nuovi,  with  its  continuation  to  the  palace 
of  the  Massimi,  leading  past  S.  Marco  and  forming  part  of  the 
celebrated  old  Via  Papale,  which  ended  at  the  Lateran  and 
thus  connected  the  two  principal  churches  in  Rome  ;7  to  the 

Rome  were  destroyed  under  the  new  government ;  cf.  Lanciani, 
Renaissance,  279. 

1  Another  street,  only  destroyed  with  the  Ghetto  in  1887,  was 
called  Fiumara  for  the  same  reason. 

2  For  the  inscription,  the  oldest  of  the  kind  existing  in  Rome, 
see  Gregorovius,  Gesch.  Roms.,  V.,  3rd  Ed.  147. 

3  See  Vol.  V.  of  this  work,  p.  476  seqq.,  and  Vol.  X.,  p.  354.  Cf. 
Berthier,  Minerve,  32. 

4  Concerning  the  great  inundations  in  March,  1559,  see  Ehrle, 
Roma  di  Giulio  III.,  24  ;  for  the  still  worse  one  of  September,  1559, 
see  Vol.  XIV.  of  this  work  ;  concerning  that  of  155 1,  see  Riv.  d. 
bibliot.,  XVII,  ;  96. 

5  See  Mocenigo-Alberi,  33. 

6  See  Adinolfi,  Canale,  32-3  ;    Rodocanachi,  Roma,  189. 

7  See  Adinolfi,  La  via  sacra  o  del  Papa,  Roma,  1865,  and 
Laterano  e  via  maggiore,  Roma,  1857.  Cf.  Reumont,  III.,  i,  439 
seq. 


374  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

right  of  the  Zecca  one  reached  the  Campo  di  Fiore  and  further 
on  the  Piazza  Giudea,  the  fortress  of  the  Savelli,  built  into  the 
Theatre  of  Marcellus,  and  the  foot  of  the  Capitoline  hill, 
through  the  Via  dei  Banchi  Vecchi  and  the  Via  del  Pellegrino,1 
laid  out  by  Sixtus  IV.  Fichard  says  that  these  central  streets 
were  the  most  celebrated  and  the  busiest  of  all,  and  that  one 
commercial  house  joined  on  to  another  there.2 

This  remark  of  the  Frankfort  traveller  is  confirmed  by  the 
plan  of  Bufalini  and  by  that  of  Ugo  Pinardo,  made  some  years 
later.  One  can  see  clearly  from  these  how  the  whole  life  of 
the  city  thronged  to  the  quarter  nearest  to  the  Bridge  of  St. 
Angelo,  the  highway  to  the  Vatican.3  All  the  rich  merchants 
and  bankers,  many  distinguished  prelates  and  artists,  as  well 
as  countless  rich  "  cortegiane,"  lived  there.  In  this  neighbour- 
hood the  real  centre  of  life  in  the  age  of  the  Renaissance,  with 
all  its  splendour  and  all  its  corruption,  was  to  be  found.4  Here 
also  were  the  much  frequented  inns,  such  as  the  Albergo  del 
Leone,  in  the  Via  Tor  di  Nona,  and  a  little  further  on,  the 
Albergo  dell'  Orso.  This  mediaeval  brick  building,  in  the 
round  arches  and  ornamentation  of  which  an  old-world  element 
makes  itself  felt,  is  still  in  existence,  and,  although  much 
mutilated  and  re-built,  still  serves  as  an  inn.5     Not  far  from 


1  At  the  beginning  of  the  Via  del  Pellegrino  a  secondary  street, 
the  Via  di  Monserrato,  branched  or!  to  the  right  of  anyone  coming 
from  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  which  led  across  the  Piazza  Farnese 
and  the  Piazza  Spada,  through  the  Via  Regola  and  Via  Fiumara 
to  the  Ponte  Quattro  Capi. 

2  Fichard,  24. 

3  See  Rocchi,  Piante  iconogr.,  47  ;   cf.  Baracconi,  121. 

4  Concerning  the  scandalous  behaviour  of  the  "  cortegiane,"  as 
prostitutes  were  then  called,  and  who  even  carried  on  their  trade 
in  the  churches,  see,  in  addition  to  Vol.  V.  of  this  work,  129  seq., 
Tacchi  Venturi,  I.,  182,  and  Calvi  in  the  Nuova  Antologia,  CLII. 

(1909),  597  sea> 

5  See  the  article,  Un  albergo  del  Quattrocento,  in  the  publication 
"  Emporium,"  XXIII.  (1906),  72-73.  In  1554,  the  Salem  monk 
M.  Rot  put  up  here  ;  see  his  Itin.  Rom.  248.  Cf.  also  Noack.  Das 
deutsche  Rom.,  52-53. 


PALACES     IN     THE     RIONE     DI     PONTE.         375 

the  Albergo  dell'  Orso,  the  maestro  di  camera  of  Julius  III., 
Giovan  Battista  Galletti,  had  his  dwelling,  which  was  richly 
adorned  with  antiques.1 

For  the  great  personages  who  lived  crowded  together  in  the 
Rione  di  Ponte,  distinguished  artists  of  the  Renaissance  created 
palaces  in  the  maze  of  traffic-filled  streets  of  this  Quattrocento 
quarter,  mostly  on  narrow  and  irregular  foundations,  but 
which  were  distinguished  by  their  splendour  and  stately 
magnificence,  and  contained  countless  precious  antiques,  as 
did  almost  all  the  houses  of  the  upper  classes.2  Only  too 
many  of  these  buildings,  such  as  the  great  Palazzo  Altoviti,  and 
the  elegant  house  of  the  Bini,3  have  been  completely  destroyed. 
Others,  as,  for  instance,  the  one  time  cardinalitial  palace  of 
Alexander  VI.,  which,  in  the  time  of  Paul  III.,  was  inhabited 
first  by  Cardinal  Antonio  Pucci  and  then  by  Guido  Ascanio 
Sforza,4  the  so-called  old  Cancelleria  (now  the  Palazzo  Sforza- 
Cesarini)  have  been  disfigured  by  alterations.  Nevertheless, 
we  can  still  admire  in  their  original  beauty,  the  picturesque 
Palazzo  Alberini-Cicciaporci,  a  characteristic  building  of 
Giulio  Romano,  and  the  masterpiece  of  Jacopo  Sansovino,  the 
Palazzo  Niccolini-Amici,  originally  erected  for  the  banker, 
Giovanni  Gaddi,  who  made  it  a  centre  for  the  artists  and 
humanists  of  the  time.5  In  the  Via  Giulia,  the  severe  palatial 
dwelling  (now  the  Palazzo  Sachetti)  of  the  artistic  Cardinal 

1  Cf.  Aldrovandi,  186  seq.  ;  Hubner,  I.,  100.  The  treasurer  of 
Julius  III.,  Francesco  d'Aspera,  who  was  also  a  collector  of 
antiques,  lived  near  S.  Macuto  ;   cf.  Bufalini,  ed.  Ehrle,  43. 

2  Aldrovandi  knew  of  above  a  hundred  such  houses.  There 
was  no  palace  of  importance  in  which  several  antique  statues, 
busts,  reliefs   or  inscriptions  were  not   to   be    found.     Hubner, 

I-,    74- 

3  Cf.  Vol.  VIII.  of  this  work,  p.  120  seq.  ;  see  also  Lanciani, 
Renaissance,  276,  286  ;   Rodocanachi,  Rome,  233. 

4  The  Pucci  palace  is  noted  on  the  panorama  of  Heemskerck  (see 
de  Rossi,  Panorama,  12),  G.  A.  Sforza  on  Bufalini's  plan  (G.) 

5  Cf.  Letarouilly,  I.,  14  ;  Adinolfi,  Canale,  44  seq.  ;  Barac- 
coni,  Rioni,  269. 


376  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Ricci,1  where  Benvenuto  Cellini,  and,  after  1542,  Costanza 
Farnese2  lived,  is  still  to.  be  seen. 

The  dwellings  of  the  Quattrocento,  which  for  the  most  part 
had  only  two  windows  on  each  storey  and  a  loggia  above,3 
are  still  generally  recognizable  by  the  fine  and  elegantly 
executed  doorways  and  windows.  Not  only  were  the  arms  of 
the  owner  introduced  here,  but  also  his  name  and  a  motto. 
Thus  one  can  see  on  the  house  of  the  architect,  Prospero 
Mochi,  in  the  Via  dei  Coronari  (No.  148)4  over  the  windows  of 
the  first  floor,  the  name  of  the  owner,  and  over  the  doorway, 
the  words  :  Tua  puta  que  tute  facts  (Thy  deeds  alone  are  thy 
property).  The  palace  of  Cardinal  Domenico  della  Rovere 
(now  the  Palazzo  de'  Penitenzieri)  has  retained  the  name  of 
this  prince  of  the  Church  over  the  windows  of  the  first  floor, 
and  over  those  of  the  second  floor,  his  "  Impresa,"  Soli  Deo, 
which  also  appears  in  his  Chapel  in  S.  Maria  del  Popolo.  For- 
eigners also  copied  this  custom  of  thus  distinguishing  their 
dwellings.  An  example  of  this  is  afforded  by  the  house  of  the 
Spanish  family  of  Vaca,  in  the  Via  della  Vignaccia  (now  del 
Parlamento  No.  60)  :  over  the  doorway  the  name  of  the  family 
is  inscribed,  and  underneath  the  verse  :  Ossa  et  opes  tandem 
partas  tibi  Roma  relinquam  (My  bones  and  my  wealth  I  shall 
at  last  leave  to  thee,  O  Rome). 

Since  the  time  of  Leo  X.,  the  exterior  of  the  houses  of  the 
better  classes  had  been  tastefully  decorated  with  "  sgraffiti  " 
and  frescoes  in  one  tone,  a  form  of  decoration  the  fame  of 
which  reached  as  far  as  Poland,  and  was  largely  used  there. 
Raphael's  pupils,  Giovanni  da  Udine,  Perino  del  Vaga, 
Polidoro  da  Caravaggio,   Maturino  and  others  produced  ex- 

1  Now  Via  Giulia  No.  66 ;  cf.  Vasari,  V.,  466.,  489  seq.  ; 
Letarouilly,  I.,  92  ;  Clausse,  II.,  389  seq.  ;  Callari  90,  seq. 
Riegl,  Barackkunst,  72  ;  Lanciani,  III.,  107  ;  Hulsen,  II  libro 
di  Giuliano  S.  Gallo,  V.  ;  Gnoli,  Roma,  171  and  Bollett.  d'Arte, 
V.  (1911),  201  seq.  ;  VI.  (1912)   12. 

2  Cf.  Massarelli  in  Merkle,  I.,  145  ;   Lanciani,  Scavi,  II.,  152. 

3  Cf.  Gnoli,  Roma,  156. 

4  Built  by  Pietro  Roselli ;  see  Gnoli  in  Associaz.  art.  fra  i 
cultori  di  architettura  A.,  1910-1911,  Bergamo,  1912,  70  seq. 


EXTERNAL     DECORATION.  377 

quisite  works  of  this  kind,  which  have,  unfortunately,  almost 
all  gone  to  ruin,  or  been  defaced  until  they  are  unrecognizable. 
Thus  a  frieze,  which  Caravaggio  and  Maturino  painted,  show- 
ing the  history  of  Niobe,  on  a  palace  in  the  Via  della  Maschera 
d'Oro,  can  hardly  be  made  out.  Similar  work  on  a  house  in 
the  Vicolo  del  Campanile  near  S.  Maria  Traspontina,  is  in  a 
better  state  of  preservation,  but  that  in  the  Vicolo  Calabraga 
(now  Cellini)  is  almost  faded,  while  that  on  that  most  interesting 
dwelling  of  the  procurator  of  the  Anima,  Johann  Sander  (Via 
del  Anima  No.  65)  has  been  painted  over  and  altered.  The 
frescoes  on  the  Palazzo  Ricci  give  us  to-day  the  best  idea  of 
this  beautiful  street  decoration.1 

Giovanni  da  Udine  had  in  the  time  of  the  first  Medici  Pope, 
decorated  the  palace  of  Giovan  Battista  Branconio  dell' 
Aquila  with  stucco,  while  in  other  cases  they  used  terra 
cotta  for  decoration.2  Since  the  time  of  Paul  III.  it  had 
become  more  and  more  the  custom  to  adorn  the  houses  with 
stucco,  paintings,  reliefs  and  statues.  An  outstanding  ex- 
ample of  this  is  afforded,  in  addition  to  the  Palazzo  Capodi- 
ferro  (now  Spada)  by  the  still  excellently  preserved  house  of 
the  celebrated  goldsmith,  Gianpietro  Crivelli  ;3    this  is  situated 

1  Cf.  Maccari,  Saggio  di  archit.  e  race,  di  decoraz.,  Roma,  1867  ; 
Letarouilly,  I.,  no  ;  Rassegnad'Arte,  V.,  97-98  ;  Gnoli,  Roma, 
159  seqq.  164,  seqq. ;  Rodocanachi,  Rome,  305  seq.  and  plate  39  ; 
Hirschfeld,  Zur  Geschichte  der  Fassadenmalerei  in  Rome, 
Halle,  191 1.  The  house  on  the  Via  Maschera  d'Oro  is  now  No.  7, 
that  in  the  Vicolo  del  Campanile  is  No.  5,  and  that  in  the  Vicolo 
Cellini  in  No.  31.  Concerning  the  house  of  Sander,  the  court- 
yard of  which  is  reproduced  in  Noack,  Das  Deutsche  Rom,  21, 
Dr.  K.  H.  Schafer  is  preparing  a  special  and  richly  illustrated 
work. 

2  The  few  remains  of  such  ornamentation  which  are  still  in 
existence  are  cited  by  Gnoli,  Roma,  165  seq.  A  reproduction 
of  the  remains  on  the  house  in  the  Via  Arco  de'  Ginnasi  No.  23,  in 
Stettiner,  434. 

3  Via  dei  Banchi  Vecchi,  Nos.  22-24.  Cf.  Letarouilly,  I., 
99  ;  Gnoli  in  the  Arch.  d'Arte,  VI.  (1893),  236,  287  seq.  Another 
house  with  stucco  decoration,  and  with  the  arms  of  Paul  III.,  is 
in  the  Via  Giulia,  No.  93. 


37$  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

in  the  Rione  di  Ponte,  not  far  from  the  old  confraternity 
Church  of  S.  Lucia  del  Gonf alone.  Here  one  can  see  repre- 
sentations of  ancient  armour,  trophies,  coats  of  arms,  lions' 
heads,  genii,  garlands  of  fruit  and  other  ornamentation.  Of 
special  interest  are  the  two  bas-reliefs,  which  represent  two 
events  in  the  reign  of  Paul  III.  :  the  reception  of  Charles  V. 
in  Rome,  and  the  conclusion  of  peace  at  Nice.  Crivelli  dis- 
tinguished himself  by  his  great  generosity,  and  when  the 
Franciscan,  Giovanni  da  Calvi,  founded  a  Monte  di  Pieta, 
to  combat  the  usury  which  was  one  of  the  great  plagues  of 
the  Renaissance  period,  and  which  was  not  practised  by  the 
Jews  alone,  he  gave  the  institution,  at  that  time  quite  small, 
but  always  growing,  accomodation  in  his  house.1 

If  the  Rione  di  Ponte  was  especially  the  home  of  the  bankers 
and  business  men,  the  Rione  di  Parione2  was  the  quarter  of 
the  prelates,  courtiers,  notaries,  booksellers,  coypists,  archeo- 
logists  and  humanists.  This  quarter  contained  three  open 
spaces  in  the  Middle  Ages,  of  which  the  Piazza  Parione,  near 
the  Church  of  S.  Tommaso,  had  been  built  over  since  the 
XlVth  century,3  while  the  two  others,  the  Campo  di  Fiore 
and  the  Piazza  Navona,  are  still  in  existence.  Cardinal 
Estouteville  had  removed  the  market  in  1477  from  the  Piazza 
of  the  Capitol  to  the  Piazza  Navona.4  Every  Wednesday, 
as  Fichard  expressly  testifies,  the  special  market  for  clothing, 
cloth,  arms  and  other  objects,  which  is  now  held  in  the  Campo 
di  Fiore,  was  held  in  this  open  space.     At  carnival  time  the 

1  Cf.  Tamilia,  II  s.  Monte  di  Pieta,  di  Roma,  1900,  24  seq.,  101 
seq.  Ibid.  31  seqq.,  concerning  the  procession  introduced  by 
Julius  III.,  which  took  place  on  the  3rd  of  May  every  year,  and 
was  partially  a  charitable  festival. 

2  The  name,  according  to  Lohninger  (S.  Maria  dell'  Anima, 
Rome  1904-3),  come  from  the  Parione  family. 

3  From  the  documents  of  the  Archives  of  the  Anima,  it  is 
evident  that  numerous  ruins  of  antiquity  existed  in  that  neigh- 
bourhood, which  the  members  of  the  Curia  bought  in  order  to  use 
them  as  building  material  for  their  houses.  (Information  kindly 
given  me  by  the  rector,  Mgr.  Lohninger). 

4  See  Capogrossi  Guarna,  I  mercati  di  Roma,  Roma,  1873. 


RIONE     DI     PARIONE.  379 

former  circus  of  Domitian  was  the  scene  of  the  most  brilliant 
pageants  and  processions  (festa  di  Agone),  which  attracted 
curious  spectators  from  all  parts.1 

On  one  side  of  the  Piazza  Navona  was  to  be  seen  the  Spanish 
national  church  of  S.  Giacomo,  while  on  the  other  side  arose, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  German  national  church,  S. 
Maria  dell'  Anima,  the  extensive  palace  which  had  come  into 
the  possession  of  Cardinal  de  Cupis,  in  which  the  once  powerful 
but  afterwards  so  unfortunate  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  had 
lived.2 

South  of  the  Tor  Millina,  on  which,  with  its  pinnacle  adorned 
with  sgraffiti,  one  could  still  read  the  name  of  the  family,3 
Cardinal  Oliviero  Carafa  had  caused  to  be  erected  the  statue 
of  Pasquino  which  was  the  distinguishing  symbol  of  this 
Rione.  Near  the  Pasquino,  which  was  regarded  by  artists 
as  one  of  the  most  exquisite  examples  of  sculpture,  rose  the 
palace  which  the  artistic  Cardinal  Antonio  del  Monte,  uncle  to 
Julius  III.,  had  had  built  for  himself.4  According  to  Bufalini's 
plan  of  the  city,  the  influential  Cardinal  Alvarez  de  Toledo5 
also  lived  in  this  neighbourhood.     In  the  Via  Parione  the 

1  Cf.  Vol.  XI.  of  this  work,  351  seq. 

2  It  is  evident  from  the  plan  of  Bufalini  (G)  that  de  Cupis  not 
only  possessed  the  old  palace  of  A. Sforza  {cf.  Nuova  Antologia, 
Ser.  3,  XLIII  [1893],  434),  the  Piazza  Navona,  Nos.  33  to  40,  and 
the  Via  dell'Anima,  Nos.  1  to  11,  but  also  the  house  of  Eck,  Via 
dell' Anima,  Nos.  15-18,  and  Piazza  Navona,  Nos.  28-29,  as  well  as 
the  two  houses  adjoining,  on  the  south,  Via  dell'Anima  Nos.  12  to 
14,  and  Piazza  Navona,  Nos.  30  to  32,  which  belonged  to  the 
Anima.  De  Cupis  wished  to  appropriate  these  "  vigore  bullae 
Sixti  IV  "  but  did  not  succeed  in  doing  so.  On  June  3,  1520, 
"  litibus  cessit."  The  Anima  then  rented  both  houses  to  the 
sister  of  de  Cupis,  Francesca  de  Cupis  (uxor  Angeli  de  Bubalis)  and 
her  son  Cristoforo,  first  for  two  years,  and  later  '  ad  locationem 
perpetuam  "  ;  in  1545  they  were  sold  (Archives  of  the  Anima, 
Rome). 

3  Cf.  G.  B.  Giovenale  in  the  Annuario,  1909-1911,  Roma,  191 1, 
127  seq.  of  the  Accademia  di  S.  Luca. 

4  See  Vasari,  V.,  452  seq.  ;   Tesoroni,  39. n. 

5  Bufalini  (H). 


380  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

business  house  of  Antoine  Lafrery  was  to  be  found,  which, 
until  the  time  of  Gregory  XIII.,  was  the  chief  centre  of  Roman 
copper-plate  engraving.1  South-west  from  the  Via  Parione 
was  situated  the  Pozzo  Bianco  (Puteus  Albus)  which  gave 
its  name  to  the  church  of  Our  Lady  there.  This  fountain, 
which  is  to-day  on  the  Janiculum,  near  Tasso's  Oak,  plays, 
like  the  Chiavica  di  S.  Lucia,  an  important  part  in  the  docu- 
ments of  the  XVth  century,  as  a  topographical  designation  of 
the  district.  The  appearance  of  this  neighbourhood  was 
afterwards  completely  changed  by  the  erection  of  the  mag- 
nificent church  of  the  Oratorians,  founded  by  St.  Philip 
Neri. 

The  Rione  di  Parione  was  especially  rich  in  remarkable 
buildings,  which,  even  though  they  are,  to  a  great  extent, 
changed,  and  very  much  neglected,  are  still  capable  of  arousing 
the  special  interest  of  the  lover  of  arts.  In  the  Via  Parione 
the  portal  of  a  palace  erected  in  1475,  and  still  adorned  with 
the  arms  of  the  family,  reminds  us  of  Cardinal  Stefano  Nardini ; 
in  the  time  of  Julius  III.,  the  administration  of  the  "  Mons 
Julii  "  had  its  quarters  here.2  This  building,  greatly  neglected 
at  the  present  day,  was  afterwards  the  residence  of  the 
"  Governatore  "  and  therefore  received  the  name  of  Governo 
Vecchio,  after  which  the  street  is  also  named.3  .  The  residence 
of  Cardinal  Cortese  adjoined  the  back  of  this  palace.  In  this 
building,  which  is  still  in  existence,  was  the  original  home  of 
the  hospital  of  the  Germans  of  Siebenbiirgen.  It  became 
in  1533,  by  the  presentation  of  Rosa  of  Siebenbiirgen,  the 
property  of  the  German  national  church,  S.  Maria  dell'  Anima, 
by  which  it  was  sold  in  1542  to  Cardinal  Cortese.4 

1  See  Ehrle,  Pianta  di  Roma  del  1557,  n  seq.  ;  cf.  Repert.  fin* 
Knnstwissenschaft,  XXXIII.,  402  seq. 

2  This  is  evident  from  Bufalini  (G). 

3  Concerning  the  palace  see  Ferri,  22  seq.  and  Callari,  42  seq.  ; 
cf.  Letarouilly,  I.,  19.  Description  of  the  beautiful  doorway 
and  the  characteristic  hall  in  Stettiner,  424-425. 

4  The  donation  of  Rosa  took  place  on  April  19,  1533,  the  sale  to 
Cardinal  Cortese  on  August  21,  1542  (Archives  of  the  Anima, 
Rome) . 


THE     CANCELLERIA.  381 

Cardinal  Medici,  afterwards  Pius  IV.,1  resided  in  1552  in 
the  palace  of  Cardinal  Fieschi,  later  called  the  Palazzo  Sora  ; 
the  elegant  residences  of  the  Pichi2  and  Caccialupi3  families, 
as  well  as  those  of  the  prelates,  Turci4  and  Thomas  le  Roy,5 
are  equally  well  preserved.  All  these  were,  however,  sur- 
passed in  beauty  by  the  Palazzo  Massimo  alle  Colonne  and 
the  Cancelleria. 

The  Cancelleria  was,  until  the  completion  of  the  Palazzo 
Farnese,  which  does  not  appear  in  Heemskerck's  panorama, 
the  largest  and  most  splendid  building  of  the  new  Rome.6 
Here  the  powerful  and  gifted  nephew  of  Paul  III.,  Ales- 
sandro  Farnese,  had  his  residence,  and  through  him  it  became, 
as  well  as  the  Vatican,  a  centre  of  diplomatic,  literary  and 
artistic  life.  By  the  side  of  this  enormous  erection,  which, 
in  the  time  of  Julius  III.,  was  still  called  after  its  founder, 
Cardinal  Riario,7  numerous  small  houses  had  been  erected. 
The  old  basilica  of  S.  Lorenzo  in  Damaso,  which  had  been 
incorporated  in  the  Cancelleria,  was  celebrated,  at  the  time 
of  Fichard's  visit,  for  the  masses  of  the  great  composers  which 
were  sung  there  daily.8 

1  See  Rodocanachi,  Rome,  31.  Concerning  the  palace  (now 
Liceo  Terenzio  Mamiani)  see  Letarouilly,  I.,  195  ;  Callari, 
38  seq.  ;    Gonli,  Roma,  163. 

2  Piazza  Pollarola  No.  43  ;  cf.  Callari,  327  seq.  and  Gnoli,  op. 
cit.,  279,  n.  5. 

3  Vicolo  Savelli  Nos.  44-54.  Over  the  beautiful  portal  one  can 
see  "  Johannes  Caccialupus."  For  the  adornment  of  the  house  with 
pictures,  tapestries  and  statues  see  Arch.  stor.  Lomb.,  XX.,  89  seq. 

4  This  house,  erected  in  1500,  now  Via  Governo  Vecchio  No.  124, 
still  bears  the  coat  of  arms,  and  on  the  pediment  of  the  first  floor, 
the  inscription  of  the  owner  ;  see  Letarouilly,  I.,  13  ;  Belli, 
Case  abit,  in  Roma  da  uomini  illustri,  Roma,  1850,  54. 

5  Cf.  Vol.  VIII.  of  this  work,  p.  115. 

6  "  Omnium  vero  magnificentissimum  et  amplissimum  palatium 
s.  Georgii,"  says  Fichard,  Italia,  23,  Concerning  the  Cancelleria 
cf.  Vol.  VI.  of  this  work,  p.  179  ;   and  Rodocanachi,    28-29. 

7  See  Bufalini  (H). 

8  Fichard,  Italia,  23-25. 


382  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

In  the  old  Palazzo  Massimo,  in  the  back  part  of  which 
Germans  had  worked  as  the  first  printers  in  Rome,1  the  num- 
erous bookshelves  still  retained  there  in  the  time  of  Paul  III. 
were  a  reminder  of  the  days  when  scholais  used  to  assemble 
there  to  interchange  their  views.2  The  original  residence  of 
this  ancient  family  had  been  destroyed  in  the  Sack,  but  in 
1535  Baldassare  Peruzzi  built  a  new  palace  for  Pietro  Massimo, 
a  truly  great  work,  and  wonderfully  made  to  fit  in  with  the 
curve  of  the  then  narrow  street.  The  work  of  the  artist 
could,  it  is  true,  only  be  fully  appreciated  by  one  who  was 
familiar  with  the  former  conditions,  but  even  to-day  everyone 
can  take  pleasure  in  the  pillared  courtyard,  which,  with  its 
little  fountain,  and  the  glimpse  of  the  staircase  and  the  loggia 
on  the  first  floor,  makes  a  particularly  beautiful  and  pictur- 
esque whole.  All  the  details  of  this  noble  building  belong 
to  the  best  period  of  the  Golden  Age.3 

In  the  Rione  di  Parione  were  also  the  houses  of  the  Galli 
and  the  Sassi,  celebrated  for  their  collections  of  antiques. 
Heemskerck  in  1535  made  pen  and  ink  sketches  of  the  galleries 
of  both  and  of  the  statues  placed  there.  One  can  see  from 
these  sketches  that  the  Sassi  still  possessed  the  statues  which 
came  into  the  possession  of  the  Farnese  in  1546,  the  Venus 
Genetrix,  the  Apollo  and  the  Icarios  relief  which  went  to 
Naples,  as  well  as  the  Hermes  which  is  now  in  the  British 
Museum.  In  the  Casa  Galli,  which  was  on  the  north  side 
of  the  Piazza  della  Cancelleria,  could  be  seen,  among  the 
statues  and  sarcophagi,  the  Bacchus  of  Michael  Angelo.4 

1  Description  in  Noack,  Das  deutsche  Rom,  60. 

2  Fichard,  Italia,  24. 

3  Cf.  Burckhardt,  Geschichte  der  Renaissance,  52,  104,  106, 
205,    298,    323  ;     Ebe,    I.,    25   seqq.  ;     Riegl,    Barockkunst,    69 ; 

RODOCANACHI,   204  \     HtJBNER,    I.,    IO4. 

4  See  Springer  in  the  Jahrb.  der  Preuss.  Kunstsamml.,  V.,  327, 
330  seqq.  Michaelis,  Rom.  Skizzenbiicher,  141,  153,  170  ; 
Hubner,  I.,  100,  114  ;  Hulsen-Egger,  I.,  16  seq.,  39  seq.,  42  seq. 
Cf.  Rocchi,  253  seqq.,  especially  concerning  the  Casa  Sassi ;  Arch. 
d.  Soc.  Rom.,  XX.,  479  seqq.  ;  Hulsen-Egger,  I.,  42  seq.  Some 
remains  of  the  old  house  are  still  in  existence  in  the  new  building 
erected  in  1867,  Via  del  Governo  Vecchio    No.  48. 


THE     CAMPO     DI     FIORE.  383 

The  second  great  open  space  of  the  Rione  di  Parione  was 
the  Campo  di  Fiore,  laid  out  by  Sixtus  IV.,  which  was  bounded 
on  the  south-west  by  the  Rione  della  Regola.  From  its 
central  position  between  this  mediaeval  part  of  Rome,  which 
stretched  along  the  Tiber,  and  the  quarters  of  Parione  and 
Ponte,  in  which  the  life  of  the  city  pulsated  during  the  Ren- 
aissance period,  it  represented  the  actual  Forum  of  Rome. 
The  Papal  Bulls  were  affixed  there,  the  regulations  of  the 
Governatore  published,  executions  carried  out,  and  the  horse 
market  held.1  On  the  south-eastern  part  of  this  open  space 
the  nephew  of  Eugenius  IV.,  Cardinal  Francesco  Condulmero, 
had  built  a  large  palace  on  the  ruins  of  Pompey's  Theatre, 
which  later  came  into  the  hands  of  the  Orsini,  who  let  it  to 
members  of  the  Sacred  College  ;  at  the  time  of  Julius  III., 
Cardinal  Francisco  de  Mendoza2  lived  there.  Behind  this 
palace  (now  the  Palazzo  Pio)  there  are  two  old  churches,  S. 
Barbara  and  S.  Maria  "  in  Grotta  Pinta."  North  of  S.  Maria 
was  the  confraternity  church  of  the  German  bakers,  S.  Elis- 
abetta,3  only  recently  destroyed. 

In  consequence  of  the  busy  traffic  which  centied  in 
the  Campo  di  Fiore,  numerous  vaulted  shops  and  inns 
were  to  be  found.  The  celebrated  publishers,  Antonio  Blado 
and  Antonio  Salamanca  had  their  business  premises  there.4 
Of  the  inns,  one,  the  Albergo  della  Vacca,  was  part  of  the 
extensive  property  of  Vannozza  de'  Catanei,  known  from  the 
history  of  Alexander  VI.,  who  also  had  houses  let  to  inn- 
keepers in  other  places.5     To  this  day,  a  Quattrocento  building 

1  Cf.  Fichard,  Italia,  25  ;  Gnoli,  Roma,  183  ;  Rodocanachi, 
Rome,  31  ;  see  also  Vol.  VIII.  of  this  work,  p.  131  seq. 

2  Bufalini  (H)  ;    cf.  Rodocanachi,  Rome,  31. 

3  See  de  Waal,  Campo  Santo,  179  seq. 

4  See  Gori,  Archivio  IV.,  225.  Cf.  concerning  A.  Blado,  Riv. 
Europ.,  XXII.  (1880),  16  seq.  ;  Giom.  stor.  d.  lett.  Ital.,  XXIII., 
307,  328  ;  concerning  Salamanca  see  Repert.  fur  Kunstwisscn- 
schaft,  XXXIII.,  402  seq. 

5  Cf.  Adinolfi,  Canale  di  Ponte,  13  seq.  ;  Imteri,  S.  Maria  della 
Consolazione,  74  ;  Rodocanachi,  Rome,  257  ;  see  also  Fok- 
cella,  VIII.,  520. 


384  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

close  to  the  Campo  di  Fiore,  in  the  Vicolo  del  Gallo  (Nos. 
12-13)  at  the  corner  of  the  Via  de'  Cappellari,  bears  the  name 
Casa  di  Vannozza.  That  it  belonged  to  her  is  clear  from  the 
fact  that  the  marble  coat  of  arms  affixed  to  the  front  of  the 
house  shows  the  bull  of  the  Borgias.  It  has  been  believed 
up  till  now  that  this  building,  which  has  been  preserved  with 
only  trifling  alterations,  is  the  Bell  Inn,  which  in  accordance 
with  the  journal  of  Burchard,  was  in  the  later  years  of  the 
XVth  century,  the  temporary  lodging  of  German  princes. 
The  documents  in  the  archives  of  the  Anima,  however,  show 
that  this  house  belonged  to  the  Valle,  who  let  it  in  1479  to  the 
German  innkeeper  Johannes  Teufel,  whom  the  Italians  euphe- 
mistically named  Angelo  ;  two  years  later  this  man  bought 
part  of  the  building.1  The  celebrated  Bell  Inn,  which  was  a 
favourite  meeting  place  of  the  Germans  in  Rome,2  was,  there- 
fore not  the  house  of  Vannozza,  but  was  alongside  it  in  the 
Via  de'  Cappellari.  Other  Germans  carried  on  the  profitable 
business  of  innkeeping  in  Rome  during  the  Cinquecento  ; 
in  the  Borgo  there  were,  as  early  as  the  time  of  Eugenius  IV., 
more  than  sixty  German  inns  and  eating  houses.3 

The  Albergo  del  Sole,  as  well  as  the  Bell,  had  a  great  reputa- 
tion in  the  XVth  century,  and,  although  much  altered,  it  still 
exists  at  the  present  day  in  the  Via  di  Biscione  (Nos.  73-76). 
No  one  now  dreams  that  this  ordinary  looking  building,  with 
the  deep  arched  entrance  and  dark  picturesque  courtyard 
was  once  a  hotel  for  foreigners  of  the  first  rank,  in  which  the 
ambassador  of  France  was  lodged  in  1489. 4  It  is  situated 
where  the  poultry  market  (Piazza  Pollarola)  adjoins  the  Via 
di  Biscione  ;  here  the  palace  of  the  Pichi  may  be  recognized 
by  a  fine  doorway  bearing  the  name  of  the  builder.     The 

1  In  1525  the  house  came  into  the  possession  of  the  Anima  ;  see 
Nagl-Lang,  Mitteil,  aus  dem  Archiv.  des  deutsch,  National- 
hospizes,  Rom.,  1899,  207  ;   Schmidlin,  Anima,  107  seq. 

2  Noack  (Das  deutsches  Rom,  51),  gives  an  illustration  of  the 
house  of  Vanozza,  but  identifies  it,  as  do  all  the  others,  as  the  Bell 
Inn. 

3  See  Muratori,  Script.,  III.,  2,  878  ;   Gregorovius,  VII.2,  696. 

4  Ibid,  VII.2,  705  ;   Rodocanachi,  Rome,  258, 


THE     RIONE     DELIA     REGOLA.  385 

names  of  an  inn  and  a  street  in  this  neighbourhood  remind  us 
still  of  an  old  inn  named  Paradiso,  probably  on  account  of 
its  moderate  prices.  Before  the  Corso  Vittorio  Emanuele 
was  laid  out  one  could  read  at  the  point  where  the  Via  del 
Paradiso  branches  off  from  the  Via  Papale,  the  inscription 
of  Girolamo  Zorzi  concerning  the  great  inundation  of  the 
Tiber  in  the  reign  of  Alexander  VI.,  in  December,  1495. x 
The  street  of  the  Baullari  (trunkmakers),  which  was  appro- 
priately situated  in  the  quarter  of  the  inns,  leads  to  the 
Palazzo  Massimo. 

Like  the  Rioni  Ponte  and  Parione,  the  Rione  della  Regola 
contained  a  large  population.  As  the  name  Regola  (Arenula), 
meaning  sand  or  gravel,  indicates,  this  was  the  quarter  along- 
side the  Tiber  which  was  crossed  by  the  Via  Giulia  and  a 
street  parallel  to  it,  which  went  through  the  Piazza  Farnese 
to  the  Ponte  Ouattro  Capi.  The  sharp  contrasts,  of  which 
the  Eternal  City  offered  so  many  examples,  were,  perhaps, 
nowhere  more  frequent  than  in  this  quarter,  The  huge 
luxurious  palaces  were  in  acute  contrast  to  the  little  old 
churches,  and  the  streets  filled  with  people  carrying  on  their 
trades,  the  names  of  which  they  still  retain  to  the  present 
day  :  Via  de'  Cappellari  (hat  makers),  Via  de'  Giubbonari 
(doublet  makers),  Via  de'  Pettinari  (comb-makers).2  Many 
Jews  had  also  settled  here,  and  where  they  were  most  numer- 
ous, the  old  palace  of  the  Cenci  stood.3  One  can  best  form 
an  idea  of  the  condition  of  this  neighbourhood  at  that  time, 
for  it  has  been  completely  changed  by  the  laying  out  of  the  Via 
Arenula,  if  one  enters  the  dirty  Via  di  S.  Bartolomeo  de'  Vaccin- 
ari,4  where,  above  all,  a  pre-gothic  house  of  the  XHIth  century 

1  Cf.  Vol.  V.,  of  this  work,  p.  476  seqq. 

2  Certain  trades  were  also  carried  on  elsewhere  in  special  streets, 
hence  Via  Coronari  (see  supra  p.  372),  Via  Cartari  (papermakers), 
Via  Chiavari  (locksmiths),  Via  Calzettari  (shoemakers),  Via 
Pianellari  (slippermakers)  ;  cf.  Simonetti,  Vie,  16  seq.  We  can 
see  what  an  ordinary  street  in  Rome  looked  like  at  that  time,  from 
a  drawing  of  Fed.  Zuccaro,  copied  in  the  Bullet.  d'Arte,  V.  (191 1). 

3  See  Stettiner,  443. 

4  Their  Brotherhood,  founded  in  1552,  belonged  to  the  parish 
church  of  S.  Stefano  de  Arenula  ;   cf.  Simonetti,  Vie.  3T. 

vol.    xiii.  25 


386  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

with  a  pillared  portico  attracts  the  notice  of  the  antiquarian. 
Such  open  porticos  on  the  ground  level  afford  welcome  protec- 
tion from  rain  ;  they  are  characteristic  of  mediaeval  houses, 
in  most  ot  which  a  covered  loggia  was  provided.1  In  the 
porticos  antique  pillars  were  often  introduced,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  house  in  the  Via  df  S.  Bartolomeo.  Through  the  last 
arch  of  this  house  one  enters  the  Vicolo  del  Melangolo,  a 
neighbourhood  which  represents  the  mediaeval  state  of  the  city 
in  a  striking  manner.2 

The  Rione  della  Regola  contained  three  houses  for  pilgrims  : 
S.  Maria  di  Monserrato  for  Spaniards,  S.  Tommaso  for  English- 
men, and  S.  Brigida  for  Swedes.  The  exiled  Archbishop  of 
Upsala,  Olaus  Magnus,3  lived  in  S.  Brigida,  which  was  in  the 
Piazza  Farnese.  S.  Girolamo  della  Carita  and  the  church 
of  S.  Benedetto  in  Arenula,  which  was  in  the  year  1558  given  to 
the  confraternity  of  the  Trinita  de'  Pellegrini,4  also  belonged 
to  the  Rione  della  Regola. 

This  quarter  had  been  notably  improved  when  Sixtus  IV. 
had  joined  it  to  the  Trastevere  by  the  erection  of  the  Ponte 
Sisto  ;  it  received  a  very  great  development  under  Paul  III., 
because  the  magnificent  Palazzo  Farnese,  begun  in  1530  by 
Antonio  da  Sangallo,  which,  in  accordance  with  the  will  of 
Paul  III.,  became  the  property  of  Cardinal  Alessandro  Farnese, 
was  situated  there.  This  truly  regal  building,5  of  immense  size, 
which  was  finished  as  far  as  the  facade  on  the  Via  Giulia  soon 
after  1547,  was  marked  on  Bufalini's  plan  as  the  palace  of  Paul 
III.  It  attained  a  world-wide  celebrity,  as  much  because 
of  the  share  taken  by  Michael  Angelo  in  its  erection,  as  because 

1  See  Gnoli  in  the  Nuova  Antologia,  CXXXVII.  (1908),  678. 

2  The  Vicolo  Melangelo,  as  well  as  the  house  Via  de'  Vaccinari 
No.  29,  are  reproduced  in  Stettiner,  369,  398. 

3  See  Rot,  Itin.,  248  ;  Bertolotti,  Artisti  Bolognesi,  27.  Con- 
cerning O.  Magnus  cf.  Vol.  XII.  of  this  work,  p.  478,  n.  2.  The 
archbishop  received  a  monthly  income  from  Julius  III.  ;  see  *Intr. 
et  Exit.  1554  in  the  Cod.  Vat.  10605  of  the  Vatican  Library. 

4  See  Mel.  d.  Archeol.,  XXL,  481. 

5  Cf.  Vol.  XII.  of  this  work,  p.  579  seqq.  ;  see  also  Rodocanachi, 
Rome,  30  seq. 


THE     PALAZZO     FARNESE.  387 

of  the  collection  which  it  contained.  Cardinal  Alessandro, 
although  he  was  often  in  financial  difficulties,  acquhed,  in  the 
grand  manner  of  the  Medici,  treasures  of  every  description  : 
manuscripts,  books,  and  pictures,  but  above  all  statues.  The 
latter  were  partly  purchased,  and  partly  obtained  by  means  of 
special  excavations  in  Rome  and  the  neighbourhood.  The 
Baths  of  Caracalla  afforded  the  richest  finds,  for  there  were 
brought  to  light  in  1546  and  1547  works  of  art  which  threw  all 
former  discoveries  into  the  shade.  Among  these  were  the 
group  known  as  the  Farnese  Bull,  the  Hercules,  the  Flora  and 
numerous  other  valuable  pieces  of  sculpture.1 

Not  far  from  the  Palazzo  Farnese,  near  the  Ponte  Sisto,  is 
the  palace  of  Girolamo  Capodiferro  (now  Palazzo  Spada),  built 
in  1540,  and  decorated  by  Giulio  Mazzoni,  a  pupil  of  Daniele 
da  Volterra.  The  celebrated  house  of  Branconio  dell'  Aquila, 
in  the  Borgo,  served  as  a  model  for  this,  the  imitation  being 
clearly  apparent  in  the  facade,  which  is  almost  too  richly 
decorated  with  statues,  stucco  and  other  ornamentation.  The 
decoration  of  the  picturesque  courtyard  is  much  more  success- 
ful. Behind  the  palace,  a  garden  extends  down  to  the  Tiber. 
Julius  III.  enriched  the  collection  of  the  Cardinal  by  the  present 
of  the  colossal  statue  of  Pompey.2 

The  house  of  the  highly  respected  physician  in  ordinary  to 
Paul  III.,  Francesco  Fusconi  of  Norcia,  was  between  the 
Palazzo  Farnese  and  the  Campo  di  Fiore  ;  he  too  had  collected 
valuable  antiques,  as  the  statue  of  Meleager,  now  in  the  Vatican, 
testifies.  Latino  Giovenale,  another  collector  of  antiquities, 
also  lived  in  this  neighbourhood.3 

1  Cf.  Lanciani,  Scavi,  II.,  160  seqq.,  181  seq.,  and  Renaissance, 
125  seq.  See  also  Bull.  arch,  com.,  1900,  44  seq.,  Rocchi,  Piante, 
252  ;  Hubner,  I.,  96  seq.  Concerning  Card.  A.  Farnese  as  a 
collector,  cf.  Nuntiaturberichte,  X.,  292,  397  seq. 

2  Cf.  Vasari,  VII.,  70  ;  Letarouilly,  243  seqq.  ;  Burck- 
iiardt,  Gesch.  der  Renaissance,  200  ;  Riegl,  Barockkunst,  68 
seq.  ;    Hubner,  I.,  85. 

3  See  Aldrovandi,  163,  164;  Marini,  Archiatri,  I.,  325  seqq.  ; 
Miciiahlis,  Rom.  Skizzenbiichcr,  VII.,  99;  Hei.big,  i2,  75-6; 
Hubner,  I.,  98,  102. 


388  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

On  the  other  bank  of  the  river,  opposite  the#Rione  della 
Regola,  the  Trastevere,  rich  in  old  churches  and  towers,  which 
formed  a  Rione  by  itself,  spread  out  on  all  sides.  Foreigners 
seldom  penetrated  into  this  part  of  the  city,  which  was  very 
thickly  populated.  It  was  the  quarter  of  the  wine-dealers  and 
sailors.  The  hospital  for  mariners,  as  also  that  for  the  Geno- 
ese, were  not  far  from  the  venerable  church  of  St.  Cecilia.1 
From  the  harbour  on  the  Ripa  Grande,  a  steep  flight  of  steps 
and  an  easy  carriage  road  led  to  the  hall  of  the  Dogana,  close 
to  which  was  the  little  church  of  the  sailors,  S.  Maria  della 
Torre,  so  called  after  the  tower  erected  by  Leo  IV.  in  the 
IXth  century.2  The  great  orphanage  of  S.  Michele  rose  here 
towards  the  end  of  the  XVI Ith  century. 

Almost  the  whole  of  this  quarter  of  the  city  was  intersected 
by  a  long  street,  the  Via  Trastiberina  (now  Lungarina  and 
Lungaretta)  which  led  from  the  Ponte  di  S.  Maria  (later  Ponte 
Rotto)  past  the  churches  of  S.  Salvatore  della  Corte  and  S. 
Agata,  to  the  piazza  and  basilica  of  S.  Maria  in  Trastevere. 
Right  and  left  of  this  main  artery,  which  was  laid  out  by  Julius 
II.,  a  maze  of  dark  and  tortuous  lanes  spread  out,  the  most 
interesting  of  which  have  been  sacrificed  to  the  embankment 
of  the  Tiber.  It  is  very  difficult  to-day  to  form  an  idea  of  the 
former  state  of  the  neighbourhood.  The  houses,  many  of 
which  possessed  loggie  and  small  perrons,  were  nowhere  so 
crowded  together  as  here,3  while  among  them  were  numerous 
small  churches  and  convents,  as  well  as  the  very  substantial 
dwellings  of  the  old  patrician  families,  such  as  the  Stefaneschi, 
Ponziani,  Papareschi,  Normanni,  Alberteschi,  Mattei,  and 
Anguillara,  which  were  provided  with  towers,  giving  them  the 

*See  Bufalini  (C). 

,2  See  Hermanin,  Stadt  Rom,  25  and  plate  33.  Concerning 
S.  Maria  della  Torre  cf.  also  Egger,  Veduten,  plates  69,  76,  p.  38,  40. 

3  Only  a  few  are  still  in  existence.  Cf.  Vol.  VIII.  of  this  work, 
p.  132,  n.  2.  Illustrations  of  the  houses  of  the  XHIth  century 
opposite  S.  Cecilia  in  Stettiner,  401.  A  very  old  house  may  still 
be  seen  in  the  Vicolo  della  Luce.  Concerning  the  ancient  Via 
Vascellari,  which  is,  unfortunately  soon  to  be  destroyed,  see 
Angeu  in  the  Giorn.  dTtalia,  1912,  n.  207. 


TRASTEVERE.  389 

appearance  of  fortresses.  The  quarter  of  S.  Pellegrino  in 
Viterbo1  gives  us  a  better  idea  to-day  of  the  mediaeval  appear- 
ance which  the  Trastevere  presented  at  the  end  of  the  Renais- 
sance period.  The  numerous  towers  were  specially  character- 
istic, but  of  these  only  two  have  been  preserved,  the  Torre 
Anguillara2  and  that  of  the  Gaetani  on  the  island  at  the  Ponte 
Quattro  Capi.  Of  the  citadels  of  the  nobles,  the  exceedingly 
interesting  dwelling  of  the  Mattei  at  the  Ponte  S.  Bartplomeo 
still  remains.  The  very  great  number  of  towers,  which 
astonish  us  in  all  the  representations  of  the  period,  gave  the 
name  of  "  De  Turribus  "  to  the  Church  of  S.  Lorenzo  de 
Janiculo,  destroyed  at  the  erection  of  the  Monastery  of  S. 
Egidio.3 

No  part  of  the  city  approached  the  Trastevere  in  picturesque 
charm,  the  Ripa  Grande  affording  a  most  attractive  view  from 
the  opposite  bank  ;  Pieter  Brueghel  painted  it  from  there  in 
the  year  I553-4 

Through  the  porta  Settimiana,  then  recently  erected  by 
Alexander  VI.,  went  the  old  road  of  the  pilgrims  journeying 
to  St.  Peter's,  the  Via  Sancta  (now  the  Lungara)  leading  to 
the  Porta  S.  Spirito  in  the  Borgo.  Along  this  road,  of  which 
Julius  II.  intended  to  form  a  corresponding  street  to  the  Via 
Giulia,  only  isolated  houses  and  churches  were  to  be  found,  for 
this  district  lay  outside  the  fortifications.  It  was  the  district  of 
the  large  "  vignas,"  among  which  those  of  Cardinals  Maffei, 
Salviati  and  Farnese  were  prominent  ;  the  celebrated  Far- 
nesina  of  Agostino  Chigi  also  belonged  to  Cardinal  Farnese. 
Among  the  churches  of  the  Janiculum,  S.  Pietro  in  Montorio 
goes  back  to  the  IXth  century,  S.  Onofrio  having  only  been 


1  Cf.  Pinzi,  I  principali  monumenti  di  Viterbo,  Viterbo,  1894, 
and  Egidi,  Viterbo,  Napoli,  1912. 

2  Cf.  Gnoli  in  the  review,  Cosmos  Cathol.,  1901. 

3  See  Ashby  in  the  Mel  d'archeol.,  XXI.,  482.  The  house  of  the 
Mattei  (now  Ferrini)  is  in  the  Piazza  Piscinula,  Nos.  186-189  ; 
several  dainty  gothic  windows  and  the  portal  with  the  arms  and 
the  tesseJated  escutcheon,  are  still  in  a  good  state  of  presei  vat  ion. 

4  See  Egger,  Veduten,  15,  38,  and  plate  70. 


390  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

founded  in  1435,   by  the  hermit  Niccolo  di  Forca  Palena.1 

Like  the  Trastevere,  the  Rione  di  S.  Angelo  was  a  real 
quarter  of  the  people.  This  was  enclosed  by  the  Rioni  Regola 
and  S.  Eustachio  on  the  west,  and  by  Pigna  on  the  north  and 
Campitelli  on  the  east.  Numerous  Jews  lived  here,  who, 
besides  extensive  money  transactions,  carried  on,  even  at 
that  time,  a  business  which  they  have  continued  to  practise 
in  Rome  to  the  present  day,  that  of  tailors.2  In  Bufalini's 
plan  there  is  a  street  near  S.  Angelo  in  Pescaria,  which  is  desig- 
nated Via  de'  Giudei.  It  is  clear  from  Aldrovandi  and  others 
that  the  later  Piazza  del  Pianto  bore,  in  the  Cinquecento, 
the  name  of  Piazza  Giudea.  In  this  neighbourhood,  the  Santa 
Croce  had  their  palace,  which  contained  numerous  antiquities.3 
Even  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  Renaissance  period 
the  eitizens  of  Rome  had  made  some  attempt  to  beautify  this 
quarter  as  well,  a  proof  of  this  being  a  remarkable  building 
of  the  Quattrocento  in  the  Piazza  del  Pianto  which  has  sur- 
vived all  the  transformations  which  this  neighbourhood  in 
particular  has  undergone  in  recent  times.  This  building  is  the 
dwelling,  erected  in  1467,  of  Lorenzo  de'  Manili,  who,  being 
an  enthusiastic  lover  of  antiquity,  connected  his  houses  by  a 
large  inscription  which  runs  under  the  windows  of  the  first 
floor,  and  which  imitates  so  exactly  the  Roman  capitals  of  the 
best  period  that  it  might  easily  be  taken  for  an  antique  build- 
ing. This  pompous  inscription  states  that  when  Rome  shall 
be  re-born  in  its  ancient  form,  he,  Laurentius  Manlius  (he 
described  himself  in  this  way,  because  he  was  descended  from 
the  celebrated  old  Roman  family)  would  contribute  to  the 
adornment  of  his  beloved  native  city,  as  far  as  his  modest  for- 

1  Cf.  Tomasetti,  Campagna  Romana,  II.,  476  seq.  The  vignas 
on  Bufalini's  plan  (C).  Cf.  Rot,  Itin.  Rom.,  262.  The  Vigna 
Salviati  was  visited  in  1551  by  Julius  III.  ;    see  Massarelli,  211. 

2  Cf.   VOGELSTEIN-RlEGER,   II.,    II7  Seq.  J     RoDOCANACHI,   Rome, 

235  seq.  A  tombstone  of  1543  which  has  been  saved  from  the 
Jewish  cemetery  in  Trastevere,  is  now  in  S.  Paolo  fuori  le  mura  ; 
see  Forcella,  XII.,  15. 

3  See  Aldrovandi,  236 ;  Michaelis,  Rom.  Skizzenbucher, 
141  :   Hubner,  I.,  113  ;   Hulsen-Egger,  I.,  17  seq. 


THE  THEATRE  OF  MARCELLUS.      39I 

tune  would  permit.  As  a  true  representative  of  the  Renais- 
sance, he  dated  the  inscription  according  to  the  foundation 
of  Rome,  and  had  his  name  cut  in  Greek  letters  on  the  facade, 
into  which  fragments  of  antique  sculpture  and  inscriptions 
were  introduced.  On  the  sills  of  the  windows  towards  the 
Piazza  Costaguti  one  may  read  the  characteristic  greeting, 
expressive  of  the  joy  of  the  builder-  at  the  new  birth  of  beauty 
in  the  Eternal  City  :   Have  Roma.1 

The  fish-market  was  held  in  the  Portico  of  Octavia,  near 
the  adjoining  church  of  S.  Angelo  in  Pescaria.2  Older  visitors 
to  Rome  will  still  remember  this  exceedingly  picturesque — 
in  spite  of  all  the  squalor — corner,  which  has  been  frequently 
reproduced  by  artists. 

The  most  important  monument  of  antiquity  in  this  quarter 
was  the  Theatre  of  Marcellus.  This  building,  owned  by  the  Sa- 
velli  since  1368,  had  the  appearance  of  a  mediaeval  stronghold, 
imparted  to  it  by  its  earlier  owners,  the  Pierleone,  but  greatly 
lessened  by  the  reconstruction  carried  out  by  Baldassare 
Peruzzi.  In  the  arches  on  the  ground  floor  were  the  vaulted 
warehouses  of  merchandize,  which  even  to  this  day  retain  the 

1  The  house  of  Lorenzo  de'  Manili,  whose  antiques  are  praised 
by  Albertini  (see  Hubner,  I.,  104)  now  bears  the  number  18  ; 
Gnoli  was  the  first  again  to  draw  attention  to  this  extremely 
interesting  building  (see  Giorn.  dTtalia,  1906,  n.  36,  and  Roma, 
148,  152  seq.  ;  better  reproductions  in  Stettiner,  409).  The 
inscription,  not  quite  accurately  published  by  Rodocanachi 
(Rome,  177)  is  as  follows  :  VRBE.  ROMA.  IN.  PRISTINAM. 
FORMA  [M.R]  ENASCENTE.  LAVR.  MANLIVS.  KARITAE. 
ERGA.  PATRI  [AM.  SVAM.  A]  EDIS.  SV.  ||NOMINE.  MANLI 
ANAS.  PRO.  FORT[VN]AR.  MEDIOCRITAE.  AD.  FOR. 
IVDEOR.  SIBI.  POSTERISQ  [SVIS.  A.  FUND.]  P.  ||AB.  VRB. 
CON.  M.M.  CC.  XXI.  L.AN.M.III.  D.II.  P.  XI.  CAL.  AVG.  For 
good  old  reproductions  of  the  Pescaria  see  Egger,  Veduten, 
plate  52,  53. 

2  See  Fichard,  25.  A  reproduction  of  the  fishmarket,  com- 
pletely destroyed  in  1878  and  1889  in  Lanciani,  Renaissance,  II.  ; 
cf.  Baracconi,  443  ;  Bartoli,  n.  58  ;  Rodocanachi,  Rome,  261, 
plate  52. 


392  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

impress  of  the  Middle  Ages.1  Of  the  palaces  of  the  Mattei, 
only  one  was  in  existence  at  that  time  ;  the  others,  erected 
under  Pius  IV.,  in  the  Flaminian  Circus,  have  given  quite 
another  character  to  the  neighbourhood  near  the  church  of  S. 
Caterina  de'  Funari,  built  in  1544. 

The  Rione  di  Ripa  followed  the  Tiber  opposite  the  southern 
part  of  Trastevere,  the  island,  with  the  church  of  S.  Barto- 
lomeo,  also  belonging  to  it.  In  this  church,  the  chapel  of  the 
guild  of  the  mill-owners,  is  still  in  existence  ;  one  can  see  on 
the  tombs  there,  more  or  less  roughly  represented,  the  floating 
mills  which  had  been  anchored  not  far  from  the  island  since 
the  time  of  Belisarius.2  The  district  of  the  Rione  di  Ripa, 
which  was  covered  with  buildings  without  any  open  spaces, 
only  reached  as  far  as  the  Ponte  di  S.  Maria,  which,  restored 
under  Julius  III.,  was  destined  to  fall  a  victim  to  the  inun- 
dation of  1557,  and  on  the  landward  side,  turned  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Capitol  and  the  Velabro.  Not  far  from  the  latter, 
rose  the  church  of  S.  Giovanni  Decollato,  the  church  of  the 
confraternity  which  provided  criminals  with  the  consolations 
of  religion  before  their  execution.  There  were  nothing  but 
smaller  houses  near  the  old  basilica  of  S.  Maria  in  Cosmedin. 
It  was  a  neglected  neighbourhood,  where  the  palace  of  a  noble 
of  the  Xlth  century  stood  in  the  midst  of  indescribable  filth  ; 
this  was  the  dwelling  of  Nicholas  Crescentius,  the  exterior  of 
which  was  most  curiously  adorned  with  antique  fragments, 
and  which  then  bore,  as  we  can  see  from  Heemskerck's  pan- 
orama, the  name  of  Casa  di  Pilato,  later  changed  to  di  Rienzo.3 

1  Cf.  Hermann,  17  and  plate  33. 

2  Cf.  Rodocanachi,  Corporations  ouvrieres  a  Rome,  I.,  Paris, 
1894,  71  seq.  ;    Gregorovius,  I.3,  354  ;    Bartoli,  Vedute,  c. 

3  See  Fichard's  description,  Italia,  65  ;  cf.  Lanciani,  The 
destruction  of  Ancient  Rome,  New  York,  1899,  17  ;  Baracconi, 
315  ;  Tomassetti  in  the  Roma  Antologia,  Ser.  3,  Ann.  1,  1880. 
The  name  Casa  di  Pilato  is  connected  with  the  Passion  Play  {cf. 
Vol.  V.  of  this  work,  p.  53  seq.)  ;  see  Lanciani,  Pagan  and 
Christian  Rome,  London,  1892,  180  seq.  A  fine  old  reproduction 
of  the  Casa  di  Pilato  in  Egger,  Rom.  Veduten,  plate  55.  As  a 
correlative  to  the  Casa  di  Pilato  there  was  the  house  of  the  High 


THE     RIONE     DI     CAMPITELLI.  393 

To  the  south  the  Rione  di  Ripa  included  the  whole  of  the 
Aventine,  the  Baths  of  Caracalla  and  Monte  Testaccio.  On 
the  open  space  in  front  of  the  latter  the  traditional  coarse 
amusements  of  the  Roman  populace  always  took  place  at 
carnival  time,  when  the  municipal  officials  and  the  upper 
classes  would  also  be  present.1  There  were  no  houses  of  any 
kind  on  the  Aventine,  with  its  venerable  churches  and  the 
picturesque  remains  of  the  citadel  of  the  Savelli. 

The  Rione  di  Campitelli,  which  extended  to  the  Porta  S. 
Sebastiano,  also  included  a  district  which  was  very  little  built 
over.  In  this  quarter,  to  which  the  Colosseum  and  the  Pala- 
tine belong,  there  was  no  life  except  at  the  foot  of  the  Capitol. 
The  principal  remains  here  were  the  two  churches  of  Our  Lady, 
S.  Maria  della  Consolazione,  with  an  old  picture  of  the  Madonna, 
at  which  the  many  votive  offerings  and  pictures  testified  to 
the  great  veneration  in  which  it  was  held,2  and  the  church  of 
the  Roman  Senate,  S.  Maria  in  Aracoeli,  built  on  the  ruins  of 
the  Capitoline  Temple  of  Juno,  and  with  which  the  wonderfully 
poetical  legend  of  the  appearance  of  the  Queen  of  Heaven  to 
the  Emperor  Augustus  is  associated.3 

On  the  left  of  the  great  flight  of  steps  which  in  1348  led  to 
the  church  from  the  piazza  of  the  Capitol,  Fichard  saw  a  con- 
siderable number  of  marble  sculptures,  several  of  which  have 
survived  to  the  present  day.  The  church  itself,  over  which 
the  Senate  had  the  right  of  patronage,  was  and  still  is  very 
rich    in    sepulchral    monuments.     The    Frankfort    traveller, 

Priest  Caiaphas  in  the  Via  Bocca  della  Verita.  It  reminds  us  of 
the  Osteria  della  (sic)  Caiffa,  the  name  of  which  Ruffini,  in  his 
extremely  superficial  Notizie  storiche  intorno  all'  origine  dei  nomi 
di  alcuni  osterie  (13)  erroneously  derives  from  a  former  owner. 
(Information  kindly  given  me  by  Prof.  Hiilsen). 

1  Cf.  Vol.  XI.  of  this  work,  p.  356,  n.  1  ;  see  also  Bartoli,  n.  62  ; 
Gnoli's  essay  in  the  Giorn.  dTtaHa,  1909,  n.  53,  and  G.  Ferri  in 
the  Corriere  d 'Italia,  19 12,  n.  48.  The  Testaccio  games  were 
already  described  in  1404;  see  The  solace  of  pilgrims,  ed.  Mills, 
Oxford,  191 1,  51  seq. 

2  See  Fabricius,  Roma,  247. 

3  Cf.  Hulsen,  The  legend  of  Aracoeli,  Rome,  1907. 


394  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

however,  mentions  only  the  tomb  of  St.  Helena,  that  of  Queen 
Catherine  of  Bosnia  and  the  resting  place  of  the  humanist, 
Flavio  Biondo.1 

The  Capitol,  so  celebrated  on  account  of  the  memories 
associated  with  it,  was  visited  by  all  foreigners  because  of  the 
bronzes  presented  by  Sixtus  IV.,  the  She-Wolf,  the  Thorn 
Extractor,  Camillus,  fragments  of  the  bronze  Colossus,  and 
Hercules.  Under  Paul  III.  it  lost  the  appearance  of  a  mediae- 
val citadel,  which  it  had  until  then  preserved.  In  an  engraving 
of  the  year  1538  we  can  already  see  the  magnificent  external 
staircase  which  Guglielmo  della  Porta  executed  from  the 
design  of  Michael  Angelo,  and  the  statue  of  Marcus  Aurelius 
so  effectively  set  up  in  the  middle  of  the  square.2  The  recon- 
struction of  the  front  of  the  Palace  of  the  Senators  took  place 
soon  afterwards,  as  did  that  of  the  porticos  at  the  sides,  of 
which  that  on  the  right  hand  rose  during  the  reign  of  Julius 
III.3 

On  the  north,  the  Rione  di  Campitelli  adjoined  the  Rione 
della  Pigna,  which  formed  a  rather  irregular  square  in  the 
middle  of  the  city.  This  district  contained  the  best  preserved 
monument  of  antiquity,  the  Pantheon,  called  by  the  people 
S.  Maria  Rotonda.  The  open  space  in  front  of  it  was  then  much 
higher,  so  that  one  had  to  descend  to  the  entrance  by  a  flight 
of  steps.  Small  houses  stood  round  about  the  building,  being 
even  built  on  to  it  on  the  left  side.  Its  condition  at  that  time 
can  be  clearly  seen  from  a  drawing  by  Heemskerck.  One 
can  here  see,  behind  the  point  of  the  gable,  the  little  Roman- 
esque belfry  built  in  1270  ;  the  vestibule  is  on  the  left  side, 
and  is  half  walled  up  ;  Paul  III.  was  the  first  to  remove  this 
unsightly  masonry.  The  Egyptian  basalt  lions,  afterwards 
removed  to  the  Vatican,  and  the  magnificent  bath  of  porphyry, 
which  now  adorns  the  tomb  of  Clement  XII.  in  the  Lateran, 

1  Fichard,  Italia  30  ;    see  also  Fabricius,  Roma,  242  seq. 

2  See  Hermanin,  plate  5.  Cf.  Vol.  XII.  of  this  work,  p.  568  seq. 
Concerning  the  Capitoline  collection  of  antiques  cf.  Vol.  IV.  of 
this  work,  p.  459.  Cf.  also  Hubner,  I.,  77,  and  Hulsen-Egger, 
I.,  29  seq. 

3  Cf.  supra  p.  351. 


THE     RIONE     DELLA     PIGNA.  395 

stood  in  front  of  this  exquisite  circular  building.  Small 
houses  had  also  been  built  into  the  splendid  ruins  of  the 
adjacent  Baths  of  Agrippa.1 

The  most  important  church  of  the  Rione  della  Pigna  was 
that  of  the  Dominicans,  S.  Maria  sopra  Minerva,  containing 
the  tomb  of  St.  Catherine  of  Siena.  Against  the  church  stood 
a  library  which  was  of  special  celebrity,2  as  was  the  small,  but 
excellently  arranged  collection  of  books  belonging  to  the 
Augastinians  of  S.  Maria  del  Popolo.  The  houses  of  the 
Porcari,  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood,  were  rich  in  antiqui- 
ties, as  well  as  the  Casa  Maffei,  not  far  off,  near  the  Arco  di 
Ciambella,  in  the  picturesque  courtyard  of  which  Heemskerck 
saw  the  statue  of  the  dead  Niobe,  which  afterwards  came  into 
the  possession  of  the  Bevilacqua,  and  eventually  reached 
Munich.  This  collection,  one  of  the  oldest  in  Rome,  had 
already  diminished  in  the  time  of  Aldrovandi.  The  house  was 
at  that  time  occupied  by  the  eminent  Cardinal  Bernardino 
Maffei.3 

The  little  church  of  S.  Giovanni  della  Pigna,  rebuilt  by 
Vittoria  Colonna  in  the  piazza  of  the  same  name,  the  Palazzo 
del  Duca  d'Urbino4  (later  Doria)  and  the  Palazzo  di  S.  Marco 
(now  di  Venezia)  also  belonged  to  the  Rione  della  Pigna.  The 
last-named  served  Paul  III.,  and  also  occasionally  Julius  III., 

1  Cf.  Fichard,  56  seq.  ;  Springer  in  the  Jahrbuch  der  Preus- 
Kuntssammlungen  1891,  121  seq.  ;  Michaelis,  Rom.  Skizzen. 
biicher,  136,  155,  160  ;  Bartoli,  47  ;  Hermanin,  15  and  plate  18  ; 
Hulsen-Egger,  I.,  7.  Concerning  the  romanesque  belfry  cf. 
Ashby,  Un  Panorama  de  Rome  par  Ant.  v.  d.  Wyngaerde  :  Mel 
d'  archeol.,  XXL,  481,  n.  1. 

2  See  Fichard,  Italia,  57,  who  states  :  "  Praeter  Vaticanam 
bibliothecam  istic  paucas  habet  excellentes."  Fabricius  (Roma, 
207),  also  mentions  especially  the  libraries  of  S.  Maria  in  Aracoeli 
and  S.  Agostino. 

3  See  Michaelis,  Rom.  Skizzenbucher,  134;  HObner,  I.,  103 
seq.,  no  seq.;    Hulsen-Egger,  I.,  3. 

1  See  Adinolfi,  Roma,  II.,  292  seqq.  ;  RoDOCANACHI,  Rome, 
34.  Cardinal  Cajetan  had  lived  in  the  palace  ;  see  Arch.  d.  Soc. 
Rom.,  XVII.,  407. 


396  history  of  the  popes. 

as  a  summer  residence.1  The  mighty  building,  with  its 
magnificent  halls,  was  excellently  suited  for  the  reception  of 
the  Pope  and  his  extensive  suite.  A  very  special  curiosity, 
which  did  not  escape  the  notice  of  Fichard,  was  the  gigantic 
map  of  the  world  at  the  end  of  the  Quattrocento,  which  was 
preserved  in  the  palace  and  was  adorned  with  reproductions 
of  human  beings,  and  land  and  sea  monsters,  and  which 
excited  much  interest  and  admiration.2  Not  far  from  the 
monumental  building  of  the  Palazzo  di  S.  Marco  was  the  little 
church  of  S.  Maria  della  Strada,  given  to  the  Jesuits  by  the 
Farnese  Pope. 

The  frequent  residences  of  the  Popes  in  the  Palazzo  di  S. 
Marco  gave  an  importance  to  the  Rione  della  Pigna,  which 
was  separated  from  the  Rione  di  Trevi3  by  the  Corso  (Via 
Lata),  in  which  the  Colonna  had  their  very  extensive  palace 
near  the  SS.  Apostoli.  The  fountain  of  Trevi  still  retained  the 
simple  form  given  to  it  by  Nicholas  V.  A  great  part  of  the 
Rione  di  Trevi,  which  reached  as  far  as  the  Porta  Salara  and 
the  Porta  Nomentana,  was  uninhabited. 

Mighty  ruins  stood  on  the  Quirinal  ;  the  remains  of  the 
Baths  of  Constantine  and  the  Temple  of  Serapis.  In  front  of 
the  baths,  facing  towards  the  piazza,  stood  the  statues  of  the 
Horse-breakers,  on  a  clumsy  mediaeval  base  ;  on  account  of 
their  size  and  their  good  state  of  preservation,  they  were  among 
the  most  popular  monuments  in  Rome,  and  the  Quirinal  was 
named  Monte  Cavallo  after  them.  It  was  almost  entirely  taken 
up  with  gardens,  vineyards,  olive  groves  and  villas.  Pomponius 
Laetus  and  Platina  had  already  laid  out  villas  and  gardens  on 
the  Quirinal,  which,  was  much  esteemed  on  account  of  its  good 
air.  Cardinals  Prospero  Colonna,  Oliviero  Carafa  and  Ridolfo 
Pio  da  Carpi  had  done  likewise.  The  artistic  collection  of 
Cardinal  Carpi  comprised,  besides  statues  and  reliefs,  small 

1  See  Dengel,  Palazzo  di  Venezia,  96  seqq. 

2  Cf.  Dengel,  Die  verschollene  Mappa  Mundi  im  Palazzo  di 
Venezia  zu  Rom  :  Mitteil.  der  Geogr.  Gessellschaft  in  Wien,  LV. 
(1912). 

3  Cf.  Adinolfi,  Roma,  II.,  275  seq. 


THE     QUIRINAL.  397 

bronzes,  terra  cottas,  vases,  and  antique  furniture,  as  well  as 
books,  manuscripts,  and  pictures.  The  smaller  objects  of 
this  collection,  of  which  Aldrovandi  gives  an  enthusiastic 
description,  were  almost  all  in  the  palace  of  this  Cardinal  in  the 
Campo  Marzo  ;  the  marble  statues  were  nearly  all  placed  in 
the  villa,  the  extensive  gardens  of  which  Aldrovandi  calls  a 
paradise  on  earth.1 

The  collection  of  Cardinal  Carpi  was,  however,  surpassed 
by  that  of  Cardinal  Ippolito  d'Este,  the  son  of  Lucrezia 
Borgia.  This  ardent  collector  of  antiquities  had  filled  his 
residences  in  the  city  with  treasures  of  this  kind,  and  since 
1554,  he  had  been  gradually  bringing  the  most  important 
works  of  art  to  his  villa  on  the  Ouirinal,  with  the  beautifying 
of  which  he  was  still  occupied  in  1560.  This  wonderful  country 
house,  on  the  southern  slope  of  the  hill,  which  occupied  the 
site  of  the  grounds  of  the  later  Papal  palace,  was  celebrated 
for  the  arrangement  of  the  fountains,  which  were  richly 
adorned  with  statues.2 

Paul  III.  was  specially  fond  of  staying  on  the  Quirinal.  He 
possessed  a  garden  there  as  early  as  1535,  which  attracted 
much  notice  on  account  of  its  beauty.3  Later  on  he  lived  in 
the  villa  of  Cardinal  Carafa,  and  it  was  there  that  the  old  Pope 
of  eighty-two  breathed  his  last.4  In  the  gardens  of  the 
Colonna  near  S.  Silvestro,  Michael  Angelo  and  Vittoria  Colonna 
carried  on  those  conversations  on  Sunday  afternoons  which 
Francesco  de  Hollanda  has  preserved  for  us,  and  which  have 
been  said  to  have  been  the  last  flickerings  of  the  spirit  which 
made  the  Renaissance  great  and  noble.5  Vittoria  always 
had  in  mind  the  idea  of  building  a  convent  of  nuns  on  the  ruins 

1  Cf.  Aldrovandi,  201,  seqq.,  295  seq. ;  Lanciani,  II.,  112.  III., 
176  seq.  ;  Bartoli,  n.  88  ;  Hubner,  I.,  85  seq.  Concerning  the 
Dioscuri  see  Michaelis  in  the  Bull.  d.  1st.  germ.,  XIII.,  259  seq., 
and  Hubner,  Detailstudien  zur  Gesch.  der  Antiken  Roms  in  der 
Renaissance,  Rome,  191 1,  318  seq. 

2  Cf.  Lanciani,  III.,  186  seqq.,  191  seq.  ;    Hubner,  I.,  90  seq. 

3  Fichard,  Italia,  41. 

4  Cf.  Vol.  XII.  of  this  work,  p.  452  seq. 

5  Kraus-Sauer,  III.,  704,  777. 


39$  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

of  the  Temple  of  Serapis,  in  order  that  the  last  remains  of 
paganism  might  be  trodden  under  the  feet  of  pure-minded 
women.1 

Towards  the  north,  and  round  that  magnificent  relic  of 
antiquity,  the  column  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  and  named  after  it, 
lay  the  Rione  di  Colonna.2  In  the  middle  of  the  XVIth  cen- 
tury, the  ambassadors  of  France  and  Portugal  had  their 
palaces  in  this  quarter,  near  Monte  Citorio,  while  the  Imperial 
ambassadors  resided  in  the  Palazzo  Riario3  (later  Altemps) 
which  is  still  in  the  Rione  di  Ponte.  Formerly  almost  all  the 
ambassadors  lived  in  the  Rione  di  Ponce  ;  the  transference  of 
their  residences  into  the  Rione  di  Colonna  was  a  sign  of  the 
coming  change  of  the  centre  of  life  in  the  city,  which  was  soon 
to  be  brought  about  in  an  ever  increasing  degree. 

The  principal  church  in  the  Rione  di  Colonna  was  S.  Lorenzo 
in  Lucina,  which,  since  May,  1554,  had  been  the  title  of  Car- 
dinal Morone,  the  largest  parish  in  Rome  thereby  becoming 
subject  to  him.4  The  palace  of  Cardinal  Ouifiones  (later 
Fiano)5  adjoined  the  church  ;  at  this  point,  where  until  1662 
an  ancient  triumphal  arch,  the  Arco  di  Portogallo,  spanned  the 
Corso,  the  fully  built  over  part  of  this  street  ended.6  Several 
names  still  remind  us  of  the  end  of  the  houses,  such  as  the  Via 
Capo  le  Case.  To  the  north  the  Rione  di  Colonna  reached  as 
far  as  the  Porta  Pinciana  and  the  Porta  Salara. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  Renaissance  period,  the  Rioni  of  S. 
Eustachio  and  Campo  Marzo  increased  in  importance.  The 
Rione  di  S.  Emlachio,  called  after  the  church  of  the  same  name, 

1  Cf.  Reumont,  III.,  2,  757. 

2  Cf.  Adinolfi,  Roma,  II.,  335  seqq. 

3  See  Bufalini  (G).  Although  the  court  of  the  Riario  palace 
is  very  much  altered,  the  original  front  and  the  side  towards  the 
Vicolo  de'  Soldati,  with  the  large  tower,  which  resembles  that  of 
the  palace  of  S.  Marco,  are  in  a  good  state  of  preservation. 

4  Cf.  the  *letter  of  Ippolito  Capilupi  to  Cardinal  E.  Gonzaga 
dated  Rome,  May  10,  1554  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua). 

5  Cf.  Eh rle,  Roma  al  tempo  di  Giulio  III.,  33,  n.  14. 

6  Concerning  the  state  of  Corso  at  that  time,  cf.  Lanciani  in  the 
Bull.  arch,  comun.,  235  seq.,  and  Renaissance,  37  seq.,  113  seq. 


THE     RIONE     DI     S.     EUSTACHIO.  399 

stretched  eastwards  from  the  Rioni  Ponte  and  Parione.  The 
University  was  situated  there,  as  well  as  the  much  frequented 
church  of  S.  Agostino,  and  numerous  palaces  of  the  Roman 
nobles.  In  the  neighbourhood  of  the  University,  in  the  Piazza 
de'  Lombardi,  there  stood,  near  the  venerable  church  of  S. 
Salvatore  in  Thermis,1  the  Palazzo  Medici,  the  residence  of  Leo 
X.  when  a  Cardinal.  In  this  palace,  which  came  into  the  hands 
of  the  Farnese  under  Paul  III.,  the  unhappy  Duke  and  Duchess, 
Ottavio  and  Margherita  Farnese,  resided  from  the  year  1538, 
for  which  reason  it  was  called  the  Palazzo  Madama.  Two 
drawings  by  Heemskerck  give  a  complete  picture  of  the  costly 
antiquities  which  the  palace  contained.  Most  of  these,  which 
were  placed  there  without  any  special  arrangement,  were  still 
in  the  gallery,  when  Aldrovandi  wrote  his  description  of  them. 
The  two  Aphrodites,  the  two  statues  of  Bacchus,  and  the 
Tyrannicides  were  placed  here,  and  on  the  wall  of  the  adjoining 
garden  the  Dying  Gaul.  The  Villa  Madama,  with  its  collec- 
tion, which  also  belonged  to  the  Duchess  Margherita,  was  a 
possession  of  inestimable  value.2 

The  palaces  of  the  distinguished  family  of  the  della  Valle, 
the  members  of  which  had  been  from  eaily  times  zealous 
collectors,  contained  an  even  greater  number  of  treasures  of  all 
kinds.  The  gallery  of  the  old  Palazzo  della  Valle,  of  which 
the  diligent  Heemskerck  has  left  us  a  sketch,3  was  adorned  by 
the  celebrated  statue  of  Pan,  which,  while  it  was  in  the  posses- 
sion of  Leo  X.,  was  used  for  the  decoration  of  the  triumphal 
arch  of  the  Valle,  and  under  Clement  VII.  was  placed  in  the 
Capitolme  museum,  by  the  side  of  the  Marforio.  The  principal 
pieces  of  sculpture,  which  had  also  been  used  for  the  said 
triumphal  arch,  were  placed  by  Cardinal  Andrea  della  Valle 
(d.  1534)  in  his  palace  close  by  (now  the  Palazzo  Valle-Rustici- 

1  Concerning  this  church,  only  destroyed  in  1907,  the  objects  of 
interest  in  which  were  placed  in  the  palace  at  S.  Luigi  de'  Francesi, 
see  Sabatini,  La  Chiesa  di  S.  Salvatore  in  Thermis,  Roma,  1907. 

2  See  Michaelis,  Rom.  Skizzenbiicher,  121,  152,  161  seq.  ; 
Lanciani,  Scavi,  I.,  146  seq.  ;  Hulsen-Eggkr,  I.,  4-5  ;  Hi  r.\i  k, 
105,  seq. 

3  See  Michaelis,  loc.  at.,  158. 


400  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Bufalo).1  This  building,  the  principal  entrance  of  which  was 
adorned  by  a  large  head  of  Zeus,  was  a  real  museum.  Every- 
where, in  the  entrance  hall,  in  the  courtyard,  as  well  as  on  the 
upper  floors,  there  were  so  many  marble  works  of  art  that  the 
prosaic  Fichard  cries  out  in  admiration  that  the  real  treasures 
of  Roman  antiquity  were  to  be  found  there.2  In  the  quadri- 
lateral court,  which  had  been  built  for  the  statues,  there  were 
at  that  time,  the  Venus  de'  Medici  and  the  Ganymede  of  the 
Uffizi.  After  the  death  of  the  Cardinal,  his  nephew,  Quinzio 
de'  Rustici,3  became  the  owner  of  these  treasures. 

Not  far  from  this  magnificent  residence,  Cardinal  Andrea 
had  a  new  palace  built  by  Raphael's  pupil,  Lorenzetto,  in  the 
present  day  Piazza  di  Valle  ;  this  had  not  been  completely 
finished  on  account  of  the  catastrophe  of  1527. 4  The  treasures 
collected  there  as  well,  aroused  the  admiration  of  Fichard.5 
The  rarest  works  adorned  the  celebrated  gallery  of  statues 
on  the  upper  floor,  the  corridors  at  the  sides  of  which  opened 
on  to  pillared  halls.  An  engraving  by  Hieronymus  Cock, 
which  he  perhaps  executed  from  a  drawing  by  Heemskerck, 
shows  this  marvellous  hall  with  its  precious  contents  ;  a 
drawing  by  Francesco  de  Hollanda,  made  rather  later,  gives  an 
exact  picture  of  the  right  wall.  The  manner  in  which  antique 
reliefs,  statues  in  niches,  and  busts  in  circular  recesses,  were 
arranged,  became  a  model  for  the  whole  of  Rome.6  This  new 
palace  was  inherited  by  the  Capranica  family,  whose  name  it 
still  bears.7     They  sold  the  antiques  to  Cardinal  Ferdinando 

1  Now  Corso  Vittorio  Emanuele  No.  101,  with  the  inscription 
"  Andreas  Car.  de  Valle  "  over  the  principal  entrance  ;    cf.  Leta- 

ROUILLY,    I.,    17. 

2  Italia,  68. 

3  See  Michaelis,  Rom.  Skizzenbucher,  235  seq.,  where  the 
collections  of  the  Valle  are  treated  in  a  very  detailed  manner  ;  cf. 
also  Hulsen-Egger,  I.,  15  seq.,  and  Hubner,  I.,  117  seq. 

4  See  Vasari,  IV.,  579  ;   cf.  Rodocanachi,  Rome,  34. 

5  Italia,  68. 

6  See  Hubner,  I.,  74  ;   cf.  Burckhardt,  Beitrage,  564  seq. 

7  Via  del  Teatro  Valle  No.  16.  The  site  of  the  gallery  of  statues 
is  now  occupied  by  the  Teatro  Valle.      The  investigator  into  the 


PALACES  IN  THE  R.  DI  S.  EUSTACHIO    4OI 

de'  Medici  in  1584,  who  used  them  for  the  adornment  of  his 
villa  on  the  Pincio,  but  most  of  them  were  removed  to  Florence 
in  the  XVIIIth  century.  In  Cock's  engraving  one  can  see  the 
Marsyas  of  the  Uffizi,  the  so-called  Thusnelda  and  the  two 
large  clothed  statues  of  the  Loggia  de'  Lanzi,  the  statue  of  a 
barbarian  of  the  Giardino  Boboli,  and  many  other  master- 
pieces now  preserved  in  the  city  on  the  Arno.1 

Under  Leo  X.  the  Rione  di  S.  Eustachio  was  enriched  by 
two  new  and  imposing  palaces  :  the  Palazzo  Lante  ai  Capre- 
tari,  built  by  Jacopo  Sansovino,  and  the  Palazzo  Maccarani, 
which  Giulio  Romano  designed  for  the  Cenci.  The  Palazzo 
Patrizi,  situated  near  the  French  national  church,  was  also 
celebrated,  as  were  the  Palazzo  Caffarelli  (Vidoni)  and  the 
Palazzo  Piccolomini  in  the  Piazza  Siena.2  Constanza  Picco- 
lomini,  Duchess  of  Amain,  gave  up  her  residence  to  the 
Theatines,  under  Sixtus  V.,  who  transformed  it  into  a  monas- 
tery, alongside  which  arose  the  large  baroque  church  of  S. 
Andrea  della  Valle.  The  little  church  of  S.  Sebastiano  di  Via 
Papae,  of  which  an  altar  in  the  new  building  reminds  us, 
disappeared  in  the  complete  reorganization  of  the  district 
which  was  undertaken  at  that  time. 

The  master  of  ceremonies  of  Alexander  VI.,  Johannes 
Burchard,  from  the  diocese  of  Strasbourg,  had  built  himself 
a  large  house  in  the  Rione  di  S.  Eustachio,  not  far  from  the 
Palazzo  Cesarini  ;  on  the  tower  of  this  house  one  could  read  the 
inscription  "  Argentina,"  a  name  which  still  lives  on  in  the 
name  of  the  street  and  theatre  there.  This  house  was  an 
exception  in  the  city  of  the  Renaissance,  for  it  was  built  in 
the  gothic  style,  as  was  customary  in  Germany.  Pait  of  it, 
though  in  a  deplorable  condition,  can  still  be  seen.3 

history  of  Christina  of  Sweden,  Baron  v.  Bildt,  lives  in  the  palace  ; 
he  is  enthusiastically  devoted  to  antiquity,  art  and  literature. 

1  See  Michaelis,  Rom.  Skizzenbiicher,  225-235. 

2  See  Adinolfi,  Via  Sacra,  65  seq.  ;  Callari,  45  seq.,  51  seq.  ; 
Tom  asset  n,  II  palazzo  Vidoni,  Roma,  1905  ;  Hulsen,  Bilder  aus 
der  Gesch.  des  Kapitols,  Rom,  1899,  8,  29.  Cf.  also  Vol.  VIII.,  of 
this  work,  p.  129  scqq. 

3  Via  Sudario  No.  45  :  see  Gnoli,  La  Torre  Argentina  in  Roma, 
Roma,  1908  ;  Noack,  Das  deutsche  Rom,  58  seq.  ;  Si  1  rriNER,  4  15. 

VOL.  xiii.  26 


402  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

The  Rione  di  Campo  Marzo  restricted  the  former  Campus 
Martins  to  a  much  smaller  space.  The  central  point  of  this, 
the  most  northern  part  of  Rome,  which  was  bounded  on  the 
west  by  the  Tiber,  and  on  the  east  by  the  Pincio,  was  that 
mighty  monument  of  antiquity,  the  Mausoleum  of  the  Emperor 
Augustus.  It  had  served  the  Colonna  as  a  fortress  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  and  had  been  turned  into  a  garden  under  Paul 
III.  ;  the  Soderini  had  laid  it  out  by  using  the  remains  of  the 
walls  which  encircled  it,  and  adorning  it  with  statues  in  the 
fashion  of  the  period.  The  obelisk,  found  in  1519  near  S. 
Rocco,  which  had  once  stood  at  the  entrance  of  the  Mausoleum, 
lay,  broken  into  four  pieces,  in  the  Via  di  Ripetta.1 

Many  foreigners,  as  the  names  of  the  streets  prove,  had 
settled  in  this  quarter,  on  account  of  the  national  charitable 
institutions  for  the  Bretons,  the  Portuguese,  the  Sclavonians 
and  the  Lombards  :  S.  Ivo,  S.  Antonio,  S.  Girolamo  and  S. 
Ambrogio  (afterwards  S.  Carlo  in  Corso).  This  district  had 
improved  a  great  deal  since  the  time  of  Leo.  X.2  Under 
Julius  III.  it  became  still  more  important,  for  it  was  that  Pope 
who  had  the  great  Palazzo  Cardelli,  which  had  been  used  by 
Cardinal  Carpi  from  1537  to  1547,  reconstructed  and  decorated, 
to  serve  as  a  residence  for  his  brother.3  The  celebrated 
hospital  of  S.  Giacomo  in  Augusta,  the  old  Benedictine  monas- 
tery of  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen,  S.  Maria,  SSma  Trinita  de' 
Monti  on  the  Pincio,  the  burial  place  of  the  Rovere,  S.  Maria 
del  Popolo,4  which  was  filled  with  the  most  beautiful  works 
of  the  Renaissance,  all  belonged  to  the  Rione  di  Campo  Marzo. 
The  neighbouring  gate,  by  which  most  of  the  visitors  from 
the  north  entered  the  Eternal  City,  formed,  with  the  bastions 
of  Sixtus  IV.,  a  very  picturesque  object,  as  we  can  see  from 
the  sketch  of  Heemskerck.5 

1  See  Hermanin  27,  plate  38  ;    Egger,  Veduten,  I.,  20,  plate  7. 

2  Cf.  Tesoroni,  II  palazzo  di  Firenze,  7,  and  Rodocanachi, 
Rome,  200  seq. 

3  See  supra  p.  351. 

4  Fabricius  (Roma,  254),  says  :  No  church  in  Rome  contains  so 
many  marble  monuments. 

5  See  Egger,  Veduten,  19,  plate  2  ;    Hulsen-Egger,  I.,  6. 


THE     PIAZZA     DEL     POPOLO.  403 

The  irregular  Piazza  del  Popolo  was  not  yet  adorned  with 
the  obelisks.  Three  streets,  intersecting  the  Rione  di  Colonna, 
led  thence  into  the  city  :  on  the  right,  the  Via  di  Ripetta,  on 
the  left,  the  Via  del  Babuino,  and  in  the  centre,  the  Via  Lata, 
or  Corso,  so  called  from  the  races  held  there  in  carnival  time. 
These  main  streets,  however,  were  by  no  means  the  busiest  ; 
near  the  gate  the  houses  were  few  in  number,  while  to  the  right 
and  left,  garden  walls  arose.  The  Via  Babuino,  named  after 
the  Silenus  on  a  fountain,  was  not  built  over  towards  the  Pincio. 
The  northern  part  of  the  Ripetta  is  called  Via  Populi  in  Bufa- 
lini's  plan.  The  small  cross-street,  joining  the  Ripetta  to  the 
Corso  near  the  Mausoleum  of  Augustus,  received  the  name  of 
Via  de'  Pontefici  from  the  frescoes  with  which  the  Spanish 
humanist  and  poet,  Saturnio  Gerona,  who  lived  there,  had 
decorated  his  house.  They  were  portraits  of  the  Popes  under 
whom  Saturnio  had  served  during  his  fifty  years  residence  in 
Rome.1 

If  one  looks  at  the  above  mentioned  districts  of  Rome,  the 
most  astonishing  thing  is  the  crowding  together  of  the  popu- 
lation in  the  low-lying  neighbourhood  of  the  Tiber.  The 
wide  hilly  districts  to  the  north  and  south  and  east,  the  Pincio, 
the  Quirinal,  the  Viminal,  the  Esquiline  and  the  Coelian,  were, 
like  the  Aventine,  almost  uninhabited.2  Besides  the  venerable 
basilicas,  high  towers,  dating  from  mediaeval  times,  rose  up 
everywhere,  but,  apart  from  monasteries,  there  were  in  these 
neighbourhoods,  which  seemed  consecrated  for  ever  to  prayer 
and  seclusion,  but  few  dwelling  houses.  The  principal  reason 
for  this  is  given  in  a  remark  of  Fichard,  which  seems  very 
surprising  in  view  of  the  plentiful  supply  of  water  now  at  the 
disposal  of  Rome,  but  which  may  be  understood  if  we  bear  in 
mind  the  systematic  destruction  of  the  Roman  aqueducts  at 
the  time  of  the  Sack.  The  Frankfort  traveller  says  that  he 
saw  very  few  fountains  in  the  whole  city.  The  population 
had  to  be  content  with  the  water  from  cisterns  and  from  the 


1  Cf.   Lohninger,   S.   Maria  dell'  Anima,  no  scq.     Concerning 
Gerona's  benevolence,  cf.  Forcella,  VIII.,  136. 

2  Cf.  Bufalini's  plan  ;  see  also  Fabricius,  Roma,  26, 


404  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Tiber,  which  was  daily  carried  round  the  city.1  To  what  a 
great  extent  this  was  done  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  the 
water-carriers  formed  a  guild  of  their  own  (the  Compagnia 
degli  Acquarenari).2  They  procured  the  water  at  the  Porta 
del  Popolo,  where  it  was  not  yet  contaminated,  and  then  left  it 
standing  for  four  or  five  days.  It  seems  incredible  that  the 
water  of  the  yellow  Tiber  was  considered  healthy,  and  was 
carried  about  by  Paul  III.  as  well  as  by  Clement  VII.,  when 
they  were  travelling.  The  physician,  Alessandro  Petroni,  the 
friend  of  Ignatius  of  Loyola,  praises  the  beneficial  effects  of  the 
water  of  the  Tiber,  in  a  pamphlet  dedicated  to  Julius  III.3 

The  uninhabited  district,  which  comprised  two-thirds  of  the 
space  enclosed  by  the  Aurelian  walls,  was  full  of  the  magic 
of  past  associations.  The  mighty  remains  of  antiquity,  as 
well  as  the  venerable  basilicas  and  monasteries,  dating  from 
the  early  days  of  Christianity  and  from  mediaeval  times,  lay 
scattered  in  magnificent  isolation  and  picturesque  solitude. 
They  formed  the  chief  attraction  for  the  pilgrims,  who  con- 
tinued to  flock  in  crowds  to  the  centre  of  ecclesiastical  unity, 
while  the  wonders  of  the  old  churches  did  not  escape  the  notice 
of  scholars,4  who,   however,   as  well  as  educated  people  in 

1  Fichard,  Italia,  26  ;  see  also  Schmarsow  in  the  Repert.  fur 
Kunstwissensch,  XIV.,  132,  and  Gnoli,  Roma,  189  seq.  ;  cf.  also 
Fabricius,  Roma,  165. 

2  Cf.  Cancellieri,  Sopra  il  tarantismo  etc.,  Roma,  181 7,  68  seq.  ; 
Lanciani,  Renaissance,  78  seq.  ;  Baracconi,  154  seq.  ;  Rodo- 
canachi,  Rome,  210,  245. 

3  A.  Petronius,  De  aqua  Tiberina  ad  Julium  III.  P.M.,  Romae 
1552.  Giovan  Batt.  Modio,  on  the  other  hand,  stated  his  opinion 
that  the  water  was  unhealthy  in  his  now  exceedingly  rare  publica- 
tion II  Tevere  (Roma,  1556)  dedicated  to  Cardinal  Ranuccio 
Farnese,  and  he  suggested  that  the  Cardinal  should  lay  the  matter 
before  Paul  IV.,  and  improve  it  by  means  of  aqueducts  (p.  59  seq.) 
The  physician  Andrea  Bacci,  however,  addressed  a  memorandum, 
Del  Tevere  (s.a.  later  ed.  Venice,  1576),  at  the  same  time  to  Cardinal 
Farnese  in  which  he  declared  the  water  of  the  Tiber  to  be  perfectly 
harmless. 

4  Cf.  Fabricius,  Roma  202,  211,  224,  226. 


THE     RUINS     OF     ANCIENT     ROME.  405 

general,  were  far  more  attracted  by  the  ancient  ruins  and 
buildings,  for  the  study  of  which  the  topographical  works  of 
Bartolomeo  Marliani,  of  1544,  and  of  Lucio  Fauno,  of  1548, 
gave  a  great  deal  of  useful  information.1  The  ruins  of  ancient 
Rome  lay  quite  alone,  for  the  vignas  which  many  Cardinals 
and  nobles  had  laid  out  in  the  hilly  districts  possessed  for  the 
most  part  only  modest  country  houses,  which  were  only  occu- 
pied in  the  autumn.  The  great  ostentatious  villas,  with 
extensive  grounds,  had  as  yet  scarcely  made  their  appearance, 
and  the  districts  which  had  been  the  centre  of  Republican  and 
Imperial  life  in  ancient  Rome,  were  now  occupied  by  vine- 
yards, gardens  and  fields,  presenting  a  purely  rural  appearance, 
with  a  desolate  area  of  ruins,  of  the  complete  desertion  and 
solemn  seclusion  of  which  it  is  difficult  at  the  present  time  to 
form  any  idea.2 

Surrounded  in  great  measure  by  old  plane  trees,  dark 
cypresses,  lofty  pine  trees  and  thick  laurels,  these  old  ruins  were 
the  delight  of  artists.  The  sketches  of  Heemskerck,  as  well  as 
many  of  the  later  engravings  of  Du  Perac,  afford  a  picture  of 
indescribable  romantic  charm.3  In  many  places  the  ruins 
served  as  warehouses  or  stables,  as  does  the  Sette  Sale  to  this 
day  ;  the  Venetian  ambassador,  Mocenigo,  says  that  it  is 
wonderful  to  see  how  vineyards,  gardens  and  little  copses  have 
arisen  round  the  antique  arches  and  buildings.4 

The  ancient  buildings  presented  themselves  to  the  spectator 
in  all  their  splendour  ;  they  were  far  better  preserved  than 
they  are  to-day,  for,  in  spite,  of  all  the  destruction  of  past 

1  The  work  of  Pirro  Ligorio,  with  its  wealth  of  divergent 
opinions,  first  appeared  in  1553  ;  such  ideas,  however,  had  already 
been  prevalent  ;   see  Ehrle,  Roma  di  Giulio  III.,  27. 

2  The  condition  at  that  time  can  be  very  well  seen  on  Bufalini's 
plan,  as  well  as  on  that  of  Pinardi.  See  Rocchi,  Piante,  47-48,  85  ; 
cf.  Fichard,  Italia,  24.  Bufalini  (E)  sketches  the  Vinea  Io.  Bapt. 
de  Montibus,  near  the  pyramid  of  Cestius. 

3  See  Du  Perac,  I  Vestigi  dell'  anticbita  di  Roma,  Roma,  1575, 
and  Lafrery,  Specul.  Rom.  magnificent.  ;  Ehrle,  Pianta  del 
1577,  10  seq.,  15  seq. 

4  Mocenigo-Alberi,  31. 


406  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

centuries,  many  of  them  still  preserved  their  old  marble  facing, 
their  columns  and  other  ornamentation.  The  creeping 
plants  and  brushwood,  which  had  taken  root  wherever  the 
cracks  in  the  brickwork  had  been  laid  bare,  had  contributed 
slowly  but  surely  to  the  work  of  destruction. 

Great  ruins  always  have  something  sublime  in  their  appear- 
ance, affecting  the  spectator  no  less  through  the  actual  mass  of 
stonework  than  by  their  appeal  to  the  imagination,  which 
gives  a  new  existence  to  their  former  grandeur.  Nowhere  was 
such  an  impressive  and  affecting  picture  of  the  past  offered 
to  the  traveller  as  in  Rome,  by  the  sight  of  this  world  of  ancient 
gods  and  men  lying  in  fragments.  The  melancholy  which 
overcomes  us  "  poor  sons  of  a  day  "  at  such  a  spectacle,  finds 
effective  expression  in  the  verses  with  which  Joachim  du 
Bellay,  in  the  first  book  of  his  "  Antiquites  de  Rome  "  (1558) 
speaks  of  the  ruins  which  he  had  visited. 

In  singular  contrast  to  the  archaeological  cultus,  which  was 
so  devoted  to  the  worship  of  the  antique,  is  the  ruthless  manner 
in  which  the  ancient  buildings  were  robbed  of  their  marbles 
and  columns  during  the  whole  of  the  Renaissance  period,  and 
used  as  convenient  materials  for  new  buildings  ;  in  their 
merciless  search  for  antiquities,  much  more  was  destroyed 
than  was  ever  intended  or  realized.  Very  disastrous  too  were 
the  excavations  under  the  foundations  of  the  ancient  buildings. 
One  can  clearly  see  how,  in  the  Cinquecento,  the  mighty  halls 
of  the  Baths  of  Diocletian  were  undermined  and  caused  to 
collapse  by  such  excavations.  At  the  beginning  of  the  reign 
of  Julius  III.,  a  Sicilian  priest  had  built  a  little  chapel  close 
to  these  great  Baths  of  the  ancient  city,  but  he  was  driven 
thence  by  the  vagabonds  who  used  the  ruins  as  a  place  of 
refuge.1  These  Thermae,  with  their  majestic  halls,  gave 
Fichard  the  impression  of  a  row  of  churches.  As  a  building 
he  considered  them  worthy  of  the  greatest  admiration,  but  it 
was  rather  difficult  at  that  time  to  determine  for  what  purpose 
they  had  been  erected.2     Great  changes  were  begun  in  that 

1  Cf.   Hermanin,    19,  plate  24  ;    see  also  Bollet.  d'  Arte,   III- 
(1909),  364  seqq.  2  Fichard,  Italia,  40. 


THE     COLOSSEUM     AND     FORUM.  407 

neighbourhood  by  the  laying  out  of  ths  villa,  the  celebrated 
Horti  Bellaj  ani,  which  owed  its  origin  to  the  artistic  and 
ostentatious  Cardinal  du  Bellay.1 

The  Baths  of  Titus  and  the  Amphitheatrum  Castrense, 
which  served  the  monks  of  S.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme  as  a 
garden,  were,  at  that  time,  as  the  engravings  show,  in  a  much 
better  state  of  preservation  than  they  are  to-day.  The 
Colosseum  made  an  immense  impression  on  all  visitors  to 
Rome,  although  the  lower  storey  was  still  partially  buried,  up 
to  the  capitals  of  the  arches.  Fichard  describes  it  as  the  largest 
and  most  beautiful  of  all  the  monuments  of  antiquity  ;  no- 
where else,  he  says,  can  one  realize  so  well  the  majesty  of  the 
Roman  people  as  in  this  wonderful  work,  with  the  sight  of 
which  one  can  never  be  satiated.  What  must  it  have  been,  he 
adds,  when  it  was  still  in  a  perfect  state,  and  adorned  with  all 
its  statues  !2 

Heemskerck's  sketches  give  a  striking  picture  of  the  state 
of  the  Forum,  in  which  the  ruins  and  columns  were  half  buried 
in  earth  and  rubbish.  They  also  show  how  the  Arch  of  Titus 
was  still  quite  walled  in  by  its  mediaeval  covering,  while  the 
Arch  of  Severus,  on  the  other  hand,  had  all  three  openings 
laid  open  to  a  considerable  depth,  but  was  still  crowned  by  its 
mediaeval  battlements.  Between  the  Arch  of  Severus  and  the 
Temple  of  Saturn,  and  quite  close  to  the  ruins  of  Vespasian's 
Temple,  stood  the  old  church  of  SS.  Sergio  e  Bacco,  which, 
more  fortunate  than  others,  had  escaped  destruction  at  the 
demolitions  of  Paul  III.  in  connection  with  the  solemn  entry 

1  Cf.  Nibby,  Roma.  Parte  antica,  II. ,  802  ;  Lanciani,  II.,  138 
seq.  ;  Ehrle,  Roma  prima  di  Sisto  V.,  33  ;  Bartoli,  76  ;  Barac- 
coni,  133  ;  Romier  in  the  Mel.  d'archeol.,  XXXI.,  27  seq.  Con- 
cerning the  entrance  portal  of  the  Villa,  which  has  only  lately  been 
removed,  see  Annuario  d.  Assoc,  artist,  fra  i  cultori  di  architett. 
Rom.,  1908,  58  seq.,  and  Nuova  Antologia,  CXXXVI.  (1908),  411 
seq.  Concerning  the  deer  park,  which  was  near  the  Baths  of 
Diocletian  at  the  time  of  Leo   X.,   see  Vol.  VIII.  of  this  work, 

P-  133. 

2  See  Fichard,  Italia,  32,  35  ;  cf.  Michaelis,  Rom.  Skizzen- 
bucher,  153,  163  ;    Hermanin,  plate  21. 


408  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

of  Charles  V.  into  the  city.1  S.  Maria  Nuova  still  had  the 
facade  of  Honorius  III.  The  building  alongside  the  church 
was  connected  with  the  Palatine  by  the  mediaeval  fortress  of 
the  Frangipani.2  Fichard  could  still  admire,  in  the  Basilica 
of  Maxentius,  then  called  the  Templum  Pacis,  one  of  those 
immense  white  marble  Corinthian  columns,  which  once  stood 
as  the  central  pillars.  He  declared  this  column,  which  was 
later  placed  in  front  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  to  be  the  most 
beautiful  in  Rome.  In  the  Circus  Maximus,  which  served  as  a 
vegetable  garden,  the  arches  which  supported  the  tiers  of  seats 
were  still  in  a  good  state  of  preservation  ;  the  Romans  of  older 
times  had  had  warehouses  and  taverns  arranged  there,  where 
they  could  refresh  themselves  during  the  summer  months.3 
With  regard  to  the  Palace  of  the  Caesars  on  the  Palatine,  at 
that  time  called  the  Palazzo  Maggiore,  Fichard  acknowledged 
that  he  could  not  form  any  clear  idea  of  what  it  once  had 
looked  like.4  The  hill,  still  covered  with  mighty  ruins,  was 
partly  in  the  possession  of  monasteries  and  private  persons, 
and  partly  without  any  owner.  Everything  was  much  over- 
grown with  shrubs  and  trees,  between  which  vineyards  had 
been  planted  in  suitable  places.  In  several  of  the  unfenced 
parts  flocks  of  cattle  and  sheep  were  feeding.5  An  exquisite 
drawing  by  Heemskerck  gives  a  very  valuable  general  view 
of  the  south-western  slope  of  the  Palatine,  and  the  expanse  of 
the  Circus  Maximus.  Heemskerck  has  also  sketched  the 
panorama  which  unfolds  itself  before  the  delighted  eye  of  the 
visitor  to  the  Palatine,  taken  from  the  platform  of  the  Belve- 
dere towards  the  Colosseum,  as  well  as  the  picturesque  ruins 
of  the  Velabro.6   * 

1  See  Hulsen,  Das  Forum,  2nd  Ed.  Rome,  1905,  36  seq.  ;  cf. 
ibid.  38  seq.,  concerning  the  description  which  Marliani  gave  in 
1544  of  the  Forum  and  its  monuments  ("  an  exhaustive  and 
critical  piece  of  work  for  that  period  ")  and  the  controversy  with 
P.  Ligorio  in  the  time  of  Julius  III. 

2  Cf.  Bartoli,  n.  4. 

3  FICHARD,    34. 

4  Ibid.  37.  5  Cf.  Hermanin,  plate  26. 
6  See  Egger,  Veduten,  I.,  44  47,  plates  96,  99,  112,  113. 


THE     PALATINE.  409 

Excavations  had  already  been  begun  on  the  Palatine  under 
Leo.  X.,  and  on  a  more  comprehensive  scale  under  Paul  III., 
which  were  continued  under  Julius  III.  Pirro  Ligorio 
describes  these  as  an  eye-witness.  The  transformation,  which 
gave  a  great  part  of  the  Palatine  a  perfectly  different  appear- 
ance, is  chiefly  connected  with  the  name  of  the  nephew  of  the 
Farnese  Pope,  Alessandro  Farnese  having  remodelled  his 
vigna  built  there,  and  turned  it  into  a  magnificent  villa.  The 
value  the  Cardinal  attached  to  this  property  is  clear  from  the 
fact  that  in  the  document  of  presentation  of  his  villa  near  the 
Palazzo  Maggiore  in  favour  of  Ottavio  Farnese,  on  April  17th, 
1548,  he  laid  it  down  that  it  should  always  remain  in  the 
possession  of  the  Farnese  family.1 

Of  the  principal  ornament  of  the  Palatine,  the  celebrated 
Septizonium,  only  the  east  front  then  remained.  Heemskerck 
repeatedly  sketched  this  last  fragment  of  the  gorgeous  facade 
of  the  palace  of  Septimus  Severus  facing  the  Appian  Way,  and, 
conscientious  as  ever,  he  has  not  omitted  the  little  additions 
made  to  the  building  by  the  Frangipani  in  the  Xllth  century.2 

The  whole  neighbourhood  of  the  Imperial  Fora,  which  was 
essentially  altered  under  Pius  V.  by  the  laying  out  of  the  Via 
Alessandrina,  afforded  until  then  an  exceedingly  remarkable 
spectacle.  In  chaotic  confusion  the  towers  of  the  Conti, 
Colonna  and  Gaetani  rose  above  miserable  houses  and  the 
massive  residence  of  the  Knights  of  St.  John,  built  in  the 
XlVth  century.  A  much  greater  part  of  the  Forum  of  Nerva 
was  then  preserved  than  at  the  present  day  ;  of  the  Forum  of 
Trajan,  which  surpassed  all  the  others  in  size  and  splendour, 
the  ruins  of  the  great  Exedra  were  still  standing  on  the  southern 
slope  of  the  Quirinal.  Paul  III.  had  uncovered  the  pedestal 
of  the  triumphal  arch  of  the  Emperor,  and  during  these  excava- 
tions the  little  church  of  St.  Nicholas  ad  Columnam,  built  in 

1  Cf.  Lanciani,  I.,  179  ;    II.,  34  seqq.,  45  seqq.  ;    III.,  112. 

2  See  HttLSEN,  Das  Septizonium.  Programm  zum  Winckel- 
mannsfeste  1886  ;  Hermanin,  22,  plates  27  and  30  ;  Bartoli,  n. 
23-24  and  in  the  Bull.  d'Arte,  III.  (1909),  258  seq.  ;  Egger,  43  seq., 
plates  92-94.  Cf.  also  the  valuable  essay  of  Hulsen  in  the 
Zeitschrift  fur  Geschicte  in  der  Architektur,  V.,  1. 


410  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

the  XI  1th  century,  was  pulled  down.  A  row  of  houses  which 
surrounded  the  spot,  was  only  demolished  in  1812.  The 
church  of  S.  Maria  di  Loreto,  erected  by  the  Guild  of  Bakers, 
was  not  yet  completed.1  In  the  immediate  neighbourhood, 
in  the  Macel  de'  Corvi,  Michael  Angelo  had  his  modest  dwelling 
and  studio  ;  the  building  was  modernized  later  on,  but  early 
in  the  year  1902,  the  last  remains  of  the  house  in  which  the 
master  lived  for  thirty  years  disappeared.2 

The  traveller  who  pursued  his  lonely  way  through  peaceful 
vignas  to  the  remains  of  ancient  Rome,  was  reminded  at  every 
step  of  the  power  which  had  subdued  the  pagan,  by  the 
churches  and  monasteries  which  he  met  with  at  every  turn, 
The  book  of  the  world's  history  lay  here  spread  out  before  him, 
a  striking  reminder  of  the  transitoriness  of  all  that  is  earthly, 
and  of  the  eternal  power  of  God  ;  the  realization  of  this  was 
intensified  as  the  stillness  in  which  this  region  was  wrapt 
seemed  to  grow  deeper,  the  only  sound  that  broke  the  silence 
being  the  Angelus  bell  at  noon  and  eventide.  The  solemn 
influence  of  the  surroundings  was  still  further  increased  when 
the  pilgrim  entered  the  venerable  sanctuaries,  each  with  its 
distinctive  features,  where,  in  the  days  of  primitive  Christianity, 
the  martyrs  and  saints  had  found  their  resting  place.  All 
these  were  still  untouched  by  the  later,  and  often  so  devastating 
alterations  and  restorations.  With  their  columns,  mostly 
taken  from  ancient  buildings,  their  gleaming  marble  floors,  and 
grave  mosaic  pictures,  they  must  have  been  eloquent  apolo- 
gists for  the  one  unchanging  Church,  which  had  here,  for  more 
than  a  thousand  years,  untroubled  by  all  outward  vicissitudes, 
prayed  and  offered  sacrifice  as  in  the  days  of  the  Apostles. 

Among  all  the  Christian  monuments  contained  in  the  Rione 
de  Monti?  none  was  so  venerable  and  rich  in  holy  and  great 
memories  of  the  history  of  the  Church  and  of  the  world,  as  the 

1  See  Hermanin,  14,  plates  15-17. 

2  It  was  situated  in  the  Vicolo  de'  Fornari,  No.  212  ;  see  Lan- 
ciani,  Renaissance  185  ;  Mackowsky,  249  seq.  ;  Steinmann  in  the 
Deutschen  Rundschau,  1902,  May  number,  279  seq. 

3  Cf.  Adinolfi,  Roma,  I.,  181  seq. 


THE     LATERAN.  411 

Lateran  Basilica,  which,  as  the  cathedral  of  the  Bishop  of 
Rome,  was  named  the  "  Mother  and  Head  of  all  the  churches 
of  the  world."  From  the  adjoining  palace,  the  chapel  of 
which,  on  account  of  its  particularly  sacred  and  important 
relics,  was  called  the  Sancta  Sanctorum,  the  Popes  of  ancient 
and  mediaeval  times  had  governed  the  Christian  world  ;  five 
General  Councils  had  been  held  there. 

The  reconstruction  begun  under  Pius  IV.  in  1560  had  not  yet 
destroyed  the  original  form  of  the  exceedingly  picturesque 
palace.  It  was  a  very  extensive  and  complicated  medley  of 
buildings,  designed  in  a  most  confused  way,  which  had  been 
collecting  there  since  the  IVth  century  ;  several  drawings  of 
Heemskerck  enable  us  to  reconstruct  the  old  palace  com- 
pletely.1 Even  then  the  building  had  greatly  deteriorated  ;2 
the  Scala  Santa,  which  was  connected  with  the  old  palace,  was 
on  its  north  facade.  On  the  wide  unpaved  space  there,  Heems- 
kerck saw  and  sketched  the  statue  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  on  the 
base  which  had  been  erected  by  Sixtus  IV.,  and  in  front  of 
which  stood  two  lions  on  short  pillars.  To  the  left  of  the  north 
entrance  was  situated  the  great  Council  Hall,  with  the  dainty 
gothic  Loggia  of  the  Benediction,  which  Boniface  VIII.  had 
dedicated  in  the  Jubilee  of  1300  ;  to  the  right  was  the  Bap- 
tistery, the  entrance  to  which  was  opposite  to  that  of  to-day.3 
In  front  of  the  principal  facade  of  the  basilica,  which  had 
three  gothic  windows,  there  was  a  portico  with  six  columns. 
The  interior  of  the  church,  which  has  since  been  entirely 
modernized,  caused,  in  its  then  intact  condition,  the  great 
memories  of  the  Middle  Ages  to  pass  like  living  pictures  before 
the  mind  of  the  spectator.  In  the  portico  were  the  tombs  of 
Alexander  II.,  John  X.,  John  XII.  and  Sylvester  II.     In  the 

1  Cf.  Ges.  Studien  zur  Kunstgesch.  fur  A.  Springer,  227  seq. 
A  model  of  the  basilica  and  its  surroundings  was  in  the  Roman 
Jubilee  Exhibition  of  191 1,  which  was  prepared  by  A.  Consolani 
from  the  old  drawings  and  plans,  See  also  Lauer,  Le  Palais  de 
Latran,  Paris,  191 1. 

2  Cf.  Rohault,  Le  Latran  an  Moyen-age,  Paris,  1877,  250. 

3  Cf.  J.  Springer  in  the  Ges.  Studien  fur  A.  Springer,  226  seq.  ; 
Egger,  Veduten,  I.,  41  seq.  ;   Hulsen-Egger,  I.,  36  seq. 


412  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

interior  of  the  five  aisled  basilica  was  the  monument  of  Martin 
V.  Many  places  showed  the  traces  of  the  troublous  times 
through  which  the  basilica  had  passed.  Fichard  saw,  in  the 
beautiful  gleaming  pavement,  which  was  polished  like  a  mirror, 
the  traces  of  a  conflagration.  The  learned  traveller  could  still 
see  the  "  Lex  Regia  "  in  the  church,  and  he  especially  admired 
the  exquisite  columns,  not  yet  enclosed  in  pilasters,  as  well  as 
the  frescoes  of  Gentile  da  Fabriano,  afterwards  completely 
destroyed.1 

The  basilica  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  which  formed  the  central 
point  of  the  very  extensive  Rione  de'  Monti,  still  bore,  at  that 
time,  the  grave  impress  of  the  old  days.  The  large  side 
chapels  of  Sixtus  V.  and  Paul  V.  were  not  in  existence,  nor  were 
the  palatial  buildings  which  form  wings  on  either  side  of  the 
principal  facade,  nor  the  tasteful  double  portico  which  Fuga 
erected  between  them  in  1743.  From  the  summit  of  the  old 
facade,  the  mosaics  shed  their  glory  on  the  spectator  ;  these 
had  been  executed  at  the  end  of  the  XHIth  century  by  Filippo 
Rusutti,  to  the  order  of  Cardinals  Giacomo  and  Pietro  Colonna. 
The  vestibule  erected  by  Eugenius  III.  was  still  to  be  seen,  as 
was  the  magnificent  patriarchal  palace,  which  adjoined  the 
basilica.2  Four  ancient  monasteries,  among  them  that  of  St. 
Adalbert,  formed  a  fitting  environment  for  this,  the  most 
important  of  the  churches  dedicated  to  Our  Lady  in  Rome. 
S.  Croce  also  still  had  its  old  vestibule  at  that  time,  but  this,  as 
well  as  the  interior,  fell  a  victim  to  the  reconstructions  in  the 
baroque  style  by  Gregorini  in  1743.3  » 

The  many  tombs  and  inscriptions  which  covered  the  walls4 

1  Fichard,  20,  60-61.  The  interior  of  the  Lateran  Basilica  (not 
yet  reconstructed)  is  shown  by  the  fresco  of  Poussin  in  the  church 
of  S.  Martino  ai  Monti. 

2  Cf.  Adinolfi,  Roma,  II.,  213  seq.  ;  Biasiotti,  La  Basilica 
Esquilina  di  S.  Maria  Maggiore  ed  il  Palazzo  apud  S.M.M.,  Roma, 
191 1,  30  seq. 

3  Cf.  Hermanin,  34,  seq. 

4  Cf.  the  large  collection  in  Forcella,  which  is,  however,  some- 
times not  quite  accurate,  and  the  exceedingly  able  review  of  his 
work  by  Gnoli  in  the  N.  Antologia,  Ser.  2,  XXIV.  (1880),  729  seq. 


INSCRIPTIONS     AND     EPITAPHS.  413 

and  floor  of  this,  as  well  as  all  the  other  churches  of  Rome, 
made  a  deep  impression.  The  inscriptions  told  of  the  never 
ceasing  care  which  the  Popes  of  all  centuries  had  devoted  to 
the  restoration  and  adornment  of  the  churches  of  their  seat  of 
government  with  relics  and  indulgences.  The  epitaphs,  which 
almost  covered  the  floor,  as  is  still  the  case  to-day  in  S.  Maria 
in  Aracoeli  and  S.  Onofrio,  proclaimed  the  names  and  deeds  of 
countless  distinguished,  celebrated,  rich  or  learned  men. 
What  a  wealth  of  memories  they  contain,  from  the  touchingly 
simple  tombstones  of  the  earliest  Christian  days,  to  the  mag- 
nificent marble  monuments  of  the  Renaissance,  with  their 
elegant  Latin  inscriptions,  partly  pious  and  partly  tinged  with 
paganism  !  A  great  part  of  Rome's  history,  her  Popes, 
Cardinals,  prelates,  nobles,  scholars,  poets,  humanists  and 
artists  was  enshrined  here.  No  part  of  her  history,  down  to 
that  dreadful  year  of  war  and  pestilence,  1527,  and  to  the 
restoring  activity  of  Paul  III.,  but  had  left  its  traces  on  these 
stones.  All  states,  professions  and  ages  were  represented 
here  ;  deep  piety,  true  love,  bitter  grief,  as  well  as  verbosity, 
offensive  vain-glory,  and  not  infrequently  comic  naivete — all 
these  found  expression  here.  The  numerous  tombs  of  foreign- 
ers bore  witness  to  the  eminently  cosmopolitan  character  of 
Rome,  the  capital  of  the  world.  Representatives  of  all  the 
provinces  of  Italy,  as  of  all  the  different  countries  of  Europe, 
especially  of  Spain  and  Germany,  were  to  be  found  among 
them.1 

See  also  Reumont  in  the  Arch.  stor.  Ital.,  Ser.  3,  IX.,  1,  80  seq- 
As  many  of  these  gravestones  stood  up  so  much  above  the  floor 
that  walking  became  exceedingly  difficult,  Paul  IV.  ordered  that 
they  should  be  set  lower,  which  order  was  repeated  by  Pius  IV.  and 
Gregory  XIII.  ;  see  Gnoli,  Roma,  100.  Concerning  the  tombs 
of  Rome  worthy  of  note  from  an  artistic  point  of  view,  cf.  Gerald 
S.  Da  vies,  Renaissance.  The  sculptured  tombs  of  the  15th 
century,  London,  1910. 

1  Examples  in  Gnoli  111  the  N.  Antologia,  loc.  cit.,  732  seq. 
Unfortunately  the  beautiful  tombs  of  the  Renaissance  which 
breathe  a  Christian  spirit  are  not  noticed  here.  Inscriptions  of 
Paul  III.  which  perpetuated  privilegi  s  -r  mte  I  to  the  churches,  in 


414  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

More  than  by  all  these  memories  and  treasures  of  art,  how- 
ever, pious  pilgrims  were  attracted  by  the  graces  which  they 
could  obtain  in  the  Holy  Places,  and  by  the  relics  which  were 
preserved  there.  The  guide  for  pilgrims,  in  which  the  Mira- 
bilia  Roma  were  set  forth,  described  these  in  the  most  complete 
way.  Before  everything  else  came  the  Tomb  of  the  Prince 
of  the  Apostles,  St.  Peter,  the  pilgrimage  place  of  the  whole 
world.  It  was  the  first  spot  to  which  the  pilgrims  flocked 
from  every  land.  The  pilgrimage  to  the  seven  principal 
churches,  for  which  rich  indulgences  were  granted,  was  under- 
taken on  a  single  day.1  The  pilgrim  would  begin  with  the 
church  of  St.  Paul,  which  was  situated  far  outside  the  gate 
of  that  name.  Then  came  the  church  of  St.  Sebastian,  on  the 
Via  Appia,  which  was  reached  by  the  Via  delle  Sette  Chiese. 
The  opportunity  of  visiting  the  neighbouring  catacomb2  was 
generally  taken  advantage  of  when  there.  Visits  to  the 
Lateran,  S.  Croce,  S.  Lorenzo  fuori  le  mure,  S.  Maria  Maggiore, 
and  finally  St.  Peter's,  were  also  necessary  in  order  to  gain  the 
great  indulgence.  This  pilgrimage,  always  difficult  on  account 
of  the  great  distance  between  the  churches,  was  rendered  still 
more  arduous  by  the  bad  condition  of  the  roads.3 

No  pilgrim  failed  to  be  present  at  the  great  ceremonies,  at 
which  the  Pope  either  celebrated  himself,  or  at  which  he 
assisted.  The  Pope  himself  celebrated  regularly  at  Christmas, 
Easter,  and  the  feast  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  unless  prevented 
by  illness.  The  splendour  and  magnificence  of  Catholic  ritual 
was  then  displayed  on  the  grandest  scale,  not  only  in  St. 
Peter's,  but  also  in  all  the  other  principal  basilicas.     An  over- 

Forcella,  I.,  167  ;  V.,  252.  Julius  III.  also  granted  similar 
marks  of  favour  ;  see  Le  cose  meravigliose,  15,  26.  Cf.  de  Waal, 
Roma  Sacra,  Vienna,  1905,  445. 

1  Cf.  Vol.  VIII.  of  this  work,  p.  137. 

2  See  Rot,  Itin.  Rom.,  258  ;  G.  Fabricius,  who  visited  Rome  in 
1542  (see  AUg.  Deutsche  Biographie,  VI.,  510  seq.  and  Bull.  dTst. 
arch,.  XIII.,  262),  mentions  in  his  Roma  (p.  214  and  219)  among 
the  catacombs  accessible  at  that  time,  also  those  near  S.  Agnese 
and  S.  Pancrazio. 

3  See  Rodocanachi,  Rome,  308. 


PAPAL     CEREMONIES.  415 

whelming  impression  was  made  on  all  present  when  the  Head 
of  the  Church  pronounced,  on  Maundy  Thursday  and  Easter 
Day,  from  the  Loggia  of  the  Benediction,  close  to  St.  Peter's, 
the  solemn  Blessing  on  the  city  and  the  world,  "  Urbi  et  Orbi." 
In  the  Jubilee  year  of  1550,  more  than  50,000  persons  had 
flocked  together  to  St.  Peter's  Square,  while  in  1554,  ine 
number  amounted  to  30,000. 1 

On  the  Feast  of  the  Annunciation,  it  had  been  customary 
since  the  middle  of  the  XVth  century  for  the  Pope  to  proceed 
in  solemn  procession,  accompanied  by  the  Cardinals,  prelates, 
and  nobles  to  S.  Maria  sopra  Minerva,  where,  after  High  Mass, 
in  accordance  with  a  foundation  of  Cardinal  Torquemada, 
poor  maidens — there  were  150  of  them  in  1550 — received  their 
dowry.2  Like  their  predecessors,  Paul  III.  and  Julius  III. 
never  failed  to  be  present  on  the  other  great  feasts  of  the 
Church,  unless  prevented  by  illness.  Above  all,  they  made 
a  special  point  of  never  omitting  to  take  part  in  the  procession 
of  Corpus  Christi,  and  at  the  Requiem  Mass  on  the  anniversary 
of  their  predecessor's  death,  which,  as  well  as  the  Coronation 
Day  festivities,  took  place  in  the  Sixtine  Chapel.  They  also 
took  part  in  the  ceremonies  of  Holy  Week.3 

The  affecting  solemnities  of  Holy  Week  began  on  Palm 
Sunday.  The  Pope,  who  generally  said  mass  very  early  in  his 
private  chapel,4  appeared  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  Sixtine  Chapel 
for  High  Mass,  generally  celebrated  by  one  of  the  Cardinals. 
Then  followed  the  Blessing  of  the  Palms.     The  first  palm  was 

1  See  Massarelli,  166  ;   Rot,  Itin.,  252. 

2  See  Massarelli,  162  ;    Rot,  Itin.,  256. 

3  See  for  the  following  the  *Diaries  of  the  Masters  of  Ceremonies, 
Blasius  de  Martinellis,  Johannes  Franciscus  Firmanus  and  Ludo- 
vicus  Bondonus  de  Branchis  Firmanus  (Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican,  Arm.  12).  Much  of  the  information  in  Merkle,  II.,  491 
seqq.,  is  taken  from  L.  Firmanus  ;  cf.  Massarelli,  165  seq.  ;  Rot, 
Itin.,  250  seq. 

4  As  was  the  custom  of  Julius  III.  In  the  case  of  Paul  III.  the 
private  mass  is  not  mentioned  either  on  this  day  or  on  Maundy 
Thursday;  a  Cardinal  celebrated  praesente  papa;  see  I.  Fr, 
Firmani  *Diaria,  XII.,  27. 


416  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

presented  by  the  Dean  of  the  Sacred  College  to  the  Pope,  who 
then  distributed  palms  to  the  Cardinals,  ambassadors,  Roman 
nobles,  the  Penitentiaries  of  St.  Peter's,  his  famiglia,  and  such 
persons  as  had  gained  admission  to  the  ceremony.  On  the 
Wednesday,  three  hours  before  the  Ave,  began  the  so-called 
Tenebrae.  In  St.  Peter's,  the  Sudarium  of  St.  Veronica  was 
exposed  on  the  morning  of  this  day. 

On  Maundy  Thursday,  the  Pope  said  mass  very  early  and 
gave  communion  to  all  the  members  of  his  court.  At  ten 
o'clock  the  Capella  Papale  began  in  the  Sixtine  Chapel.  After 
the  High  Mass,  celebrated  by  a  Cardinal,  Julius  III.,  accom- 
panied by  all  the  members  of  the  Sacred  College,  and  many 
bishops  and  prelates,  bore  the  Blessed  Sacrament  to  the 
Capella  Paolina,1  built  by  Paul  III.  Then  followed  the  reading 
of  the  Bull  In  Cocna  Domini  in  Latin  and  Italian,  by  a  Cardinal 
from  the  Loggia  of  the  Benediction,  and  then  the  great  Papal 
Blessing.  Then,  in  the  Hall  of  Consistory,  came  the  "  Man- 
datum  "  when  the  Pope  personally  washed  the  feet  of  twelve 
poor  men.  On  the  same  day  the  Sudarium  of  St.  Veronica 
was  again  exposed  in  St.  Peter's.  In  all  the  churches  of  the 
city  there  was  adoration  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  A  German 
who  visited  Rome  in  the  spring  of  1554,  relates  how  great  was 
the  fervour  displayed  in  the  adoration  of  the  Holy  Eucharist, 
which  was  in  happy  contrast  to  the  indifference  and  irreverence 
which  had  generally  prevailed  in  the  golden  age  of  the  Renais- 
sance. On  this  day  the  "  sepulchres  "  were  made  the  central 
point  of  attraction  for  the  faithful,  and  they  were  adorned  in 
every  possible  way,  with  costly  rugs,  silver  candlesticks,  and 
with  countless  lights  and  many-coloured  lamps.2  This 
impetus  to  the  veneration  of  the  Holy  Eucharist,  which  was 
also  shown  in  other  places  at  the  period  of  the  Catholic  Refor- 
mation, Rome  owed  to  the  Confraternity  of  the  Blessed  Sacra- 
ment, which  had  been  founded  by  Paul  III.,  in  1539,  at  the 
instance  of  the  Dominican,  Tommaso  Stella.3 

1  Under  Paul  III.  the  Sacred  Host  was  taken  to  the  Capella 
Parva  ;    cf.  Moroni,  VIII.,  294. 

2  Cf.  Rot,  [tin.,  251.  3  See  Tacchi  Venturi,  I.,  194  seq. 


HOLY     WEEK.  417 

The  solemn  and  unique  ceremonies  with  which  the  Church 
commemorates  the  death  of  her  Bridegroom,  in  so  affecting  a 
manner,  began  very  early  on  Good  Friday.  On  this  day  the 
Pope  personally  brought  back  the  Blessed  Sacrament  from  the 
Pauline  Chapel  to  the  Sixtine.  The  singing  of  the  Passion, 
according  to  St.  John,  was  followed  by  a  sermon.  Immediately 
afterwards,  the  intercessory  prayers  were  sung,  in  which  the 
necessities  of  all  men  are  remembered.  All  present  took  part 
in  the  affecting  Adoration  of  the  Holy  Cross.  First  of  all  the 
Pope  approached  the  Cross,  barefooted  and  divested  of  all  the 
outer  insignia  of  his  high  office,  then  the  Cardinals,  prelates 
and  ambassadors.  The  Mass  of  the  Presanctified  was  cele- 
brated by  a  Cardinal.  On  Good  Friday  evening,  the  Brother- 
hood of  the  Gonf alone  had,  since  the  XI Vth  century,  been  in  the 
habit  of  making  a  procession,  carrying  crosses,  to  the  Colos- 
seum. In  the  year  of  Jubilee,  1550,  1500  men  took  part  in  this 
pious  pilgrimage,  of  whom  335  bore  large  crosses.  The 
Brotherhood  of  the  Cross,  of  S.  Marcello,  also  arranged  a  pro- 
cession in  this  year,  in  which  1200  men  took  part,  many  of 
whom  scourged  themselves.  They  all  visited  the  four  principal 
churches  prescribed  for  gaining  the  Jubilee  Indulgence.1 

On  the  morning  of  Holy  Saturday  a  Cardinal  officiated  in 
the  Sixtine  Chapel  in  the  presence  of  the  Pope.  At  the  Gloria, 
the  music  started,  and  the  bells  were  again  rung.2  That  was 
the  signal  for  all  the  churches  of  Rome  to  announce  the 
approaching  Feast  of  the  Resurrection.  The  unique  impres- 
sion caused  by  the  wave-like  rise  and  fall  of  the  sound  of  the 
bells  of  every  size  and  depth  of  tone  led  Rabelais  to  make  his 
celebrated  comparison  of  the  Eternal  City  to  a  chiming  island.3 

At  the  celebration  of  High  Mass  in  St.  Peter's  on  Easter 
Sunday,  the  Pope  distributed  Holy  Communion  to  all  the 
Cardinals,  the  Canons  of  the  Basilica,  the  Roman  nobles,  and 
whatever  princes  might  be  present,  as,  for  example,  in  1550, 
to  the  Dukes  of  Urbino  and  Ferrara.4 

1  See  Massarelli,  166. 

2  Rot,  Itin.,  252. 

3  Cf.  Reumont,  III.,  2,  786. 

4  See  Massarelli,  166  ;    Rot,  252. 

VOL.   XIII.  27 


418  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

Not  only  strangers,  but  the  Romans  also,  flocked  in  great 
numbers  to  the  ecclesiastical  ceremonies,  while  in  Lent  they 
assisted  regularly  at  the  so-called  "  Stations  "  in  the  different 
churches.  During  this  time,  the  otherwise  so  silent  Rione  de' 
Monti  came  to  life,  all  classes  hastening  to  the  tombs  of  the 
martyrs.  During  the  Renaissance  period  there  were  proceed- 
ings of  a  very  worldly  character  here.1  A  remarkable  and 
salutary  reaction  against  such  unseemly  proceedings  in  holy 
places  was,  however,  making  itself  felt.  It  was  the  champions 
of  the  Catholic  Reformation  who,  in  this  also,  gave  the  incen- 
tive to  improvement. 

Long  before  the  Council  of  Trent  had  impressed  upon  clergy 
and  laity  what  was  to  be  observed  in  the  Holy  Sacrifice  of  the 
Mass  and  what  was  to  be  avoided,  those  men,  burning  with  the 
love  of  God,  who  had  inscribed  the  reformation  of  ecclesiastical 
conditions  on  their  banners,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  Ignatius 
of  Loyola,  and,  soon  in  keen  emulation  of  him,  the  youthful 
Philip  Neri,  had  devoted  the  whole  of  their  powers  to  teaching 
all,  by  word  and  example,  how  to  venerate  in  a  fitting  manner 
the  House  of  God,  a  thing  which  had  so  much  suffered  in  the 
time  of  the  Renaissance.  Whoever  visited  S.  Dorotea  in 
Trastevere,  the  seat  of  the  Oratory  of  Divine  Love,  S.  Maria 
della  Strada,  the  church  of  the  founder  of  the  Jesuits,  S. 
Girolamo  della  Carita  or  S.  Salvatore  in  Campo,  where  Philip 
Neri  lived  and  worked,  or  the  little  churches  of  the  Theatines 
in  the  Campo  Marzo  or  on  the  Pincio,  or  that  of  the  Capuchins, 
S.  Nicola  de'  -Portiis,  on  the  Quirinal,  could  not  but  be  deeply 
moved.  Evil-living  men  of  the  Renaissance,  who  visited  them 
out  of  curiosity,  were  not  infrequently  completely  converted.2 
Here  were  to  be  found  priests  who,  in  their  lives,  were  repre- 
sentatives of  that  reform  that  was  so  longed  for  and  so  often 

1  Cf.  Rodocanachi,  Rome,  307  seq.  A  humanist  in  Rome  had 
made  a  list  of  the  stations  in  elegant  verse  ;  see  Marucchi,  Basil. 
et  eglises  de  Rome,  Rome,  1909,  63  seq. 

2  See  Le  cose  mervigliose  di  Roma  {cf.  infra,  422,  n.  3),  21  ;  Cape- 
celatro,  175  seqq;,  178  seqq.  and  especially  Tacchi  Venturi,  I., 
186,  seq. 


IMPRESSIVE     CEREMONIAL.  419 

discussed.  These  little  poorly-equipped  houses  of  God  were 
so  eagerly  sought  after  that  they  could  no  longer  contain  the 
multitude  of  the  faithful  who  flocked  there  for  the  masses  and 
sermons.  There  is  still  in  existence  a  petition  of  the  time  of 
Julius  III.,  begging  the  Pope  to  commission  Ignatius  of  Loyola 
to  build  a  larger  church,  as  S.  Maria  della  Strada  was  too  small 
and  inconvenient  for  the  great  numbers  who  wished  to  hear 
the  word  of  God  there,  and  to  receive  the  sacrament  of  pen- 
ance.1 This  was  the  first  step  towards  the  erection  of  the 
magnificent  church  of  the  Gesu,  to  which  were  afterwards  added 
the  great  church  of  the  Theatines  at  S.  Andrea  della  Valle,  and 
that  of  the  Oratorians  at  S.  Maria  in  Vallicella,  which  were  not 
only  of  great  importance  for  the  religious  life  of  Rome,  but 
were  also  a  notable  addition  to  the  beauty  of  the  city. 

For  all  the  ceremonial  of  the  Church  which  was  conducted 
by  the  Pope  in  person,  or  in  his  presence,  very  strict  regulations, 
going  into  the  minutest  details,  had  been  fixed  from  time 
immemorial,  and  the  exact  canying  out  of  these  was  carefully 
watched  over  by  the  master  of  ceremonies.  The  pomp  which 
was  displayed  on  these  solemn  occasions  by  Paul  III.  and 
Julius  III.,  found  a  fitting  setting  in  the  majestic  music  which 
accompanied  them.  A  German  who  spent  Holy  Week  and 
Easter  in  Rome  in  1554,  points  out  that,  in  this  respect,  most 
wonderful  effects  were  obtained,  both  in  the  Lateran  and  at 
St.  Peter's,  where  Palestrina  was  choirmaster.2 

Not  only  the  church  festivals,  but  the  churches  themselves 
made  a  deep  impression  on  all  strangers.  It  is  noteworthy 
that  Fichard,  despite  all  his  enthusiasm  for  antiquity,  names, 
as  the  principal  objects  of  interest  in  the  Eternal  City,  the 
Vatican,  with  the  Library  and  the  Belvedere,  the  Cancelleria, 
the  Basilica  of  St.  Peter,  the  Lateran,  S.  Paul  fuori  le  Mura, 
S.  Maria  Maggiore,  S.  Maria  sopra  Minerva,  S.  Maria  del 
Popolo,  and  the  German  national  church,  S.  Maria  dell' 
Anima,  with  the  beautiful  tomb  of  Adrian  VI.3 

1  Cf.  Studi  e  docum.,  XX.  (1899),  345  seqq. 

2  See  Rot,  Itin.,  250,  252,  261. 

3  Fichard,  Italia,  67. 


420  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

Eight  years  after  the  visit  of  the  Frankfort  traveller,  an 
unknown  Florentine  pilgrim  to  Rome  wrote  some  notes  con- 
cerning the  principal  creations  of  Renaissance  art  which  were 
then  to  be  seen  in  the  Eternal  City.  These  remarks,1  which 
are  interesting  from  several  points  of  view,  begin  with  the 
Basilica  of  the  Prince  of  the  Apostles,  and  its  reconstruction. 
The  anonymous  writer  particularly  praises,  among  the  works 
of  art  in  the  basilica,  the  Pieta  of  Michael  Angelo,  which  had 
been  placed  in  the  Oratory  of  St.  Gregory  after  the  demolition 
of  the  chapel  of  St.  Petronilla.2  Of  the  remaining  monuments 
in  St.  Peter's,  only  the  tombs  of  Sixtus  IV.  and  Innocent 
VIII.  are  mentioned.  The  Stanze  and  the  Loggie  of  Raphael, 
then  still  in  all  the  fresh  glory  of  their  colouring,  and  the 
Sixtine  Chapel,  with  its  incomparable  frescoes,  he  cites  as  the 
most  remarkable  objects  of  interest  in  the  Vatican.  He 
complains,  with  justice,  of  the  destruction  of  Fra  Angelico's 
Chapel  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  Among  the  churches,  he 
only  mentions  those  which  contained  prominent  examples  of 
Renaissance  ait.  At  S.  Agostino,  besides  Raphael's  Isaias, 
the  Madonna  del  Parto,  by  Jacopo  Sansovino,  and  the  marble 
group,  representing  Our  Lady,  St.  Anne,  and  the  Divine  Child 
by  Andrea  Sansovino,  were  regarded,  even  at  that  time,  as 
objects  of  the  greatest  interest.  The  former  stands  to-day  to 
the  right  of  the  entrance,  and  the  latter  on  the  left  side,  at  the 
third  column,  under  the  Isaias.  The  Florentine  praises  the 
Sybils  of  Raphael,  in  S.  Maria  della  Pace,  as  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  of  that  painter's  works  in  Rome.  He  also  mentions 
Baldassare  Peruzzi's  Presentation  in  the  Temple,  which  was 
not  then  repainted  to  such  an  extent  as  it  is  to-day.  Of  the 
many  splendid  marble  tombs  in  S.  Maria  del  Popolo,  he  only 
speaks  of  the  two  largest  and  most  beautiful  :  the  monuments 
of  Cardinals  Girolamo  Basso  and.Ascanio  Maria  Sforza,  by 

1  Published  and  explained  by  Fabriczy  in  the  Arch.  Stor.  Ital., 
Ser.  5,  XII.,  275  seq.,  328  seq. 

2  Cf.  Mackowsky,  366  seq.  The  Madonna  della  Febbre  was  not 
erected  here  in  1545,  but  as  early  as  1542  ;  see  Fabricius,  Roma, 
248. 


WORKS     OF     ART.  421 

Andrea  Sansovino.  Very  remarkably,  he  omits  all  mention 
of  Pinturrichio's  frescoes  on  the  ceiling  of  the  choir,  or  of  the 
glass  paintings  of  Claude  and  Guillaume  Marcillat,  and  even 
of  the  wonderful  Chigi  chapel.  On  the  other  hand  he  tells  us 
of  the  two  pictuies  by  Raphael  :  the  Madonna  di  Loreto,  which 
afterwards  disappeared,  and  the  celebrated  portrait  of  Julius 
II.,  which  now  adorns  the  Uffizi ;  both  of  these  were  at  that 
time,  hung  on  the  pillars  of  the  church  on  solemn  occasions. 
In  S.  Maria  in  Aracoeli,  he  admired  Raphael's  Madonna  di 
Foligno,  and  in  the  church  of  the  Dominicans,  S.  Maria  sopra 
Minerva,  he  makes  mention  of  Filippo  Lippi's  frescoes  in  the 
Carafa  chapel,  and  Michael  Angelo's  statue  of  Christ,  as  the 
principal  works  of  art  there.  The  tombs  of  Leo  X.  and 
Clement  VII.  are  mentioned,  but,  as  may  easily  be  understood, 
not  praised.  Of  the  Moses  of  Michael  Angelo  in  S.  Pietro  in 
Vincoli  the  Florentine  says  that  it  appears  to  him  to  be  a 
"  divine  "  work.  He  also  makes  mention  of  the  tombs  of 
Pietro  and  Antonio  Pollajuolo  in  the  same  church.  The  statue 
of  St.  James,  by  Jacopo  Sansovino  was  at  that  time  in  the 
Spanish  national  church  of  S.  Giacomo,  and  is  now  in  S.  Maria 
in  Monserrato. 

Among  the  works  of  art  in  the  city  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Tiber,  the  Florentine  extols  the  fresco  decoration  of  the 
Farnesina  and  the  incomparable  Tempietto  of  Bramante  in  S. 
Pietro  in  Montorio.  In  this  church,  Raphael's  Transfiguration 
still  adorned  the  high  altar  at  that  time.  He  was  also  still 
able  to  admire  in  the  same  church,  besides  Sebastiano  del 
Piombo's  fresco,  the  Scourging  at  the  Pillar,  which  is  still  pre- 
served, the  adjoining  picture  of  St.  Francis  by  Michael  Angelo, 
which  afterwards  disappeared. 

Just  as  the  Florentine  traveller  only  cites  works  of  the 
Renaissance,  so  does  Ulisse  Aldrovandi  confine  himself  almost 
exclusively  to  the  works  of  antiquity  in  his  account,  drawn  up 
in  1550.  Of  the  modern  works  of  sculpture,  he  mentions  only 
a  few,  principally  some  works  of  Michael  Angelo,  to  whose 
Moses  he  believes  he  is  giving  the  highest  possible  praise  when 
he  says  that  it  could  take  its  place  by  the  side  of  any  ancient 


422  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

work  of  art.1  One  looks  in  vain  for  the  name  of  any  other 
modern  master  in  Aldrovandi's  list.  How  little  he  values 
them  in  comparison  with  the  sculptors  of  antiquity  is  evident 
from  such  remarks  as  :  "A  Mercury  with  a  lyre,  a  beautiful 
statue,  but  modern."  "  A  female  figure,  with  bare  breast, 
but  a  modern  work."  One  learns  even  less  from  the  descrip- 
tions of  the  Bolognese  scholar  concerning  Rome's  wealth  of 
paintings,  or  of  the  many  costly  treasures  which  the  palaces 
of  the  nobles,  and,  above  all,  of  the  Cardinals,  contained.2 

How  much  the  interest  of  most  people  was  captivated  by  the 
works  of  antiquity,  is  apparent  in  the  guide-books  of  the  time, 
where  most  of  the  space  is  invariably  devoted  to  these,  the 
details  concerning  mediaeval  objects  of  interest  being  mostly 
confined  to  lists  of  the  relics  and  indulgences  of  the  different 
churches.  In  one  such  guide-book  of  the  year  1563,3  an 
estimate  of  the  time  necessary  for  a  visit  to  the  principal 
objects  of  interest  in  Rome  is  given,  which  is  very  character- 
istic. The  arrangement  for  a  three  days'  visit  is  for  a  stranger 
who  starts  very  early,  and  has  a  horse  at  his  disposal.  The 
Borgo  is  taken  as  a  starting  point  for  the  first  day,  after  which 
the  Trastevere,  the  island  in  the  Tiber,  Monte  Testaccio,  S. 
Paolo  fuori  le  Mura,  S.  Gregorio,  the  Baths  of  Caracalla, 
S.  Stefano  Rotondo,  and  the  Lateran  are  to  be  visited.  A 
tour  is  suggested  for  the  second  day  which  makes  still  greater 
demands  on  the  traveller  with  a  thirst  for  knowledge  :  from 
the  Mausoleum  of  Augustus  to  S.  Maria  del  Popolo,  the  Trinita 
de'  Monti,  Monte  Cavallo  with  the  celebrated  vignas  of  Car- 
dinals Carpi  and  Este,  then  S.  Agnese  outside  the  walls,  the 
Baths  of  Diocletian,  S.  Pudenziana,  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  the 
Sette  Sale,  the  Colosseum,  the  Palatine,  the  Forum,  the 
Capitol,  the  Theatre  of  Marcellus,  the  Portico  of  Octavia,  and 
finally  the  Capodiferro  and  Farnese  palaces.     The  tour  on  the 

1  Aldrovandi,  291. 

2  Cf.  Burckhardt,  Beitrage,  557  seq. 

3  Le  cose  meravigliose  dell'  alma  cittd  di  Roma,  Roma,  1563  (a  copy 
of  this  now  very  rare  treatise  in  the  Bibl.  Vittorio  Emanuele, 
Rome).  Cicognara  mentions  a  Venetian  edition  of  1544.  Cata- 
logo,  etc.,  II.,  Pisa  1821,  184. 


PRIVATE     COLLECTIONS.  423 

third  day  was  to  begin  at  the  Piazza  Colonna  ;  besides  a  visit 
to  the  Column  of  Trajan,  the  church  of  the  Minerva  and  the 
Pantheon,  the  guide-book  recommended  a  visit  to  one  of  the 
valuable  private  collections  of  ancient  and  modern  pictures, 
namely  the  house  of  Mgr.  Girolamo  Garimberti,  Bishop  of 
Gallese,  on  Monte  Citorio.  The  mid-day  meal  was  to  be  taken 
at  one  of  the  osterie  in  the  Piazza  Navona,  near  the  Pasquino. 
For  the  afternoon  a  visit  to  the  Villa  Giulia  was  recommended.1 

"  In  the  houses  of  several  Cardinals  and  many  private 
persons,"  continues  the  same  guide,  "  there  are  still  many 
beautiful  things  to  be  seen,  which  I  do  not  name,  because  they 
are  continually  being  changed,  and  I  do  not  wish  needlessly  to 
trouble  the  traveller."  This  change  was  always  in  the  direction 
of  centralization  of  the  ancient  works  of  art.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  Cinquecento  there  were  still  many  small  collections, 
which  gradually  disappeared.  Already  in  the  fourth  decade 
of  the  century,  the  larger  collections  of  the  Belvedere,  the 
Capitol,  the  Cesi,  Medici  and  Valle,  surpassed  the  smaller  ones 
in  value,  whereas  formerly,  it  appears,  the  really  valuable 
pieces  were  fairly  evenly  distributed.  At  the  time  of  Aldro- 
vandi,  the  moderate  sized  collections,  containing  several  really 
fine  works,  such  as  were  still  to  be  found  in  the  houses  of  the 
Sassi,  Maffei  and  others  when  Heemskerck  was  in  Rome,  had 
already  lost  their  importance.2  Admission  to  several  of  these 
depended  upon  the  influence  which  the  traveller  could  com- 
mand. 

The  numerous  and  excellently  arranged  charitable  institu- 
tions, which  were  at  once  a  great  object  of  interest  and  a 
special  feature  of  Rome,  were  highly  praised  by  all  foreigners.3 
The  chief  centre  of  Christianity  had,  from  time  immemorial, 
given  a  living  proof  of  the  fructifying  energy  of  the  Catholic 
faith  in  her  works  of  charity.  As  had  been  the  case  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  so  now  the  Popes,  Cardinals,  prelates  and  laity 

1  Le  cose  meravigliose,  48  seqq.  For  Garimberti,  see  Hubner 
I.,  100. 

2  See  Hubner,  I.,  74. 

3  See  above  all  Fabricius,  Roma,  215  seq.,  232,  261. 


424  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

of  all  conditions  in  the  time  of  the  Renaissance  were  filled  with 
a  noble  zeal  to  minister  to  the  needs  of  the  sick,  the  miserable 
and  the  poor.  From  the  point  of  view  of  age  and  comprehen- 
siveness, the  hospital  of  Santo  Spirito,  which  had  been  re- 
organized by  Sixtus  IV.,  took  the  first  place  among  the 
charitable  institutions.  The  hospital  of  S.  Salvatore  near  the 
Lateran,  and  that  of  S.  Giacomo  in  Augusta,  which  had  been 
endowed  by  the  Cardinals  of  the  House  of  Colonna,  also 
enjoyed  a  great  reputation.  These,  as  well  as  the  hospitals 
attached  to  S.  Maria  della  Consolazione,  S.  Antonio  and  S. 
Rocco,  which  the  Popes  encouraged  in  every  way,  by  pecuniary 
support  and  privileges,  were  distributed  throughout  the  city 
in  such  a  way  that  the  needs  of  the  different  quarters  were 
well  provided  for.1 

The  national  hospices  represented  a  special  form  of  benevo- 
lent institution  which  had  been  founded  by  the  very  numerous 
foreigners  resident  in  Rome,  for  the  benefit  of  their  fellow- 
countrymen.  In  these  the  Catholic  character  of  Rome  as 
the  centre  of  the  Universal  Church,  found  a  very  characteristic 
expression.  The  Germans  boasted  of  the  largest  number  of 
such  institutions  in  comparison  to  their  number,  the  first  place 
among  these  having  been  taken,  since  the  XlVth  century,  by 
the  Anima  and  Campo  Santo.  To  these  were  added  smaller 
houses  for  the  Flemish  and  Walloons,  the  Bohemians  and 
Hungarians.  The  Spanish,  next  to  the  Germans  the  nation 
most  largely  represented  in  Rome,  had,  close  to  S.  Giacomo 
in  the  Piazza  Navona,  and  S.  Maria  in  Monserrato,  houses  for 
the  lodging  and  nursing  of  their  poor  and  sick  pilgrims.  In  a 
like  manner,  the  Portuguese,  French,  English,  Scotch,  Irish, 
Poles,  Hungarians,  Swedes,  Dalmatians,  and  South  Slavs,  as 
well  as  the  Lombards,  Genoese,  Florentines,  Sienese  and 
Bergamaschi  had  their  own  churches  and  national  hospices, 

1  See  Vol.  V.  of  this  work,  p.  63,  and  the  special  literature 
mentioned  there.  The  celebrated  surgeon  Gisbert  Horst  from 
Amsterdam  practised  in  the  hospital  of  S.  Maria  della  Consolazione 
(1543-1564)  ;  see  Pericoli,  S.  Maria  della  Consolazione,  Imola, 
1879,  98. 


CHARITABLE     INSTITUTIONS.  425 

and,  in  most  cases,  confraternities  in  connection  with  them.1 
Several  of  these  institutions  were  destroyed  by  the  falling 
away  from  the  faith  of  so  many  peoples,  but,  in  spite  of  this, 
the  Eternal  City  preserved,  even  at  that  critical  time,  her  old 
pre-eminence  in  generous  hearted  love  of  her  neighbour.  In 
closest  union  with  the  silently  increasing  movement  in  the 
direction  of  Catholic  Reformation,  Christian  charity  produced 
in  Rome,  as  in  other  cities  of  Italy,  the  most  glorious  fruits. 
After  the  members  of  the  Oratory  of  Divine  Love  had  endowed 
a  department  of  their  own  for  incurables  in  the  old  hospital 
of  S.  Giacomo  in  Augusta,  Cardinal  Giulio  de'  Medici,  who 
became  Pope  Clement  VIL,  founded,  in  the  year  1519,  the 
Confraternita  della  Carita  for  the  assistance  of  the  poor  who 
were  ashamed  to  ask  for  charity,  for  the  consolation  of  prisoners 
and  for  the  burial  of  the  indigent.  It  was  also  Cardinal  de' 
Medici  who  prevailed  on  Leo  X.  to  sanction  the  convent  for 
Magdalens  in  the  Corso,  which  had  been  founded  by  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Oratory  of  Divine  Love.  The  orphanage  near  S. 
Maria  in  Aquiro  owed  its  origin  to  another  Roman  prelate. 

A  great  number  of  institutes  arose  under  Paul  III.  and  were 
protected  by  him,  by  means  of  which  the  ingenious  charity 
of  benevolent  and  holy  men  sought  to  combat  the  material 
and  moral  evils  of  the  time.  The  Minorite,  Giovanni  da 
Calvi,  the  merchant  Crivelli,  and  Cardinal  Quinones  laid  the 
foundations  of  the  Monte  di  Pieta  at  this  time.  A  self-sacrific- 
ing son  of  Spain,  Ferrante  Ruiz,  in  conjunction  with  two 
nobles  of  Navarre,  founded  an  establishment  for  the  insane, 

1  Cf.  Vol.  I.  of  this  work,  pp.  248-255,  and  for  the  Anima  the 
splendid  monograph  of  Schmidlin  (Freiburg  1906),  which  is 
founded  on  a  thorough  research  among  archives.  The  hospital  of 
the  Poles  was  near  S.  Stefano  alia  Chiavica,  that  of  the  Sienese 
near  S.  Caterina  da  Siena  in  the  Via  Giulia  (see  Le  cose  meravi- 
gliose,  25-26).  The  Bergamaschi  received  the  church  of  S.  Maria 
della  Pieta  (see  Simonetti,  Vie,  32  ;  ibid.,  49  for  the  church  and 
hospital  of  the  Genoese).  Concerning  the  great  number  of 
foreigners  in  Rome,  see  Rodocanaciii,  Rome,  243  seqq.  ;  ibid. 
(p.  225  seq.)  regarding  the  disappearance  of  the  old  higher  nobility 
and  the  preponderance  of  the  "  mezzo  ceto  "  in  Rome. 


426  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

the  care  of  whom  had  been  up  till  now,  almost  neglected.  A 
house  of  refuge  for  converted  female  sinners  near  S.  Marta, 
the  hospice  for  poor  girls  in  peril,  near  S.  Caterina  de'  Funari, 
the  institute  for  converts  near  S.  Giovanni  del  Mercatello  at 
the  foot  of  the  Capitol,  and  a  society  to  assist  the  poor  who 
were  ashamed  to  beg,  all  these  owed  their  origin  to  the  zeal  of 
another  Spaniard,  Ignatius  of  Loyola.  Philip  Neri  founded 
in  the  time  of  Julius  III.  the  Compagnia  della  Trinita  for  the 
assistance  of  needy  pilgrims,  which  had  Christ  alone  as  its 
protector.  There  were  also  varioas  other  institutions  for  poor 
girls. 

In  yet  another  manner  did  the  impetus  in  Catholic  life  make 
itself  felt  in  the  field  of  charity.  The  charitable  institutions 
were  better  directed,  and  more  care  was  devoted  to  the 
spiritual  needs  of  the  sick  and  incurable.  In  this  also  it  was 
the  example  given  by  Ignatius,  and  later  by  Philip  Neri,  which 
was  so  helpful  in  recalling  to  the  minds  of  the  clergy  and  laity 
the  words  of  Our  Lord  :  "As  long  as  you  did  it  to  one  of  these 
my  least  brethren,  you  did  it  to  me."1 

1  See  Tacchi  Venturi,  I.,  355  seqq.,  365,  381  seq.  ;  cf.  also  Vol. 
X.  of  this  work,  p.  476  seq.  The  services  of  F.  Ruiz  were  commemo- 
rated in  1573  in  the  Chapel  of  the  Madonna  della  Pieta  in  the 
Piazza  Colonna  by  the  following  inscription  :  D.O.M.  Ferdinando 
Ruitio  Hispalensi  praesbytero  integerrimo  quod  religionis  ergo 
hospitalem  hanc  domum  pauperibus  exteris  ac  mente  captis 
primus  erigendam  curaverit,  quod  eandem  annuo  censu  de  suo 
dotaverit,  quod  ibidem  pietatis  studio  diem  suum  obire  voluerit 
sodales  et  curatbres  domus  viro  optime  merito  pos.  pro  eius  eterna 
salute  quotidianas  Deo  preces  sacrumq.  anniversarium  ad  XIII. 
Kal.  April,  supremo  eius  die  instituere  M.D.  LXXIII.  When 
Benedict  XIII.  removed  the  lunatic  asylum  in  1728  to  the  Lungara, 
this  inscription  was  placed  in  the  entrance  hall  of  the  chapel  of  S. 
Maria  della  Pieta  there  (see  Forcella,  XII.,  387  seqq.)  ;  at  the 
demolition  of  the  asylum  in  191 1  it  disappeared.  In  the  church  of 
S.  Caterina  de'  Funari,  which  is  very  difficult  of  access,  the  chapel 
endowed  by  F.  Ruiz,  and  richly  adorned  with  coloured  marbles  and 
paintings  is,  however,  still  in  existence  ;  it  is  the  first  on  the  left 
hand  side.  See  Nibby,  Roma  nel  1838,  Parte  prima  moderna, 
Roma,  1839,  149. 


"  THE     HOLY     CITY.  427 

As  in  all  other  things,  so  in  the  field  of  charity  preparations 
were  being  made  for  the  glorious  epoch  of  Catholic  reformation 
and  restoration,  in  which  gentle  saints  and  mighty  Popes  were 
indefatigably  engaged  in  the  relief  of  the  spiritual  and  corporal 
needs  of  their  fellow  men.  While  this  remarkable  epoch 
brought  about  a  complete  change  in  spiritual  life,  so  did  the 
"  Roma  Aeterna,"  which  had  received  a  very  worldly  impress 
in  the  days  of  the  Renaissance,  undergo  a  similar  metamor- 
phosis, and  that  not  in  her  outward  appearance  alone.  With 
her  great  and  glorious  churches,  charitable  institutions,  great 
monasteries,  and  seminaries  for  priests  of  all  the  different 
nations,  she  again  became,  through  the  increase  of  the  religious 
sense  among  her  inhabitants,  that  for  which  Providence  had 
designed  her,  as  the  seat  of  the  successors  of  St.  Peter,  the  Holy 
City,  which  embodied,  in  the  most  glorious  manner,  the 
Christian  ideal. 


APPENDIX 

OF 

UNPUBLISHED    DOCUMENTS 

AND 

EXTRACTS    FROM    ARCHIVES. 


APPENDIX. 


PRELIMINARY    NOTICE. 

The  documents  brought  together  here  are  only  intended  to 
serve  as  a  confirmation  and  completion  of  my  book,  as  it  is  not 
my  purpose  to  make  a  special  collection  of  original  records. 
The  source  of  each  is  given  as  exactly  as  possible  but  explan- 
atory remarks  are,  for  reasons  of  space,  as  brief  as  possible. 
As  far  as  the  text  itself  is  concerned,  I  have,  as  a  rule,  retained 
the  original  script,  changes  made  with  respect  to  capitals  and 
punctuation  require  no  explanation.  Where  emendation  has 
been  attempted,  it  need  only  be  mentioned  that  trifling  errors 
and  obvious  slips  of  the  pen  have  been  put  right  without  special 
remark.  Additions  are  indicated  by  square  brackets,  doubtful 
or  obscure  passages  are  followed  by  a  note  of  interrogation  or 
"  sic."  Such  passages  as  I  did  not  consider  essential  or  useful 
for  my  purpose  have  been  omitted  ;    these  are  indicated  by 

dots  ( ). 

Professor  Dr.  Pogatscher  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Bruder  have 
rendered  me  such  valuable  assistance  in  the  correction  of  these 
documents  as  well  as  in  other  parts  of  these  volumes,  and  Prof. 
Dr.  J.  vSchmidlin  such  aid  in  the  collection  of  the  matter,  that  I 
must  take  this  opportunity  of  again  tendering  my  most  grateful 
thanks  to  these  scholars. 

i.  Endimio  Calandra  to  his  Brother  Sabino.1 

1550,  Februar  8,  Roma. 

...  S'  ha  posto  S.  Sta  il  nome  di  Giulio  et  mostra  di  volere 
essere  magnanimo,  grato  et  cortese,  ma  come  s'  e  fatto  inspera- 
tamente  et  appunto,  come  vi  scrissi,  che  subito  che  e  stato 

1  See  supra,  p.  43. 

431 


432  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

proposto  da  Francesi  Farnese  vi  e  callato  come  in  creatura  sua 
non  havendo  riguardo  a  promesse  fatte  ne  a  fede  data,  non 
s'  e  visto  ancora  molta  allegria  nelli  animi  delle  persone,  se  non 
che  sia  fatto  il  Papa  che  qui  a  starene  senza  tanto  tempo 
pareva  cosa  molto  strana,  et  per  quello  che  se  ne  spera  per  li 
saggi  che  ha  dati  di  se  qui  et  in  altro  luogo  quando  ha  governato, 
si  tien  per  certo  chel  suo  habbia  ad  essere  un  buon  papato  .  .  . 
[Orig.  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 

2.  Pirro  Olivo  to  Sabino  Calandra.1 

1550,  Februar  12,  Roma. 

....  Pensi  V.  S.  che  dopo  tante  gratie  fatte  el  belle  parole 
S.  Stk  disse  che  si  riputava  gran  gratia  chel  cardinale  nostro 
le  addimandasse  qualche  gran  cosa.  In  somma  e  troppo,  et  il 
cardinale  con  tutta  la  corte  ne  sta  con  allegrezza  infmita. 
Tutta  la  citta  poi  ne  mostra  contento  infinito,  perche  gia  1'  ha 
sgravata  di  molte  gravezze  impost ele  da  Papa  Paulo.  Ha 
ordinato  che  le  spoglie  che  per  morte  di  cardinali  andavano 
alia  sede  apostolica  siano  de  qui  innanzi  degli  heredi  o  s'  hab- 
bino  a  dividere  fra  i  servitori  di  quel  cardinale,  secondo  la 
mente  sua.  Dona  ad  ogniuno  et  ad  ogniuno  fa  gratia,  onde 
voglio  che  speriamo  di  lui  quel  bene  *et  servigio  di  Dio  che  ci 
promette  cosi  generoso  animo.  Egli  e  persona  allegra,  populare, 
ha  gia  dato  ordine  a  certi  commissarij  deputati  sopra  delle 
vettovaglie  che  faccino  che  la  citta  sia  abundevole  et  che  le 
cose  si  paghino  a  mercato  conveniente  .  .  . 

[Orig.  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 

3.  Pirro  Olivo  to  Sabino  Calandra.2 

1550,  Februar  15,  Roma 

.  .  .  Giovedi  volse  che  si  desse  principio  alle  maschere  et 
domani  ha  ordinato  che  si  corrano  i  palii.  Egli  e  poi  allegro 
et  burla  volentieri  colli  suoi,  come  fece  1'  altra  sera  che  man- 
giando  del  cardo  disse  al  suo  copier  :  Habbiam  noi  bevuto  da 
che  mangiamo  il  cardo  ?  Al  quale  rispose  il  copiere,  che  non 
voleva  che  S.  Su  disordinasse  :  Padre  santo,  si,  et  egli  trovan- 
dosi  in  piedi  colle  mani  alle  cintura  rispose  :  Padre  santo,  no. 
[Orig.  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 

1  See  supra,  p.  52.     For  P.  Olivo  cf.  Siokel,  Roniische  Berichte,  in  the 
Sitzungsberichten  der  Wiener  Akademiel  CXXXIIL,  114. 

2  See  supra,  p.  53. 


APPENDIX.  433 

4.  Benedetto  Buonanni  to  Cosimo  I.,  Duke  of  Tuscany.1 

1550,  Februar  23,  Roma. 

...  II  sig.  Baldovino  andera  presto  a  starsene  in  palazzo  in 
Torre  Borgia  et  per  quanto  s'intende  non  ha  animo  S.  Bne 
di  fare  cardinal  lui,  ma  quel  prepostino,2  suo  allievo,  per  il 
quale  si  mandera  in  breve.  All'  ambasciator  mio3  disse  S. 
Stk  che  disegnava  di  dargli  il  suo  cappello  et  qui  si  vedra  quel 
che  sa  fare  la  fortuna  quando  ella  toglie  a  sollevare  un  homo. 
Credo  che  simil  resolutione  oscurera  assai  molte  buone  opere  di 

5.  Stk  nella  qual  credo  che  habbino  a  vedersi  molte  volte 
alcune  cose  da  basso  animo,  come  fu  quella  notte  di  carnovale 
quando  volse  che  a  tavola  sua  mangiaseno  il  sor  Baldovino, 
1'  arcivescovo  Sipontino,4  il  vescovo  di  Vasona5  et  il  suo  medico 
da  Barga  ;6  la  qual  cosa  fu  molto  considerata  et  dette  assai 
che  dire  .  .  . 

[Orig.  State  Archives,  Florence.] 


5.  Pope  Julius  III.  to  Cardinal  Marcello  Cervini.7 

1550,  Febrnar  24,  Roma* 

Dilecto  filio  nostro  Marcello  tituli  sanctae  Crucis  in  Hieru- 
salem  presbitero  cardinali.  [Di]lecte  fill  noster,  salutem. 
Accepimus  quod  alias  felicis  recordationis  Paulus  papa  III 
immediatus  predecessor  noster,  defuncto  bonae  memoriae 
Augustino  episcopo  Chisamensi8  bibliothecario  bibliothecae 
nostrae  palatinae,  ne  dicta  bibliotheca  detrimentum  pateretur, 
de  tua  multiplici  doctrina  ac  singulari  erga  rem  litterariam 
studio  et  amore  confisus,  eiusdem  bibliothecae  protectionem 
et  curam  circumspectioni  tuae  forsan  vivae  vocis  oraculo 
demandavit,  ita  quod  eiusdem  bibliothecae  custodes  ac  in  ea 
scriptores  et  operarios  quoslibet  ad  libitum  tuum  connrmare 
aut  amovere  et  toties  quoties  opus  foret  alios  deputare  et  de 
[sa]lario  bibliothecario  pro  tempore  debito  quomodolibet 
disponere  aliaque  facere  et  exequi  posses,  quae  ad  ipsius 
bibliothecae  conservationem  et  augmentum  pertinere  judi- 
cares.  Ut  autem  hoc  honestum  et  laudabile  negocium,  quod 
nobis  valde  cordi  est,  eo  libcntius  et  animosius  pcragere  valeas, 

1  See  aupra,  pp.  49,  70,  71.  ■  [nnocenzo  del  Monti-. 

3  A.  Serristori.  *S.Pighlni.  5T.Cortese. 

"  see  supra,  p.  142.  n.  3,  Concerning  the  physicians. 

7  Sco  supra,  ]).  327.  ■  Ag.  Steuoo. 

VOL,   XIII.  j.S 


434  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

quo  nostra  quoque  fucris  in  hoc  auctoritate  munitus,  com- 
missionis  dicti  Pauli  predecessoris  vigore  per  te  hactenus  gesta 
connrmantes  ac  rata  habentes,  protectioncm  et  curam  huius- 
modi  tibi  quoad  vixeris  ita,  quod  omnia  et  singula  supradicta 
libere  agere  et  exequi  possis,  auctoritate  apostolica  tenore 
presentium  demandamus,  mandantes  custodibus,  scriptoribus 
ac  operaiis  predictis  ut  tibi  non  secus  ac  nobis  obediant  et  ad 
quos  spectat  ut  de  dicto  salario  ad  libitum  tuum  disponant, 
contrariis  non  obstantibus  quibuscunque. 
Datum  Romae  24  februarii  1550  anno  primo. 

Blosius. 
[Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  55,  n.  62.     Secret  Archives  of  the 

Vatican.] 

6.    AVERARDO  SERRISTORI  TO  COSIMO  I.,  DUKE  OF  TUSCANY.1 

1550,  Februar  26,  Roma. 

.  .  .  E  disse  ai  Conservatori  di  Roma  che  voleva  attendere 
S.  Bne  per  il  benefitio  di  questa  citta  alle  cose  della  iustitia  et 
della  abondantia.  Circa  quel  che  toccava  alia  iustitia  disse, 
che  pensava  et  d'  intenderla  et  di  sapere  farla  eseguire  senza 
ch'  alcuno  potesse  sperare  d'  haverle  a  dare  a  intendere  una 
cosa  per  un'  altra  et  che  sperava  in  Dio  che  detta  iustitia 
sarebbe  si  bene  et  si  indifferentemente  usata  in  questa  corte, 
che  i  buoni  havessero  a  starne  interamente  contenti.  Circa 
la  abondantia  disse,  che  haveva  bisogno  d'  aiuto  et  in  questo 
caso  commesse  a'  detti  Conservatori  che  vedessero  che  i 
frumenti  et  biade  non  fussero  tenute  nascoste  per  le  fosse  et 
granai  da  chi  n'  haveva  in  quantita  per  aspettare  di  venderle 
care,  ma  che  al  prezzo  honesto  si  mettessero  per  le  piazze 
solite,  perche  a  questo  modo  si  provederebbe  per  adesso  a  un 
honesto  vivere,  et  se  no  '1  facevono  giuro  loro,  che  non  sola- 
mente  tornerebbe  la  gravezza  della  macina,  ma  ne  metterebbe 
loro  dell'  altre. 

[Orig.  State  Archives,  Florence.] 

7.     Consistory  of  March  ioth,  1550. 2 

.  .  .  [Iulius  III]  habuit  orationem,  qua  egit  gratias  rev.  d. 
cardinalibus  de  assumptione  sua  ad  summum    pontificatum 

1  See  supra,  p.  54.  2  See  supra,  pp.  57,  158. 


APPENDIX.  435 

suumque  prosequendi  concilii  desiderium  ostendit  manda- 
vitque  rev.  d.  decano,  Tusculano,  Crescentio,  Sfondrato,  Cibo 
et  Polo,  ut  de  curiae  Romanae  reformatione  in  curia  presertim 
datariatus  curam  susciperent. 

[Acta    consist.    Camer.  VIII.    Consist orial    Archives    of    the 

Vatican.] 

8.  AVERARDO  SERRISTORI  TO  COSIMO  I.,   DUKE  OF  TUSCANY.1 

1550,  March  10,  Roma. 

.  .  .  Entro  di  poi  S.  Stc^  a  dire  che  havendo  pensato  piu 
volte,  d'  onde  potesse  nascere  ch'  el  clero  fusse  cosi  odioso  nel 
conspetto  dei  principi  temporali,  s'  era  resoluta  a  credere  che 
procedesse  solo  dalla  avaritia,  che  nei  capi  s'  era  mostra  [ta] 
in  questa  corte,  dalle  non  buone  provisioni  che  si  facevono  nel 
conferire  i  beneficii,  et  dal  troppo  luxo  di  detto  clero  nel 
vestirsi,  et  che  havendo  animo  di  rimediarvi  s'  era  resoluta 
circa  la  cosa  dell'  avaritia  di  far  reformare  il  datariato  et  a  tale 
effetto  elesse  i  rmi  Trani,  Theatino,  Sfondrato,  Crescentio, 
Inghilterra  et  Cibo  perche  riducessero  le  cose  di  detto  offitio  a 
quel  che  loro  S.  Bne  giudicavono  convenire  et  che  S.  Stk  farebbe 
osservare  inviolabilmente  quel  che  da  loro  fusse  resoluto  et 
stabilito.  Circa  le  provisioni  dei  beneficii  che  vacassero,  disse 
che  non  tenessero  S.  Stk  di  natura  cosi  facile  ch'  ella  havesse 
havuta  a  indursi  ai  preghi  di  quel  rmi  che  gle  li  havevano 
domandati  dai  indulti  sopra  questa  chiesa  et  quella  et  ch'  ella 
vi  s'  era  mossa  per  un  fine  solo,  ch'  era  d'  alleggerirsi  di  tanto 
peso  per  havere  piu  compagni  in  dette  provisioni  a  fin  che  si 
potesse  piu  oportunamente  provedere  ai  beneficii  che  vacassero 
di  persone  che  fussero  apte  a  tenere  le  chicse  et  reggerle.  Circa 
il  luxo  disse  che  presto  reformerebbc  la  casa  sua  et  che  dal  suo 
esemplo  confortava  ciascuno  a  scguirla  in  se  nei  suoi  creati  e 
servitori.  Satisfece  sommamente  S.  Su  in  tut  to  quel  ch'  ella 
disse  et  ogni  di  va  avanzando  1'  aspettatione  che  s'  havena  delle 
buone  opere  sue  .  .  . 

[Orig.  State  Archives,  Florence.] 

9.  Benedetto  Buonanni  to  Cosimo  I.,  Duke  of  Tuscany.2 

1550,  August  2,    Roma. 

.  .  .  S.  Sta  disse  hier  mattina  che  col  collegio  de'  cardinali 
bisognava  far  come  con  un  monasterio  che  non  si  potesse 

1  See  supra,  pp.  57,  158.  *  See  supra,  p.  159. 


436  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

reformare  per  diligentia  che  vi  s'  usasse  et  che  all'  ultimo  fusse 
forzato  il  vescovo  di  luogo  a  commetter  che  non  si  potesse 
mettci  alcuna  monaca  in  detto  monasterio  per  lassar  consumar 
et  morir  quelle  che  v'  erano  et  che  cosi  poteva  farsi  con  decto 
collegio  per  lassare  spegnere  il  superfluo  che  v'  era  .  .  . 
[Orig.  State  Archives,  Florence.] 

10.  Judgment    of    Cardinal    Marcello    Cervini    as 
Inquisitor.1 

1551,  Januar  29,  Roma. 

Nos  Marcellus  divina  providentia  cardinalis  stae  romanae 
ecclesiae  tituli  sta  Crucis,  unus  ex  inquisitoribus  generalibus 
universi  orbis  a  sta  Sede  Apostolica  delegatis  gratiam  et 
salutem  in  Christo  Ihesu  Deo  ac  Domino  nostro.  Cum  summi 
Dei  legumque  omnium  iustitiae  sanctiores  peccatores  vel 
nequissimos  sincere  et  ex  intimo  corde  humiliatos  mira  de- 
mentia complectantur  et  pro  gemitibus  et  lacrimis  culpas 
enormes  condonent  et,  permutatis  poenis  gravioribus  in  levi- 
ores,  eosdem  uti  filios  emendent,  Nos  ab  hac  lege  non  dis- 
cedentes,  perspecta  quantum  nobis  constat  in  exteriori  homine 
humilitate  ac  resipiscentia  Annibalis  Montarentii  Bononiensis 
iuris  utriusque  doctoris  ab  haeresibus,  quibus  fuerat  implicitus, 
cognita  insuper  obedientia  ad  subeundas  poenas  illi  decretas 
ex  iure  in  sententia  contra  eundem  lata  per  nos  et  coniudices 
nostros  illmos  et  revmos  inquisitores  generales,  authoritate  nostra 
et  eorundem  illrum  et  revrum  dominorum inquisitorum  etc.,  iudi- 
cavimus  preces  humillimas  dicti  Annibalis  exaudiendas  et 
misericorditer  sublevandas  ac  permutandas  in  parte  poenas 
eidem  ut  supra  impositas,  sperantes  te  Annibalem  hie  praesen- 
tem  hac  dementia  magis  ac  magis  Deo,  ecclesiae  et  ministris 
eiusdem  fore  devinciendum,  in  detestationem  malignantium 
haereticorum  et  in  salutem  animae  tuae. 

Imprimis  igitur  bona  tua,  a  quibus  ex  iure  excideras,  paterno 
animo  tibi  condonamus  ex  gratia,  volentes  ea  omnia  in  tua  esse 
facultate,  ac  si  nunquam  ab  eis  ob  haereses  decidisses,  con- 
cedentes  et  volentes  insuper  quod  possis  assequi  et  adire 
quascunque  haereditates  quovis  iure  obvenientes  ;  et  pro 
huiusmodi  gratia  condemnamus  te  ad  numerandum  et  solven- 
dum  libras   quinquaginta  bolonenorum  monetae  Bononiensis 

1  See  supra,  p.  217. 


APPENDIX.  437 

rectoribus  societatis  pauperum  verecundorum  Bononiensium, 
et  tenearis  hoc  fecisse  infra  terminum  praesentis  anni,  et  cum 
persolveris  tantum  pecuniae,  debeas  habere  a  rectoribus  prae- 
dictis  attestationem  in  scriptis,  quam  consignes  domino 
inquisitori  Bononiensi  pro  tempore  etc. 

Item  sententias  per  te  quomodocunque  latas  vel  instrumenta 
per  te  facta,  cum  ultra  annum  implicitus  esses  haeresibus, 
firma  et  rata  volumus,  facimus  et  decernimus. 

Item  abolemus  infamiam,  quam  incurristi  ex  decretis  canoni- 
cis  ob  graves  haereses,  quibus  per  aliquot  annos  adhaeseras, 
restituentes  tibi  insuper  ex  misericordia  gradum  doctoratus  et 
facultatem  ad  officia  publica  consequenda,  non  autem  ad 
beneficia  ecclesiastica. 

Volentes  tamen,  ne  videamur  dissimulare  tarn  grave  scelus 
haeresis,  quod  loco  istarum  poenarum  tenearis  toto  tempore 
vitae  tuae  ieiunare  singulis  feriis  sextis  dieque  eadem  dicere 
septem  psalmos  poenitentiales  et  largiri  elemosinam  pauperi 
ut  tibi  suggesserit  Spiritus  Sanctus.  Itidem  volumus  et 
imponimus  quod  serves  feria  quarta  de  ieiunio,  psalmis  et 
elemosina  per  annum  continuum. 

Item  quod  tenearis  perpetuis  temporibus  ter  in  anno  con- 
fiteri  peccata  tua  sacerdoti  et  devotius  sumere  sanctissimum 
Eucharistiae   sacramentum. 

Item  loco  perpetui  carceris,  in  quo  eras  immurandus,  ex 
dementia  tibi  decernimus  civitatem  Genuae,  quam  nequeas 
egredi  nisi  de  licentia  inquisitoris  Genuensis  ;  cum  vero  e 
Genua  discesseris,  civitas  Bononiensis  erit  tibi  career  per- 
petuus ;  quern  non  exibis  nisi  ex  licentia  inquisitoris  Bononi- 
ensis. 

Item  volumus  et  imponimus  tibi  quod  ter  in  mense  te 
praesentes  inquisitori  Genuensi  vel  Bononiensi,  si  Bononiae 
fueris,  ut  cognoscat  an  in  veritate  ambules  etc.  Volentes  quod 
tenearis  ad  huiusmodi  commutationes  et  impositiones  poeni- 
tentiae  sub  poenis  et  censuris  in  tua  abiuratione  positis  etc.  ; 
reservantes  insuper  officio  nostro  authoritatem  remittendi, 
reducendi,  commutandi,  mitigandi  poenas  ut  supra  per  nos 
commutatas  et  impositas  omni  meliori  modo  etc. 

[Cod.  Vat.  6429,  38 — 39,  Vatican  Library.] 


43$  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

11.  AVERARDO  SERRISTORI  TO  COSIMO  I.,  DUKE  OF  TUSCANY.1 

1551,  Januar.  31,  Rom. 

.  .  .  Le  stanze  erono  parate  di  panni  bellissimi  et  finissimi 
et  a  capo  della  tavola  fu  messo  un  candelliere  d'argento  sopra 
una  banchetta  piccola  ch'era  in  terra,  si  vago  et  fatto  con  si 
mirabile  arte,  che  ciascuno  haveva  che  dime.  Dicono  che 
l'ha  fatto  uno  da  Venetia  che  lavora  in  Pesaro,  et  che  della 
manifattura  sola  domanda  mille  scudi.  La  torcia  che  stava 
sopra  detto  candelliere,  alto  a  mio  credere  circa  3  braccia, 
usciva  d'una  canna  d'argento  finta  a  modo  di  torcia,  ma  non 
mostrava  detta  torcia  altro  di  se  che  il  lume,  et  per  via  d'un 
contrapeso  s'andava  sempre  tanto  alzando  in  quella  canna 
d'argento  la  torcia  quanto  ella  s'andava  consumando.  Data 
che  i'u  l'acqua  alle  mani  fu  messo  al  pie  della  tavola  un  pesce 
d'argento,  che  per  via  di  contrapesi  ando  caminando  sino  al 
capo  d'essa  movendo  capo  et  coda  nel  medesimo  modo  che 
quando  un  pesce  vero  e  neh"  acqua.  Come  fu  giunto  in  testa 
di  detta  tavola,  dette  uno  sguizzo  in  aere,  et  aprendosi  sopra 
la  schena  comincio  a  tornare  indietro,  et  in  luogo  delle  lische 
erono  stecchi,  dei  quali  ciascuno  ando  pigliando  secondo  che 
arrivava  inanzi  a  altrui.  Sopra  le  porte  principali  della  casa 
ch'erono  due,  furono  messe  due  tele  grandi  con  l'arme  del 
Chrmo  et  con  una  inscriptione  a  pie,  che  diceva  Henricco  II 
Francorum  Regi  ob  Bononiam  receptam  ac  Galliae  et  Scotiae 
Regnum  terra  marique  feliciter  pacatum.  Si  fecero  inanzi  al 
banchetto  grandissimi  fuochi,  et  doppo,  diverse  sorti  di  musiche 
divinissime.  .  .  . 

[Orig.  State  Archives,  Florence.] 

12.  Ippolito  Capilupi  to  the  Duchess  of  Mantua.2 

1551,  Februar  3,   Rom. 

At  the  Pranzo  in  the  Belvedere  "  S.  Stft  ando  con  tutta  la 
compagnia  de'  cardinali  che  erano  24  alia  commedia,  dove  sono 
stato  anch'io  :  il  luogo  dove  stanno  li  spettatori  non  e  capace 
piu  di  dugento  persone,  ne  ve  ne  capiscono  ancho  tante,  perche 
la  persona  di  S.  Sta  et  de  rmi  occupano  la  maggior  parte,  la 
scena  e  piccola  similmente  a  proportione  del  luogo,  ma  bella  e 

1  See  supra,  p.  63.  a  See  supra,  p.  65. 


APPENDIX.  439 

vaga  da  vedere  :  la  commedia  e  stata  l'Aulularia  di  Plauto 
latino,  ben  vestita  et  recitata  da  fanciulli  con  intermezzi  di 
buone  musiche  et  di  certi  Norcini  che  hanno  fatto  ridere  assai, 
et  e  sodisfatta  generalmente  a  tutti." 

[Orig.  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 


13.  Ippolito  Capilupi  to  the  Duchess  of  Mantua.1 

1551,  Februar  14,  Rom. 

Festival  of  the  Carnival.  La  domenica  passata,  che  fu  il  di 
della  creatione  di  S.  Su  essa  secondo  il  costume  invito  tutti  i 
revmi  a  disenare  con  seco  et  dopo  pranzo  li  condusse  insieme 
con  gli  ambasciatori  di  Francia,  Portogallo  et  Vinezia  et  altri 
in  Belvedere  a  veder  recitare  una  commedia  composta  da  m. 
Alessandro  Martio  Senese  et  servitor  del  revmo  S.  Giorgio,  la 
quale  per  quel  che  ognuno  riferisce  riusci  molto  inepta  et  poco 
honesta  et  nelli  atti  et  nelle  parole,  et  poco  manco  che  non  fusse 
sibilata  con  tutto  che  vi  fosse  la  presentia  di  S.  Sta  et  li  spec- 
tatori  fussero  pochi  per  la  incapacity  del  luogo  et  persone 
honorate,  et  S.  S1^  fastidita  dall'  ineptie  di  detta  commedia  si 
adorment6  et  dormi  buona  pezza  et  alia  fine  della  commedia 
disse  che  [chi]  1'  havea  composta  meritava  iscusatione  perche 
era  Sienese.  .  .  .  Here  follows  a  report  concerning  further 
festivities,  bull-fights  on  St.  Peter's  Square,  etc. 

[Orig.  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 


14.  Pope    Julius    III.    to    Paulus    Jovius.2 

1551,  August  15,   Rom. 
Julius  pp.  III. 

Venerabilis  f rater,  salutem  etc.  Librum,  quo  illustrium 
virorum3  imagines4  pro  ingenio  et  eloquentia  tua5  varie  et 
copiose  ornasti,  a  te  nobis  nuper  missum,  valde  libenter 
accepimus  ;  nee  minus  libenter  cognoscendis  illorum  moribus 
et  actis,  praesertim  tarn  erudite  a  te  explicatis,  aliquid  non- 
nunquam  succesivi  temporis  non  mediocri  cum  voluptate  im- 


1  Sec  supra,  p.  65.  *  Soo  supra,  p.   329.  'Corrected   from  durum. 

4  Cf.  FUETER,  5]   f  55. 

6  Corrected  from  ingenio  elequentiae  tuuo  elegant  la. 


440  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

pertiemus.  Interca  (vero)1  maioris  historiae  tuae  partem 
alteram,  quam  te  nobis  scripsisti  ita  iam  comparatam  habere 
ut  in  lucem  (hominum)1  prodire  possit,  cum  aliquo  etiam 
desiderio  nostro  expectabimus.  (Speramus  scilicet  per  labores 
et  vigilias  tuas  res  gestas  aetatis  nostrae  ad  posteritatis 
mcmoriam  quam  diutissime  propagatum  iri,  et  ad  celebritatem 
eius  nominis,  quod  iampridem  in  multiplici  litcrarum  laude 
consecutus  es,  praeclarum  cumulum  accessurum.)1  Quod 
vero,  si  per  pedum  aegritudinem  tibi  licitum  fuerit,  te  ad 
nos  accessurum  polliceris,  id  si  divino  adiuvante  numine 
evenerit,  nos  quidem  te,  quern  doctrinae  et  urbanitatis2  causa 
semper  plurimum  dileximus,  libentissime  videbimus,  atque 
omni,  quam  res  et  tempus  feret,  benevoli  ac  propensi  animi 
significatione  prosequemur. 

Datum  etc.  Romae  apud  sanctum  Pet  rum  etc.  die  XV  augusti 
1551,  anno  2°.  Rom[ulus  Amasaeus]. 

[Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  61,  n.  693.     Secret  Archives  of  the 

Vatican.] 

15.  Pope  Julius  III.  to  Franciscus  de  Augustinis.3 

1552,  Mai  G,   Rom. 

"Cupientes  pro  publico  commodo  almae  Urbis  nostrae,  et 
pro  nostrorum  subditorum  utilitate  antiquam  Tyberis  navi- 
gationem  a  Portu  S.  Ioannis  territorii  Perusini  usque  ad  con- 
finia  nostrae  civitatis  Hortorum  inclusive  ab  aliquibus  ex 
nostris  predecessoribus  olim  tentatum,  instaurare,  et  antequam 
id  fiat,  scire  quibus  modis,  viis  ac  rationibus  et  quanta  etiam 
impensa  fieri  possit."  We  appoint  you  a  commissary  for  this 
purpose  and  command  you  to  proceed  with  "Petroleone  Per- 
cello  comite  Vallis  Codalis  "  to  examine  channel  and  shore,  to 
announce  to  us  "conficiendi  rationem  "  and  to  inform  the 
inhabitants  within  15  miles  that  it  is  our  intention  .  .  .  "ut 
quemadmodum  utilitatem  non  parvam  ex  ipsa  navigatione 
percepturi  sint,  ita  aliquam  impensarum  ratam  in  earn  con- 
tribuant,  quae  postea  in  opere  conficiendo  eis  significabitur." 
We  command  that  people  shall  lodge  and  assist  }^ou. 

[Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  64,  n.  297.     Secret  Archives  of  the 

Vatican.,] 

1  The  words  in  brackets  are  erased  in  the  original. 

2  Originally  ingenii  et  doctrinae.  *  See  supra,  p.  157. 


APPENDIX.  441 

16.  Pope  Julius  III.  to  Cardinal  Juan  Alvarez  de  Toledo.1 

1552,  Juli  29,  Rom. 

Dilecto    filio    nostro    Ioanni    tituli    s11    Pancratii    presbitero 
cardinali  Compost ellano  nuncupato. 
Iulius  papa  III. 

Dilecte    fili   noster,    salutem,    etc.     Cum   sicut    accepimus 
dilecti  filii  prepositus  et  clerici  regulares  congregationis  Sancti 
Pauli  Mediolanensis,  per  fe.  re.  Clementem  VII  primo  institute 
et  deinde  Paulum  III  romanos  pontifkes  predecessores  nostros 
ac  postremo  nos  et  sedem  apostolicam  variis  privilegiis  locu- 
pletate,  quosdam  libros  per  quondam  Baptist  am  de  Crema  dum 
viveret  ordinis  fratrum  predicatorum  professorem,  ab  eodem 
ordine  per  sedem  apostolicam  exemptum,  cuius  cadaver  in 
monasterio  monialium  sti  Pauli  conversi  etiam  Mediolanensis 
ordinis  st!  Augustini  perinde  ac    sanctificatum  (facili  tamen 
prepositi   et    clericorum   predictorum   necnon   dilectarum   in 
Christo  filiarum  priorisse  et  conventus  dicti  monasterii  credu- 
litate)  custoditur,  editos,  quos  nuper  venerabiles  fratres  nostri 
sancte   romane   ecclesie   cardinales   ad   ofncium  inquisitionis 
heretice  pravitatis  apostolica  auctoritate  deputati,  de  quorum 
numero  tu  existis,  per  diversos  religiosos  sacre  tbeologie  pro- 
fessores  diligenter  examinari  fecerunt  et  etiam  ipsi  examin- 
arunt,  et  deinde  eosdem  tamquam  doctrinam  scandalosam  in 
plurimis,   in   aliis   vero   temerariam   et   in   multis   hereticam 
continentes,    de    ipsorum    professorum    consilio    et    assensu 
damnarunt  et  reprobarunt,  per  multos  annos  passim  et  indis- 
tincte  legerint  et  forsan  de  presenti  legant ;    et  insuper  post 
delegatam   a   sede   apostolica   curam  visitandi   monasterium 
predictum  preposito   pro  tempore   existenti  dicte   congrega- 
tionis, is  et  predicti  clerici  aditum  apud  conventum  predictum 
crebrius  quam  decuit  sibi  sensim  usurpantes  capitulumque  et 
alia  acta  publica  una  cum  dictis  priorissa  et  conventu  f  acientes 
etiam  regimini  et  administration!  ceterisque  negotiis  publicis 
dicti  monasterii  hactenus  simul  incubuerint  librosque  predictos 
eisdem  prioiisse  et  monialibus  legendos,  et  ulterius  dilectam 
in  Christo  iiliam  Paulam  Antoniam  monialem  dicti  monasterii 
elogium  homini  inconcessum  scilicet  matris  divine  sibi  ipsi 
temere  arrogari  ceterisque  quibusdam  apud  superstitionibus 

1  See  supra,  p.  213. 


442  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

et  signantcr  quoad  mutuam  defect uum  uniuscuiusque  eorum- 
dem  incusationem  palam  inter  eos  faciendam  diutius  abuti 
permiserint  et  ex  facili  continuaque  eorumdcm  cum  dictis 
priorissa  et  monialibus  conversatione  scandal um  non  modicum 
in  vulgus  generarint  :    quapropter,  nisi  vetitis  utrobique  et 
doctrine  usu'et  communicatione  aliisque  abusibus  predictis, 
de  quibus  cardinales  deputati  predicti  vel  ab  eis  sub-deputati 
ex  duorum  clericorum  dicte  congregationis  relatione  informa- 
tionem  ampliorem  habuerunt,  prepositus  et  clerici  at  priorissa 
et  moniales  predicti  ad  veram  regularis  discipline  normam  per 
salubris  reformationis  antidotum  reducantur,  ipseque  priorissa 
et  moniales  iuxta  sue  regule  institutionem  debita  clausura 
arceantur,  valde  profecto  timendum  sit,  ne  cetera  cum  virorum 
turn  mulierum  partium  illarum  monasteria  et  alia  regularia  loca 
in  similes  errores  prorumpant  :    Nos  igitur,  quibus  pro  cura 
nostra  pastorali  incumbit  indirecta  dirigere  at  salubria  plan- 
tare,  ne  doctrina  predicta  una  cum  dictis  abusibus  longius 
latiusque  serpens  gregem  dominicum  inficiat,  ea  ab  eisdem 
congregatione  et  monasterio  imprimis  evellere  scandalisque 
predictis  quantum  possumus  obviare,  et,  ut  dicta  congregatio 
opportunis  adiuta  presidiis  uberiores  in  agro  domini  fructus 
producere  queat,  eidem  de  utili  et  idoneo  protectore  providere 
volentes,  motu  proprio,  non  ad  tuam  vel  alterius  pro  te  nobis 
super  hoc  oblate  petitionis  instantiam,  sed  de  nostra  mera 
deliberatione,    circumspectionem   tuam,    cuius   eximia   fides, 
ingenii  claritas,  gravitas  ac  in  infrascriptas  exequendis  singu- 
laris  at  que  matura  experientia  alique  permulte  virtutes  veteris 
experientie  documento  nobis  haud  ignote  sunt  sub  cuiusque 
presidio   dictam   congregationem   salubre   incrementum   sus- 
cepturam  non  dubitamus,  protectorem  ipsius  congregationis 
in  Romana  curia  ac  apud  nos  et  dictam  sedem  cum  auctoritate 
potestate  et  facultate  aliis  protectoribus  ordinum  quorum- 
cunque   attributis  dicta  auctoritate  tenore  presentium  con- 
stituimus  et  deputamus,  precipientes  in  virtute  sancte  obe- 
dientie  preposito  et  congregationi  predictis  ac  quibusvis  aliis, 
ad  quos  pertinet,  ut  te  in  eorum  et  dicte  congregationis  pro- 
tectorem recipiant  et  admittant  ac  obsequia  aliis  eiusmodi 
protectoribus   impendi   solita   exhibeant  ;    et   insuper  eidem 
circumspectioni  tue  per  presentes  committimus  et  mandamus, 
ut  per  te  vel  alium  seu  alios  seculares  vel  cuiusvis  ordinis  etiam 
mendicantium    regulares,    quern   seu    quos    ad   hoc    duxeris 


APPENDIX.  443 

eligendum  seu  eligendos,  ad  domos  et  loca  congregationis  ac 
monasterium  et  conventum  huiusmodi  accedens,  eadem  ac 
prepositum  et  clericos  necnon  priorissam  et  moniales  aliasque 
utriusque  sexus  personas  illorum  auctoritate  nostra  visitare 
doctrinamque  predictam  eiusque  usum  et  lecturam  tam 
publicam  quam  privatem  necnon  singulos  predictos  ceterosque 
abusus  imprimis  et  ante  omnia  prohibere  ac  omnia  et  singula 
alia,  que  correctione,  emendatione  et  punitione  indigere 
cognoveris  seu  ipsi  deputandi  cognoverint,  in  spiritualibus  et 
temporalibus  tam  in  capite  quam  in  membris  reformare  et 
emendare  eadem  auctoritate  procures.  Nos  enim  tibi  et  a  te 
deputando  seu  deputandis  predictis  tam  circa  premissa  quam 
alias  de  statu  congregationis  ac  monasterii  et  conventus  necnon 
vita  ac  moribus  tam  prepositi  et  clericorum  quam  priorisse  et 
monialium  predictorum  studiose  inquirendi  et  eos  ex  preposito 
et  clericis  ac  priorissa  et  monialibus,  qui  delinquentes  et  alias 
culpabiles  comperti  fuerint,  iuxta  regularia  sui  instituta  atque 
delicti  exigentiam  ac  canonicarum  sanctionum  dispositionem 
etiam  per  incarcerationem,  penis  debitis  absque  iudiciorum 
strepitu  puniendi,  castigandi  et  corrigendi,  ac  prepositum  et 
priorissam  necnon  clericos  et  moniales  predictos  ab  eorum 
administrationibus  et  officiis,  si  eorum  demerita  id  exegerint, 
perpetuo  vel  ad  tempus  suspendendi  et  privandi,  ac  ab  illis 
realiter  et  cum  effectu  amovendi  eorumdemque  loco  de  eis 
aliis  personis  providendi  aut  per  petuo  vel  ad  tempus  sub- 
stituendi ;  necnon  delinquentes  quoslibet,  si  id  humiliter 
petierint,  ab  excessibus  et  delictis  etiam  heresis  necnon 
excommunicationis,  suspensionis  et  interdicti  aliisque  senten- 
tiis,  censuris  et  penis  ecclesiasticis  et  temporalibus  quibuslibet 
in  foro  conscientie  tantum,  iniuncta  eis  pro  modo  culpe  peni- 
tentia  salutari,  absolvendi  ;  ac  pro  salubri  regimine  et  direc- 
tione  dicti  monasterii  tam  dictam  Paulam  Antoniam  quam 
alias  personas  tibi  benevisas  de  dicto  monasterio  ad  aliud 
monasterium  seu  regularem  locum  tibi  benevisum,  ut  inibi 
quamdiu  tibi  videbitur  permaneant,  mutandi,  ac  omnia  et 
singula  alia  que  pro  salubri  directione  et  reformationc  predictis 
ac  alias  iuxta  canonicas  sanctiones  ac  congregationis  et  ordinis 
predictorum  regularia  instituta  eorumdemqe  regimen  et 
administrationem  necessaria  fuerint  et  quomodolibet  oppor- 
tuna  faciendi,  ordinandi  statuendi  et  mandandi,  ac  contra- 
dictors quoslibet  et  rebelles,  cuiuscunque  dignitatis,  status, 


444  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

gradus,  ordinis  vel  conditionis  fuerint,  per  excommunicationis, 
suspensionis  et  interdicti  aliasque  formidabiliores,  de  quibus 
expendiens    fore    videbitur,    sententias,    censuras    et    penas, 
appellatione  postposita,   compescendi  ac  legitimis  super  his 
habendis   servatis   processibus   sententias  censuras  et   penas 
ipsas  etiam  iteratis  vicibus  aggravandi  auxiliumque  brachii 
secularis,  si  opus  fuerit,  invocandi  plenam  et  liberam  auctori- 
tate  predicta  tenore  presentium  concedimus  facultatem  ;   non 
obstantibus  premissis  et  apostolicis  ac  in  provincialibus  et 
sinodalibus   conciliis   editis   generalibus   vel   specialibus   con- 
stitutionibus    et    ordinationibus    necnon    congregationis    ac 
monasterii  et  conventus  ordinisque  predict orum  iuramento,  con- 
nrmatione  apostolica  vel  quavis  nrmitate  alia  roboratis  statutis 
et  conseuetudinibus,  privilegiis  quoque,  indultis,  exemptionibus, 
conservatoriis   et    litteris    apostolicis    eisdem    preposito    et 
clericis    ac    priorisse    et    conventui    earumque     monasterio, 
domibus  ordinibus  superioribus  et  personis  sub  quibuscunque 
tenoribus  et  formis  ac  cum  quibusvis  clausulis  et  decretis  per 
predictos  et  quoscunque  alios  romanos  pontifices  etiam  pre- 
decessores  nostros  ac  nos  et  sedem  predictam  etiam  motu 
simili  ac  consistorialiter  et  alias  in  contrarium  quomodolibet 
concessis,   coniirmatis  et  innovatis  ;    quibus  omnibus,  etiam 
si  pro  illorum  sufficient i  derogatione  de  illis  eorumque  totis 
tenoribus    specialis,    specifica,    expressa   et   individua  ac   de 
verbo  ad  verbum,  non  autem  per  clausulas  generates  idem  im- 
portantes,  mentio  seu  quevis  alia  expressio  habenda  aut  aliqua 
alia  exquisita  forma  ad  hoc  servanda  foret,  tenores  huiusmodi 
presentibus  pro  sufhcienter  expressis  et  insertis  habentes,  illis 
alias  in  suO  robore  permansuris,  hac  vice  duntaxat  specialiter 
at  expresse  derogamus,  contrariis  quibuscunque,  aut  si  pre- 
posito et  clericis  ac  priorisse  et  conventui  predictis  vel  quibusvis 
aliis  communiter  vel  divisim  a  dicta  sit  sede  indultum,  quod 
aliquos  contra  eis  concessa  privilegia  et  indulta  ad  visitandum 
eosdem  admittere  minime  teneantur  et  ad  id  compelli,  ipsique 
ad  iudicium  trahi  aut  interdici,  suspend  i  vel  excommunicari 
non  possint  per  litteras  apostolicas  non  facientes  plenam  et 
expressam  ac  de  verbo  ad  verbum  de  indulto  huiusmodi  men- 
tionem,   et  quibuslibet  aliis  privilegiis,   exemptionibus,   con- 
servatoriis, indulgentiis  et  litteris  apostolicis  generalibus  vel 
specialibus,   quorumcunque  tenorum  existant,   per  que  pre- 
sentibus non  expressa  ve,l  totaliter  non  inserta  visitationis  et 


APPENDIX.  445 

aliorum  premissorum  effectus  tueque  iurisdictionis  explicatio 
impediri  valeat  quomodolibet  vel  differri  et  de  quibus  quor- 
umque  totis  tenoribus  de  verbo  ad  verbum  habenda  sit  in 
nostris  litteris  mentio  specialis  et  que  quoad  premissa  nolumus 
eisdem  in  aliquo  suffragari. 

Datum  Rome  apud  sanctum  Marcum  etc.  die  29  iulii,  1552, 
anno  30. 

Protectio  huiusmodi  cum  facultate  suprascripta  visa  fuit 
necessaria  revmi8  dominis  meis  cardinalibus  inquisitoribus,  et 
nisi  fiat  reformatio  ut  petitur  quoad  libros  et  mores,  non  nomen 
monasterii  sed  aliud  habere  merebitur. 

J.  Card.  Puteus. 
Gal. 

[Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  65,  n.  523.     Secret  Archives  of  the 

Vatican.! 


17. — 18.  Pope  Julius  III.  to  Hannibal  Spatafora.1 

1553,  Februar  24,  Rom. 

Dilecto    filio    Hanibali    Spatafore    archimandrite    Messanensi 
ordinis  s.   Basilii  commissario   nostro. 

Dilecte  fili,  salutem.  Accepimus  reperiri  in  nonnullis  regni 
neapolitani  et  praesertim  provinciae  Calabriae  et  insulae 
Siciliae  monasteriis  ordinis  s.  Basilii,  quae  in  commendam 
obtinentur  et  in  quibus  monachi  graeci  degunt,  diversos  libros 
graecos  turn  sacros  turn  profanos,  qui  hactenus  typis  excusi  non 
fuerunt,  raros  sane  nee  parvi  momenti  aut  aestimationis,  ex 
quibus,  si  vel  eorum  fierent  exemplaria  vel  imprimerentur, 
magna  ab  omnibus  capi  utilitas  et  commoditas  posset  provi- 
dereturque  ne  aut  a  tineis  corroderentur  aut  absumerentur  a 
tempore,  sicut  plurimis  aliis  accidit.  Ouare  nos,  qui  veterum 
scriptorum  memoriam,  et  maxime  illorum  qui  pro  Christiana 
religione  insudarunt,  quantum  in  nobis  est,  ad  Dei  servitum  et 
publicam  commoditatem  et  utilitatem  conservare  desideramus, 
neque  tamen  dicta  monasteria  ipsis  libris  privare  intendimus, 
confisi  in  doctrina,  prudentia  ac  diligentia  tua,  mandamus  tibi, 
ut  ad  dicta  monasteria  te  pcrsonaliter  conleras  et  bibliothccas 
vel  alia  loca,  in  quibus  dicti  libri  conservantur,  invisas  libiosque 

1  See  supra,  p.  327. 


446  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

ipsos  diligenter  inquiras  et  scruteris,  et  eos  qui  cognitione  et 
instauratione  digni  libi  videbuntur  seponas  et  prescntibus 
notario  publico  et  testibus  a  commendatariis  ipsorum  monas- 
teriorum,  si  inibi  fuerint,  alias  ab  eorum  agentibus  aut  mona- 
chis  et  conventibus  monasteriorum  eorundem  tibi  nostro 
nomine  recepturo  consignari  facias  et  ad  nos  vel  comportes  vel 
transmittas  ;  nam,  posteaquam  vel  transcribi  vel  imprimi  eos 
fecerimus,  ipsis  monasteriis  quorum  fuerunt  omnino  reddentur. 
Si  vero,  quod  non  credimus,  dictos  libros  perquirere  non 
permitteris  vel  illi  quos  volueris  tibi  denegabuntur,  tibi  quod 
tarn  ipsos  commendatarios  quam  eorum  agentes  aut  ipsorum 
monasteriorum  monachos  et  conventus  ad  permittendum  tibi 
quod  libros  ipsos  perquirere  possis  et  ad  eos  quos  volueris  tibi, 
ut  prefertur,  consignandum  per  censuras  ecclesiasticas  et  alia 
oportuna  iuris  remedia,  appellatione  postposita  et  invocato 
si  opus  fuerit  auxilio  brachii  secularis,  cogere  et  compellere 
valeas  facultatem  et  potestatem  apostolica  auctoritate  tenore 
presentium  damus  et  concedimus,  non  obstantibus  constitu- 
tionibus  et  ordinationibus  apostolicis  ac  monasteriorum  [eius] 
ordinis  predictorum,  etiam  iuramento,  connrmatione  apostolica 
vel  quavis  firmitate  alia  roboratis,  statutis  et  consuetudinibus 
contrariis  quibuscunque  ;  seu  si  aliquibus  etc.  mentionem 
[etc.]. 

Datum    Rome   apud    Sanctum   Petrum   etc.    die    XXIIII 
februarii  1553  anno  4.0 

Ita  Smus  D.  N.  mandavit. 

M.  Cardinalis  sanctae  Crucis 
Io[annes]. 

[Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  67,  n.  120.     Secret  Archives  of  the 

Vatican.! 


19.  Camillo    Capilupi    to    Cardinal    Ercole    Gonzaga.1 

1553,  Mart.  14,  Rom. 

.  .  .  Due  di  sono  che  qui  incomincia  a  far  bel  tempo  et  S. 
Sta  se  ne  va  ogni  di  alia  Vigna,  alia  quale  si  fabrica  molto 
gagliardamente.  S.  Sta  ha  pensato  di  voler  mettere  il  Borgo 
in  fortezza  et  similmente  S.  Pietro  col  Palagio,  et  gia  si  sono 

1  See  supra,  p.  354. 


APPENDIX.  447 

cominciate  a  far  le  fosse  dalla  parte  della  muraglia  di  Borgo 
che  e  congiunta  col  Palagio  et  col  Castello  dov'  e  il  corridore, 
et  si  lavora  anco  dalla  parte  di  S.  Pietro,  cioe  dietro  la  fabrica 
la  sopra  il  monte  dove  e  quella  muraglia  vecchia.  .  .  . 

[Orig.  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 

20.    C.    TlTIO    TO    COSIMO     I.,     DUKE    OF    TUSCANY.1 

1553,  Mart.  14,  Rom. 

.  .  .  Ha  detto  un  cardinale  a  un  amico  mio,  che  il  re  di 
Francia  et  il  card,  di  Lorena  hanno  scritto  qui  al  ambasciator 
regio  che  non  faccia  piu  parole  ne  ricerchi  S.  Sta  per  conto  della 
promontione  di  Ghisa,  poiche  tante  volte  ha  promesso  di  farla 
et  menatola  in  lungo  d'hoggi  in  domani  ne  mai  n'e  venuto  a 
conclusione  alcuna,  et  che  quando  lo  facci  o  non  lo  f acci  non  gle 
ne  sapranno  grado  alcuno.  Questo  cardinale,  che  dall'  am- 
basciator intese  questo  in  molta  confidentia,  dice  che  corse 
subito  a  dirlo  al  Papa,  il  qual  disse  con  molta  colera  che  per 
ancora  non  l'haveva  fatto  et  che  avanti  lo  facessi  ne  voleva 
esser  arcipregato  et  poi  risolversi  a  quel  che  piu  li  piacesse.  .  .  . 

[Orig.  State  Archives,  Florence]. 
21.  Pope   Julius  III.   to   King  Ferdinand.2 

1553,  November  20,  Rom. 

Ferdinando  regi  Romanorum. 

Mittimus  ad  Mtem  tuam  dil.  fil.  Zachariam  electum  Pharen., 
praelatum  nostrum  domesticum,  qui  tuae  Mu  has  litteras 
reddidit  .  .  .,  ut  dil.  fil.  Hieronymo  Martinengo  succedens 
apud  ipsam  Mtem  tuam  nostrum  et  huiuss.  sedis  nuntium  agat. 
Hortamur  Mtem  tuam  .  .  .,  ut  .  .  .  eum  benigne  excipere  ac 
libenter  audire  fidemque  illi  de  omnibus  rebus  habere  velit. 

Datum  Rome  apud  s.  Petrum  etc.  die  XX  nov.  1553  anno  40. 

[Min.   brev.   Arm.   41,  t.  69,  n.  746.      Secret  Archives  of  the 

Vatican.] 

2IA.    AVERARDO  SERRISTORI  TO  COSIMO  I.,  DUKE  OF  TUSCANY.3 

1554,  Januar.  14,  Rom. 

...  La  riforma  va  tuttavia  inanzi  et  si  tien  per  certo  habbia 
a  seguire  poiche  s'intende  che  in  Hispagna  et  in  Portogallo  si 

1  See  supra,  p. 174.  *  Sec  supra,  p.  225.  3  See  ftupra  p.   167. 


44$  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

risolvono  d'osservare  le  determinazioni  del  concilio  di  Trento 
senza  aspettare  altra  confirmatione  del  Papa  sendovisi  trovato 
in  persona  a  farle,  quando  vi  era  legato,  il  che  sarebbe  non  si 
facendo  la  riforma  con  poca  dignita  di  S.  B11C1  .... 

[Orig.  State  Archives,  Florence.] 


21B.  Cardinal  Morone  to  Cardinal  Pole.2 

1553,  Decomber,  21,  Rom. 

La  Sta  del  Papa  tien  per  fermo  per  molte  ragioni  e  scontr 
che  la  regina  d'lnghilterra  si  debbia  maritare  col  principe  d 
Spagna  e  non  gli  displace  tal  matrimonio  per  benefizio  de 
regno  e  per  ridurlo  in  tutto  alia  vera  religione  et  unione  della 
chiesa  giudicano  che  stando  la  regina  senza  marito  sia  istro- 
mento  troppo  debole  a  governare  longamente  quei  popoli  di 
natura  feroci  et  instabili  et  assuefatti  alle  novita,  massima- 
mente  intendendosi  le  divisioni  intrinsiche  e  subornationi  degli 
esterni  per  le  quali  non  crede  che  un  re  del  paese  sia  atto  a 
ridurre  quel  regno  all'  obedienza  ;  anzi  per  vincere  l'emula- 
zioni  che  potrebbe  avere  e  per  stabilirsi  crede  saria  necessario 
accomodarsi ;  come  per  il  contrario  confida  in  Dio,  che  il 
principe  di  Spagna  essendo  catholico  nato  e  nutrito  et  havendo 
la  potenza  sua  vicina  di  Spagna  e  di  Fiandra  possa  con  maggior 
autorita  introdurre  l'unione  alia  Chiesa  e  difendere  la  regina 
dalli  nemici  interni  e  esterni. 

Stando  dunque  queste  cose  Sua  Sta  giudica  che  saria  non 
solo  pericoloso  il  voler  impedire  tale  matrimonio,  ma  ancora 
nocivo  alia  religione  et  all'  interesse  di  questa  S.  Sede  e  pero 
desidera  che  V.  S.  Rma  vengha  nella  medesima  opinione  e  resti 
di  cio  persuasa  et  andando  alia  corte  dell'  lmperatore,  come 
vuol  che  vadi  contentandosi  Sua  Mta  Cesa,  mostri  con  parole 
et  effetti  tal  desiderio,  non  lasciando  di  far  officio  opportuno 
accioche  seguendo  il  matrimonio  1' lmperatore  non  habbia  da 
restare  offeso  e  pigliar  occasione  di  tener  il  regno  in  scisma. 
Sua   Sta  mostrava  di  dubitare   che   quella  non  fosse   per 

1  Cf.  the  *brief  of  27.  Februar.,1554  to  the  Spanish  nuncio  super  controversis 
oitis  inter  prelatos  et  capitula  ecclesiarum  Hispaniae  super  sensu  quorundam 
decretorum  concilii  Tridentini  in  which  oiders  are  given  to  ask  the  Chapters 
concerning  complaints  and  to  communicate  these  to  the  Prelates,  so  that  they 
may  adduce  their  counter  reasons,  and  then  everything  is  to  be  sent  to  the 
Pope  so  that  he  may  arrange  those  matters  in  the  work  of  reform.  (Min.  brey. 
Arm.  41,  t.  70,  n.  116.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

2  See,  supra,  pp..  268,  278. 


APPENDIX.  449 

accomodarsi  e  spesso  mi  replicava  che  sarebbe  impertinente 
cosa  il  volersi  opporre  al  corso  di  un  fiume  impetuosissimo 
piacendogli  quella  sentenza  :  frustra  niti  et  nil  nisi  odium 
quaerere  extremae  dementiae  est.  Io  gli  ho  affermato,  che 
V.  S.  Rma  e  figlio  di  obbedienza  e  tenendo  gli  occhi  a  Dio,  che 
quella  in  nessun  tempo  mai  contrafaria  alia  volonta  di  S.  Bne 

Ha  voluto  solo  che  io  sappia  questa  sua  volonta  et  avvisi 
V.  S.  Rma  e  voleva  che  io  scrivessi  in  cifra  non  fidandosi  ne  de' 
suoi  ne  de'  miei,  ma  ha  dubitato  che  quella  non  havesse  la  cifra 
e  pero  ho  scritto  a  questo  modo  e  dato  la  lettera  in  man  propria 
di  mons.  Fabrizio,  colla  quale  sara  il  breve  credenziale  di  Sua 
Sta- 

Del  parere  mio  non  occorre  che  io  dica  altro  essendo  in  cio 
risoluta  Sua  Bne  e  convenendosi  a  lei  obbcdire.  Solo  l'avver- 
tisco  di  tener  il  segreto  appresso  di  se  come  Sua  Sta  ordina  per 
degni  rispetti  di  tutti  li  potentati  d' Italia  e  di  fuori. 

II  padre  maestro  del  sacro  palazzo  nuovo  arcivescovo  di 
Consa  verra  nuntio  appresso  l'lmperatore.  Mi  rallegro  per 
amor  di  V.  S.  Rma  che  avra  tal  compagnia  e  certo  e  uomo  di 
Dio  e  di  gran  prudenza,  sebene  esso  si  stima  tanto  poco  che 
vi  e  stato  da  fare  a  quietarlo,  ma  alia  volonta  di  Dio  non  si  deve 
far  resistenza. 

[Copy.     Corsini  Library,   Rome,   Cod.   33   E.   19,   471 — 474.] 

22.  Pope  Julius  III.  to  Petro  Antonio  di  Capua,  Arch- 
bishop of  Otranto.1 

1554,  Mai  31,  Rom. 

As  we  have  summoned  you  for  "  Purgatio  "  on  the  sentence 
of  the  Inquisition  and  you  have  cleansed  yourself  here  and 
have  sworn  that  you  have  always  agreed  witn  the  Catholic 
Faith  and  your  four  "  compurgatores  "  have  testified  that  you 
have  always  lived  as  a  Catholic,  while  we  have  witnessed  your 
pious  life  during  the  years  of  your  residence  in  Rome,  we 
receive  you  again  into  the  fold  of  the  Church  and  re-instate 
you  in  your  honours.2 

[Min.  Brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  71,  n.  318 — 319.     Secret  Archives  of  the 

Vatican.] 

1  See  supra,  p.  224. 

2  The  case  of  the  Archbishop  of  Otranto  caused  such  n  Bensation  that 
Morone  in  L557  in  his  treatise  on  justification  remarked  :"  La  Btoria  sua  e 
nota  "  (CantC,  Eretici,  ll..  189) ;  the  case  was  then  so  far  Forgotten  thai 
Druffel  (ill.,  255)  declared  he  was  able  to  adduce  nothing  rurther.  The  lirst, 

VOL.  XIII.  2g 


450  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

23.  Safe-conduct  of  Julius  III.1 

1554,  October  20,  Rom. 

Universis  et  singulis  praesentes  literas  inspecturis  salutem 
etc.  Cum  dilecti  lilii  nautae  praesentium  ostensores  con- 
ducant  ex  portu  Livornii  ad  hanc  almam  Urbem  nostram  lateres 
parvos  quadratos  et  pictos  ex  Hispania  adductos  pro  con- 
nciendis  pavimentis  villae  nostrae,  idcirco  subditis  nostris  sub 
indignationis  et  arbitrii  nostri  pena  precipimus,  non  subditos 
vero  hortamur  et  requirimus,  ut  ipsos  nautas  cum  ipsis  lateribus 
navigiis  sarcinis  rebus  sociis  et  servientibus  ad  nos  libere  et 
secure  sine  aliquo  impedimento  sive  pedagii  solutione  venire 
permittant,  quinimmo  auxilium  eisdem  et  favorem  oppor- 
tunum  praestent. 

Datum  Romae  apud  sanctum  Petrnm  etc.  die  xx  octobris 
1554  anno  5.0 

Io[annes]. 

[Min.  Brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  72,  n.  640.     Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican.] 

24.    AVERARDO  SERRISTORI  TO  COSIMO  I.,  DUKE  OF  TUSCANY.2 

1551,  December  1,  Rom. 

.  .  .  Lessesi  di  poi  un'  altra  parte  della  reforma,  oltre  a 
quella  del  conclavi,  ch'io  scrissi  a  questi  giorni  all'  E.  V.,  et 
si  ordin6  che  ne  fussi  dato  una  copia  al  Decano,  perche  la  man- 
dassi  a  vedere  et  considerare  a  tutti  i  cardinali  Vescovi,  et  una 
a  Ste  Croce,  come  primo  prete  che  facessi  il  medesimo  nelT 
ordine  de'  preti,  nel  quale  ordine  per  essere  maggiore  che  li 
altri,  ne  fu  data  un'  altra  copia  al  cardinale  di  Perugia  perche 
facessi  il  medesimo  con  quei  preti  che  seggono  di  poi  lui,  et  un' 

mention  is  made  in  October,  1551,  in  the  reports  of  the  ambassador, that  Julius 
was  against  the  elevation  of  the  Archbishop  to  the  cardinalate  on  account  of 
the  investigation  by  the  Inquisition  (See  letter  of  F.  Gonzaga  of  Oct.20th,  1551 
in  de  Leva,  V.,  276).  We  learn  from  the  "letter  of  Bart.  Serristori,  Archbp.  of 
Trani,  dat.  Rome,Oct.  23rd,  1553  that  the  opposition  of  the  Inquisition  to  the 
archbishop  still  continued  at  this  time.  On  Dec.  14th,  3  553  B.  Serristori  *re- 
ports  that  Manrique  had  lately  been  taking  steps  for  the  Cardinalate  of  the 
archbishop  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor, whereupon  Julius  ITI.  resolved  to  hear 
the  "  most  reverend  members  of  the  Inquisition."  "  A  sitting  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion took  place  in  presence  of  the  Pope  on  Tuesday,  in  which  the  archbishop 
defended  himself  very  well  ;  in  consequence  of  the  secrecy  of  the  deliberations, 
we  can  only  learn  that  he  is  to  be  considered  in  another  creation  of  Cardinals" 
(State  Archives,  Florence).  Further  authentic  information  is  given  by  the 
above  letter,   hitherto  unknown. 

1  See  supra,  p.  342. 

8  See  supra,  p.  169. 


APPENDIX.  451 

altra  al  cardinale  Farnese  per  fare  il  medesimo  coi  diacpni,  i 
quali  tutti  cardinali  1'  hanno  da  considerare  d'ligentissima- 
mente  et  notare  quel  che  a  ciascuno  paresse  di  levare  o  porre 
per  poterla  poi  fermare  in  quel  modo  che  hara  da  stare,  et 
per  non  essere  stabilita  comando  S.  St&  a  tutti  sotto  pena  di 
scomunicatione  che  non  parlassino  con  persona  di  particulate 
alcuno.  .  .  . 

[Orig.  State  Archives,  Florence.] 

25.  Lutherans  in  Rome,  1552 — 1554. x 

The  *Diario  di  Cola  Coleine  Romano  records  : 

1552  a  6  Giugno  in  lunedi  di  Pasqua  rosata  furono  menati  7 
Luterani  alia  Minerva  a  ribenedire  e  v'erano  due  frati  della 
Traspontina  vestiti  dell'  ordine  e  preti  secolari  con  tonica  gialla 
e  la  croce  roscia  e  li  cardinali  li  rebenedissero  e  vi  fu  gran 
popolo. 

1553  a  21  Marzo  furono  menati  nella  Minerva  n  Luterani  e 
vi  era  Montealcino,  predicatore  di  S.  Apostoli. 

1553  a  di  4  Settembre  Montalcino  predicatore  lo  compagno 
[sic]  et  un  tessitore  di  velluto2  furono  abbrugiati  per  Luterani3 
nella  Minerva  essendosi  letta  la  sentenza  et  alii  9  furono 
abbrugiati  tutti  li  suoi  libri. 

1554  a  4  Novembre  furono  menati  16  Luterani  alia  Minerva 
e  ritornorono  alia  fede. 

[Chigi  Library,  Rome,  Cod.  N.  II  32.] 
26.  Camillo    Capilupi    to    Cardinal    Ercole    Gonzaga.4 

1555,  Februar.   16,  Rom. 

Yesterday  there  was  a  meeting  of  the  Cardinals  before  the 
Pope.     In  essa  si  ragiono  sopra  la  commis^ione  che  si  ha  da 

1  See  supra,  p.  218,  I  am  not  able  to  determine  the  real  circumstances  In  con- 
nection with  this  arrest,  announced  by  Serristori  from  Rome  on  \pni  29th, 
1551  (*Hier.  Borro  d'  Ai-ozzo  theologo,  che  serviva  al  card,  di  Ferrara  : 
Imprisoned  on  suspicion  of  heresy  ;    State  Archives,  Florence). 

*  Giov.  Teodori  da  Perugia  8.  Orano  3  I  ;  cf.  ELZE  in  the  Rii ,  I  frist.,  [.,  272, 
seqq. 

3  Concerning  Giov.  Buzio  of  Montalcino  ().  Min.  Conv.,his  arresl  and  execu- 
tion cf.  Elzk  in  der  Riv.  Crist.,  loc.  cit.  :  Fontana,  1 1.,  281  :  Brigidi,  Fra GiOT. 
Mollio,  Siena,  185)1  ;  ORANO,  I  n  :  BUSCHBELL,  216;  PlCCOLOMINl  in  Imllct. 
Senese  XV.,  296 sea.,  302  eeq.  ;  x  vi  I..  29  :  \nidi  Romagna,  SIX.  (1901),  L4S, 
n. .'{  ;  Caborbbbi,  Riforma  e  tnqnisizione  ael  dncato  di  Urbino,  Verona,  1911, 
7  seq. 

*  See  supra,  p.  220. 


452  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

dare  al  Rmtt  Morone  intorno  ad  alcuni  dubbii  che  S.  S.  Rma  ha 
mosso  per  conto  delle  cose  della  religione  dei  quali  colli  prime 
mandero  una  copia  a  V.  S.  111.  ;  quasi  tutto  il  parlamento  tocco 
al  rmotli  Fano,  al  parere  del  quale  S.  Sta  et  tutti  gli  altri  si 
rimisero  senza  replicare  parola  ;  per  la  qual  cosa  S.  S.  Rma  n' 
ha  riportato  di  molti  lodi  et  da  S.  Sta  et  da  tutti  i  rmi  che  si 
trovorono  presenti.  .  .  . 

[Orig.  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 

27.  Furtherance  of  the  Re-building  of  St.  Peter's  by 
Julius  III.1 

How  greatly  Julius  III.  had  the  re-building  of  St.  Peter's 
at  heart,  can  be  judged  from  the  two  Bulls  already  known  up 
till  now,  that  of  July  31st,  1551  (Bull.,  VI.,  445  seqq.)  and  of 
July  20th,  1552  (Compendium  privilegiorum  Rev.  Fabricae 
S.  Petri  a  Johanne  Carolo  Vespignanio  absolut.,  nunc  notis 
locupletat.  a  H.  Baldassinio,  Romae,  1762,  94  seqq.).2  To  these 
documents  the  following  may  be  added,  which  I  take  from  a 
manuscript  acquired  in  Rome  in  1901,  which  bears  the  title  : 
*Privilegia,  auctoritates,  facultates  indulgentiaeque  fabricae 
basilicae  principis  apost.  S.  Petri  de  Urbe  a  quamplurimis 
Romanis  pontificibus  concessae  et  per  sanct.  dom.  Paulum 
div.  pro.  papam  quart um  confirmatae. 

Therein  are  the  following  documents,  as  far  as  I  know  still 
unprinted  : 

1.  Iulius  papa  III.  [1550,  Juni  20,  Rom.] 

Ad  perpetuam  rei  memoriam.  Post  nostram  ad  summi 
apostolatus  officii  assumptionem,  toto  cordis  affectu  semper 
mente  revolvimus,  celeberrimam  divi  Petri  apostolorum 
principis  basilicam,  quae  in  admirabilem  consurgit  structuram, 
prout  tenemur,  debito  fine  terminare,  ne,  desertis  aedificiis, 
quod  iam  factum  est  periret  et  tantum  opus,  tanta  pecuniarum 
vi  excitatum  frustra  rueret  ;  et  cum  Iulius  II  et  successive  alii 
praedecessores  nostri  suas  et  Sedi[s]  Apostolicae  facultates  ad 
tantum  opus  perficiendum  minime  sufficere  posse  viderent, 

-  See  supra,  p.  333. 

2  Cf.  also  Bull.  Bas.  Vatic.,  III.,  1,  I9seqq.  Concerning  a  commissary  of  the 
Fabriea  S.  Petri, who  unfortunatelv  sold  Indulgences  lor  money,  see  Atti  d.  Soc 
Ligure,  XXIV.,  588  seq. 


APPENDIX.  453 

omnes  christifideles  coelestis  thesauri  premiis  et  aliis  spirituali- 
bus  gratiis  et  donis  toto  nixu  ad  tarn  pium  et  laudabile  opus 
invitaverunt,  diversas  indulgentias  etiam  plenarias  et  facul- 
tates   tam   eis    quam   collegio    officialium   ad   curam   dictae 
fabricae  per  sedem  apostolicam  deputatorum  concedendo  et 
innovando ;      Nosque     aliorum     praedecessorum    nostrorum 
vestigia  insecuti,  indulgentias  etiam  plenarias  et  facultates, 
privilegia,  praerogativas  et  indulta  a  praedecessoribus  nostris 
concessa  in  crastinum  nostrae  ad  summi  apostolatus  apicem 
assumptionis  in  genere  revocaverimus  et  successive  per  quas- 
dam  alias  nostras  sub  plumbo  omnes  indulgentias  et  nonnullas 
alias  facultates  durante  anno  iubilaei  et  deinde  ad  nostrum 
beneplacitum  revocaverimus    et   suspenderimus  :   ne   autem 
propter  huiusmodi  revocationes  christifideles  ad  tam  pium  et 
laudabile    opus    tepidiores    reddantur   et    fabrica   interrupta 
pendere  cogatur,   motu  proprio  et  ex  certa  scientia  nostra 
indulgentias  etiam  plenarias,  facultates,  privilegia,  praeroga- 
tivas et  in  indulta  praedicta  per  Iulium,  Leonem,   Adrianum, 
Clementem  et  Paulum  praedecessores  praefatos  fabricae  et 
collegio    praefatis    concessas   et   concessa,   cum  omnibus   et 
singulis    decretis     et    clausulis     in   singulis    litteris    desuper 
tam  sub  plumbo  quam  in  forma   brevis   confectis,   quarum 
tenores   ac    si   de   verbo   ad   verbum    nihil   penitus    omisso 
inserti    forent    praesentibus    haberi    volumus    pro    expressis, 
auctoritate    apostolica   tenore    praesentium   connrmamus   ac 
in  pristinum  et  illud  robur  et  statum,  in  quibus  ante  easdem 
revocationes  quomodolibet  erant,  plenarie  restituimus  reponi- 
mus  et  reintegramus,  ac  plenarie  restitutas,  repositas  et  rein- 
tegratas  existere  decernimus,  illasque  et  ilia  prout  per  dictos 
praedecessores  nostros  concessae  et  concessa  sunt,  in  omnibus 
et  per  omnia  innovamus  ;    volumusque  et  declaramus  quod 
collegium  ipsum  fabricae  praefatae  indulgentias  etiam  plen- 
arias (non  tamen  durante  praesenti  anno  iubilei)  necnon  omnes 
alias  facultates,  privilegia,  praerogativas  et  indulta  praedicta 
praefato  collegio  concessas  et  concessa  infuturum  exercere 
possit,   prout  ante  easdem  revocationes  exercere  posse  dig- 
noscebatur  ;   non  obstantibus  praemissis  et  aliis  const  it  utioni- 
bus  et  ordinationibus  apostolicis  necnon  omnibus  illis  quae  in 
singulis  litteris  praedictis  concession  fuit  non  obstare  caeter- 
isque   contrariis   quibuscunque.     Verum    quia   difficile    Eoret 
praesentes  litteras  ad  singula  qua<  que  Loca,  ad  quae  expediens 


454  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

fuerit,  deferre,  volumus  et  dicta  auctoritate  decernimus,  quod 
earum  transumptis  secretarii  collegii  praedicti  manu  sub- 
scriptis  et  sigillo  dictae  fabricae  munitis,  eadem  prorsus  fides 
indubia  adhibeatur  que  praesentibus  adhiberetur  si  essent 
exhibitae  vel  ostensae. 

Datum  Romae  apud  s.  Petrum  sub  anulo  piscatoris  die  XX 
mensis  iunii  MDL,  pontificatus  nostri  anno  i.°  Blosius 
el[ectus]  Fulgin.     [Ms.  cit.  I38b  seq.] 

2.  Iulius  papa  III.  [1552,  Jan.  25,  Rom«] 

Ad  futuram  rei  memoriam.  Cupientes  necessariae  in- 
staurationi  basilicae  principis  apostolorum  de  urbe  taliter 
providere,  ut  exinde  eius  desiderata  perfectio  celerius  subse- 
quatur,  necnon  indulgentias,  gratias,  indulta  et  facultates  aliis 
piis  locis  in  eius  praeiudicium  concessa  adeo  moderare,  quod 
propterea  ad  huiusmodi  perfectionem  ampliora  christifidelium 
suffragia  obvenire  valeant  ;  cum  itaque  nos  alias  seu  nuper  ex 
certis  tunc  expressis  causis  nonnulla,  indulgentias,  concessiones, 
gratias,  indulta  et  facultates  beatae  Mariae  de  Iesu  Redemp- 
tionis  Captivorum  nuncupatae  in  ecclesia  domus  Su  Dominici 
civitatis  Neapolitanae  ordinis  fratrum  Praedicatorum  ac 
montis  pietatis  eiusdem  civitatis  et  certis  aliis  confraterni- 
tatibus  necnon  incurabilium  praefatae  civitatis  ac  certis  aliis 
hospitalibus  et  piis  locis,  ita  quod  litterae  desuper  confectae 
sub  quibusvis  revocatione  aut  suspensione  similium  vel  dis- 
similium  indulgentiarum  minime  comprehendantur,  et  quo  ties 
revocari  seu  suspend!  contingeret,  toties  in  pristinum  statum 
restitutae  essent  et  esse  conserentur,  irritandi  decreto  desuper 
adiecto  et  alias  sub  certis  modo  et  forma  tunc  expressis  con- 
cesserimus  et  elargiti  fuerimus  ;  et  sicut  nobis  innotuit,  indul- 
gentiae  et  concessiones,  gratiae,  indulta  et  facultates  huius- 
modi in  maximum  fabricae  basilicae  Stt  Petri  de  Urbe  praeiu- 
dicium cesserint  et  cedant,  et  conveniens  videatur,  ut  dicta 
fabrica  pro  illius  et  eiusdem  basilicae,  quae  caeterarum  caput 
et  principalis  existit,  excellentia  et  dignitace  ac  urbis  nostiae 
decore  ac  venustate  in  primis  et  ante  omnia  perficiatur  et  ad 
optatum  finem  deducatur  et  ab  aliis  locis  minime  quoad 
consequendas  christifidelium  elemosinas  impediatur  seu  elemo- 
sinis  ipsis  ad  illius  peifectionem  necessariis  fraudetur  :  Nos 
igitur,  indemnitati  dictae  fabricae  ac  illius  perfectioni  quan- 
tum in  nobis  est  consulere  volentes,  motu  proprio  et  ex  certa 


APPENDIX.  455 

nostra  scientia  ac  de  apostolicae  potestatis  plenitudine  omnia 
et  singula  indulgentias  etiam  plenarias,  etiam  illas  a  media 
quadragesima  usque  ad  pascha  inclusive  ab  ordinibus  Mendi- 
cantium  publicari  solitas,  ac  alias  concessiones,  gratias,  indul- 
gentias et  indulta  ac  etiam  eligendi  et  deputandi  confessores, 
qui  absolvant  aut  alia  faciant,  ac  reliquas  omnes  facultates 
huiusmodi  indulgentias   concernentes  praefatis  et   quibusvis 
aliis  confraternitatibus  ac  ecclesiis,  monasteriis,  hospitalibus 
et  aliis  etiam  regularibus  et  piis  locis  in  civitate  praedicta  et 
diocesi  ac  toto  regno  Neapolitano  existentibus  et  sub  quibus 
cunque  invocationibus  institutis,  non  tamen  regnis  Hispani- 
arum  et  loci^  in  litteris  Cruciatae  et  dictae  fabricae  compraehen- 
sis,   ex  quibusvis  causis  ac  sub  quibuscumque  tenoribus,   et 
formis  etiam  imperatoris,  regnum,  ducum  vel  aliorum  princi- 
pum  intuitu  seu  contemplatione,  etiam  motu  simili  concessas 
et  concessa,  praeterquam  quod  ea,  in  quibus  indulgentiae  et 
facultates  ipsae  in  aliqua  sui  parte  iam  sint  sortitae  effectum, 
ita  ut  praefatae  et  aliae  confraternitates  et  ecclesiae,  monas- 
teria,  hospitalia  ac  loca  huiusmodi  illis  uti  seu  ilia  publicaii 
iacere  aut  quaestas  [sic]  aliquas  exercere  minime  possint  seu 
debeant,   a  die   mercurii   quadragesimae  usque  ad   octavam 
resurrectionis    D.    N.    Iesu    Christi    inclusive    uniuscuiusque 
anni  dicta  fabrica  durante,  nisi  ad  id  deputatorum  praefatae 
basilicae    consensus    accesserit,    eorumque    omnium    vim    et 
effectum    per   ipsum    tempus    auctoritate    apostolica    tenore 
praesentium  suspendimus  et  suspensas  esse,  ac  interim  nullo 
modo  publicari  seu  effectum  sortiri  aut  locum  sibi  vendicare 
nee  alicui  suffragari  debere,   ac  indulgentias  confraternitati 
Redemptionis  Captivorum  concessas  huiusmodi  ullo  unquam 
futuro  tempore  per  commissarios  seu  alios  quoscumque  extra 
dictam  civitatem  Neapolitanam  publicari  nullatenus  posse, 
necnon  quidquid  secus  contigerit  attentari  irritum  et  inane 
decernimus  et  declaramus,  ac  eisdem  confratribus  et  quibusvis 
personis  pro  confraternitatibus,  monasteriis,  ecclesiis,  hospit- 
alibus et  locis  prae  dictis  nunc  et  pro  tempore  deputatis,  sub 
nostrae     indignationis,      necnon     excommunicationis     latae 
sententiae  eo  ipso  per  contrafacientes  incurrendis  poenis,  ne 
durante  dicto  tempore  de  huiusmodi  indulgentiis,  concessioni- 
bus,  gratiis,  indultis  et  facultatibus  ac  quaestis  se  intromittere 
quoquo  modo  audcant  seu  pracsumant,  dis  trie  this  inhibemus, 
non    obstantibus    praemissis    ac    quibusvis    constitutionibus 


456  HISTORY    OF    THE    POP1.S. 

et  ordinal  ionibus  apostolicis  caeterisque  contrariis  quibus- 
cumque.  Volumus  autem  lit  praesentium  transumptis  manu 
notarii  ipsius  fabricae  subscriptis  ct  sigillo  collegii  dictae 
fabricae  munitis  eadem  prorsus  fides  adhibeatur,  quae  eisdem 
originalibus  adhiberetur,  si  forent  exhibitae  vel  ostensae. 

Datum  Romae  apud  s.  Petrum  sub  armlo  piscatoris  die 
xxv  ianuarii  MDLII  pontificatus  nostri  anno  secundo. 

S.  Cervinus. 
A.  della  Torre.     [Ms.  cit.  p.  147  seqq.] 

3.  Breve  confirmationis  abdicationis  quaestarum  S.  Antonii 
de  Sancto  Antonio  Viennensi  in  favorem  fabricae  basilicae 
principis  apostolorum  de  Urbe.  Inc.  :  Regimini  militantis 
ecclesiae  .  .  . 

Dat.  Romae  1553,  Dec.  15.     [Ms.  cit.  p.  147  seqq.] 

4.  Breve  S.  D.  N.  D.  Iulii  divina  providentia  papae  III 
confirmationis  indulgentiarum,  privilegiorum,  gratiarum  et 
aliarum  facultatum  in  favorem  fabricae  basilicae  principis 
apostolorum  de  Urbe.     Inc.  :    Cupientes  ea  .  .  . 

Dat.  ut.  s.     [Ms.  cit.  151  seqq.] 

5.  Breve  Iulii  III.  revocatorium  omnium  et  singularum 
quaestarum  et  commissariorum  in  favorem  fabricae  basilcae 
principis  apostolorum  de  Urbe.  Inc.  :  Si  in  universa  christi- 
fidelium  templa  .  .  . 

Dat.  Romae  1553,  Dec.  12.     [Ms.  cit.  p.  154  seqq.] 

6.  Breve  S.  D.  N.  D.  Iulii  divina  providentia  papae  III 
confirmatorium .  revocationis  quaestarum  et  indulgentiarum 
quarumcunque,  cum  mandato  ordinariis,  ut  non  permittant 
aliquas  quaestas  exerceri  nee  indulgentias  publican,  nisi  prius 
per  suas  litteras  earum  copiam  R.  P.  D.  deputatis  fabricae 
transmiserint  et  ab  eis  responsum,  cui  omnino  parere  teneantur, 
habuerint,  Inc.  :  Decet  Rom.  Pontificem  .  .  . 

Dat.  Romae  1554,  Apr.  6.     [Ms.  cit.  p.  162  seq.] 

7.  Motuproprio  „  Cum  nos,"  entitled  "  Suspensio  in- 
dulgentiarum durante  quadragesima  in  favorem  fabricae." 

Dat.  Romae  VIII.  Cal.  febr.  a0  secundo  (25  Januar.,  1552). 
[Ms.   cit.   p.    I74b  seqq.] 


APPENDIX.  457 

28.  Ordinances  for  Reform  by  Pope  Julius  III.1 
i55o. 

*  Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  49,  n.  341  :  *Card.  Sfondrato 
(Warrant  to  proceed  against  the  '  Exempts  '  of  his  diocese  of 
Cremona,  and  to  reform  the  monasteries),  April  23.  T.  56, 
n.  420  :  *  Paulo  Nicolino  canon.  Florent.  (Visitation  of  the 
monastery  of  S.  Mariae  de  Balneo,  O.  Camaldul.),  Mai  8  ; 
n.  538  :  *  Archiepisc.  Salzburg  and  by  other  German  bishops 
(Warrant  to  reform  the  '  Exempts  '  during  the  Visitation), 
Juni  13.  T.  57,  n.  740  :  *  Viceleg.  Bononiae  et  priori  gen. 
S.  M.  Servor.  (Reform  of  convents),  August  15  ;  n.  824  *Isidoro 
ep.  Fulgin.  (Reform  of  secular  and  regular  clergy),  September 
15  ;  n.  827  :  *  Vic.  Archiep.  Neapolit.  (Reform  of  the  nuns  of 
S.  Petri,  O.  S.  B.),  September  18  ;  n.  832  :  *  Archiep.  Mediol. 
(Warrants  against  Exempts),  September  20.  T.  58,  n.  944  : 
*  Generali  et  visitatorib.  O.  Camald.  (Visitation  the  monastery 
of  S.  Mariae  terrae  Balnei,  O.  Camald.),  November  10. 2 
(Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican). 

1551- 

*  Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  59,  n.  1  :  Episcop.  Matiscon. 
(Reform  of  the  convent  and  priory  of  S.  Petri  Matiscon., 
O.  S.  Aug.),  Januar.  1  ;  n.  19  :  *  Episc.  Litteiensi  [Lettere] 
(Warrant  for  reform  and  punishment  of  exempts),  January  12  ; 
n.  146  :  Card.  Compostellan.  (Reform  of  the  Spanish  College 
in  Bologna),  Mai.  10  ;  n.  148  :  *  Imperatori  (Punishment  of 
clergy  in  the  Balearic  Isles),  Mar.  n  ;  n.  156  :  *  Provinciali 
O.  Pr.  ref.  prov.  Rom.  (Reform  of  the  convent  of  S.  Dominici 
de  Campo  regio  in  Siena),  Mar.  12  ;  n.  214  :  Bull  (Punishment 
of  secular  clergy  not  wearing  clerical  dress),  Mar.  25.  T.  60, 
n.  256  :  *  Mandatum  iudicibus  (Punishment  of  Vagrant 
Carthusians  of  las  Cuevas  extra  muros  Ispalen.),  Apiil  10  ; 
n.  508  :  *  Christol.  Archiep.  Bremen.  (Reform  of  Convents), 
Juni  20.  T.  62,  n.  978  :  *  Episc.  Brixien.  (Reform  of  the 
Poor  Clares,  vetiscivit.  Brix.),  October  1  ;  n.  1055  :  Capellano 

1  See  bu />ra,  p.  162. 

*  Concerning  the  reform  of  the  convent  of  the  Minerva  In  Rome  arranged  in 
Jun9>  1550,  Bee  M  \  ss  a  u  1:1,1.1,  1 77.  A  dooumenl  of  October 20th,  L55U,  regarding 
reform  in  the  kingdom  <»t  Poland  is  in  Theinkr,  Edon.  Pol.,  11.,  572. 


45^  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

maiori    regis    Portug.    (against    frivolous    imposition    of    the 
Interdict),  December  31.  l  loc.  cit. 

1552. 

*  Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  63,  n.  37  :  *  Nuntio  Venet.  (Reform 
of  the  convent  of  S.  Mariae  Servor.  et  Iacobi  della  Giudecca), 
Januar.  14  ;  n.  108  :  *  Card,  de  Mendoza  (Reform  of  convents 
of  nuns  in  the  diocese  of  Burgos),  Februar.  15.  T.  64,  n.  242  : 
*  Card.  Morono  (Reform  of  the  O.  Eremit.  S.  Hieron.),  April 
12  ;  n.  243  :  *  Generali  O.  Eremit.  S.  Hieron.  (as  n.  242), 
April  12  ;  n.  288  :  Generali  O.  Praed.  (Correction  of  missals 
and  breviaries  of  the  Order),  Mai  3  ;  n.  369  and  370  :  Philippo, 
princ.  Hisp.  and  Card.  Poggio  (Reform  of  the  fratres  O. 
Eremit.  S.  August.),  Mai  28  ;  n.  428  :  Card.  I.  de  Monte  et 
Alex.  Campegio  (Reform  of  convents  of  nuns  in  Bologna), 
Juni  22.  T.  65,  n.  451  :  *  Card.  Neapolit.  (Warrant  for 
Reform  of  exempt  monasteries),  Juli  1  ;  n.  476  :  *  Reform 
of  the  nuns  of  S.  Mariae  Gaietani  O.  Cist.,  Juli  n  ;  n.  530  : 
Briefs  and  *  Facultates  Sylvestro  Landino  et  Emanueli  de 
Montemaiori  S.  J.  for  reform  in  Corsica,  August  5  ;  n.  566  : 
Cocciano,  protonotario  (Reform  of  Poor  Clares  at  Spoleto), 
August  25  ;  n.  576  :  *  Card.  Morono  (Reform  of  all  convents 
O.  Heremit.  S.  Hieron.),  August  31  ;  n.  615  :  *  Card,  de 
Durantibus  (Prohibition  to  receive  girls  under  15  in  the  con- 
vents at  Brescia),  September  20.  T.  66,  n.  643  :  *  Imperatori 
(Reform  of  monasteries  in  Lorraine  and  the  Netherlands), 
October  1  ;  n.  685  :  Episc.  Curiensi,  nuntio  apud  Grisones 
(Reform  of  the  clergy),  October  15,  loc.  cit. 


1553- 

*  Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  67,  n.  183  :  *  Card.  Poggio,  leg. 
Hispaniae  (Reform  of  P001  Clares),  Mar.  12  ;  n.  201  :  *  Archiep. 
Taurin.  (Reform  of  Poor  Clares  in  Turin  T.  69,  n.  521  :   *  Card. 

1  In  the  Brevia  Iulii  III.  t.  2  I  find  moreover  the  following  addenda  for  1551  : 
♦Cornelio  episc.  Bitunt.  (Reform  of  the  clergy),  Mar.  1  ;  *I.  Bapt.  episc.  Venaf. 
(Reform  of  seculars  and  regulars)  Mar  18  ;  *  Reform  of  the  Benedictine  mon- 
astery, S.  Maria  de  Brano  in  Naples,  Mar.  18  ;  *Generali  et  visit,  congreg. 
Camaldul.,  November  10,  Concerning  Julius  III.  and  the  reform  of  mon- 
asteries in  Genoa  see  Rosi.Le  monache,  in  the  Atti  d.  Soc.  Ligure,  XXVII.,  195 
and  Rosi,  Genova  e  la  Chiesa,  10.  The  strict  Rule  approved  in  1551  by  J.  B. 
Galetti"  magister  domus  Julii  III."  for  the  Ethiopian  monastery  S.  Stefano 
dei  Mori :  S.  Chaine,  Un  monastere  ethiopien  a  Rome  an  XV.  et  XVI  siecle,  in 
the  Melanges  de  la  Faculte  orient,  de  Beyrouth, V.  (1910),  19  scqq. 


APPENDIX.  459 

Pisano,  episc.  Tarvis.  (Punishment  of  a  dissolute  Abbess, 
0.  S.  B.),  August  3  ;  n.  699  :  Francisco  episc.  Pacensi  (Reform 
of  seculars  and  regulars),  October  24  ;  n.  709  :  *  Card.  Pisano 
(Reform  of  nuns),  October  28  ;  n.  761  :  *  Card.  Neapolit. 
(Reform  of  nuns),  November  271  loc.  cit. 

1554- 

*  Min.  brev.  Arm.  41,  t.  70,  n.  201  :  *  Castellano  episc. 
Placent.  (against  vagrant  monks),  April  12.  T.  71,  n.  268  : 
*Episc.  Bamberg.  (Reform  of  monasteries),  Mai  15  ;2  n.  306  : 

*  Archiep.  Mediolan.  (against  vagrant  nuns),  Mai  28  ;   n.  381  : 

*  Generali  O.  Crucifer.  (Reform  of  the  Order),  Juni  20.  T. 
72,  n.  568  :  *  Pronibition  of  women  entering  the  Charterhouse 
near  Asti,  September  20  ;  n.  693  :  Christophoro  Paduano 
generali  O.  S.  August,  (against  vagrants),  November  23  ; 
n.  729  :  Barth.  Iano,  Maceiatensi,  O.  Min.  conv.  prof,  in  theol. 
(Reform  of  monasteries  in  Burgundy,  Aragon,  Portugal), 
December  26,  loc.  cit. 

1555- 

Arm.  44,  t.  4,  n.  16  :  *  Baptista  Buttinoro  (Visitation 
of  churches  in  Corsica),  Januar.  26,  loc.  cit. 


1  In  Format.  I  Iulii  III., Min.  brev.  60  there  are  also  the  following  documents 
which  rightly  belong  here  :  45°  :  *  Hieronymo  archiep.  Ianuen.  (Faculties  foi 
Reform),  L553,  Mart.  3  ;  48°  :  Paulo  Sadoleto  ep.  Caipent.  (Warrant  against 
clerics  and  exempts),  Mart.  8  ;  72°  :  •Archiep.  Hispal.  ( Kel'orm  of  clerics), 
April  7  ;    DC  :    Card.  Pacheco  (Reform  of  his  diocese),  Mai  .4. 

2  In  the  '  Mm.  brev.'"  the  mandate  of  Julius  III.  to  Melchior,  bishop  of 
Wiirzburg  about  the  visitation  of  all  monasteries  of  monks  and  nuns  in  his 
diocese  as  "  non  modica  scandala  "  had  come  to  his  ears,  etc..  May  1").  L554.  A 
single  sheet  probably  printed  in  Augsburg  ;   a  flue  initial  at  the  beginning. 


INDEX    OF    NAMES    IN    VOL.    XIII. 


Accoi.ti,  Cardinal,  364. 

Adamas  Sagat  (Negus  of  Abys- 
sinia), 313  n.  2. 

Adrian  VI.,  Pope,  297,  419,  453. 

Agostini,  Antonio  (Bishop  of 
Lerida,  nuncio  to  Ferdin- 
and I.),  154  n.  1,  169  n.  4, 
289. 

Aguilera,  J.  de  (physician), 
142  n.  3. 

Alba,  Duke  of,  10. 

Albani,  G.  (author),  331  n.  2. 

Albernoz,  Rodrigo  de,  302  n.  4. 

Alberteschi,  Family  of  the,  388. 

Aldrovandi,  Ulisse  (naturalist), 
216,  357^6,  3°7;  375  n.  2, 
390,  305,  397,  421,  422, 
423- 

Alepo,  Salvatore  (Archbishop  of 
Sassari),  100,  109. 

Alessandrino,  Fra  Michele,  see 
Ghislieri. 

Alexander  II.,   Pope,  411. 

Alexander  VI.,  Pope,  177,  364, 

37o,  375,  383,  385,  389, 
401. 

Alfonso,  Infante  of  Portugal, 
Cardinal,  3,  25. 

Aliotti,  Pier  Giovanni,  341. 

Altoviti,  Bindo  (banker),  371. 

Amaseo,  Romolo  (humanist, 
papal  secretary),   74,   327. 

Amboise,  George  d',  Cardinal, 
6,  20,  27. 

Ammanati,  Bartolomeo  (sculp- 
tor), 340,  341,  3.45  n.  1, 
347,  352,  353- 

Amyot,  Jacques  (French  En- 
voy), 106. 

Angelico,  Fra  (painter),  420. 

Angelis,  P.  A.  de  (Bishop  of 
Nepi),  54  n.  1,  133  n.  3. 


Anguillara,  Family  of  the,  388. 
Anjiro,  Paul,  S.  J.  (missionary), 

316. 
Anton    (Chinese    attendant    on 

St.  Francis  Xavier),  320  n. 

1,  321. 
Antonio  of  Madrid,  S.  J.,  187. 
Aquila,    Branconio    dell',    364, 

377,   387- 
Aramont  (French  envoy),  143. 
Arezzo,  H.  Borro  d'.  (heretic), 

451  n.  1. 
Aretino,  Pietro,  329,  330,  332. 
Ariosto,  Lodovico,  65. 
Armagnac,  George  d'  (Bishop  of 

Rodez),  Cardinal,  6. 
Arrivabene,  G.  Fr.,  52  n.  4. 
Arundel,    Lord,    261. 
Asnaf   Sagat    (Negus   of   Abys- 
sinia), 313  n.  2. 
Aspera,  Francesco  d'  (treasurer 

to  Julius  III.),  375  n.  1. 
Ataide,    Alvaro    (Commandant 

of  Malacca),  319,  320,  323. 
Aurelius  Novocomensis,  224  n. 

2. 
Aversa,  Matteo  da,  222. 
Avila,  Luis  de  (Imperial  envoy), 

58,  78. 
Ayala,  24  n.  4. 
Atracino,   Sebastiano,  63  n.   5. 


Bacci,  Andrea  n.  3. 

Badhorn,  Leopold  (agent  of  the 

Elector  Maurice  of  Saxony 

at  the  Council  of  Trent), 

115,  118,  119. 
Baglioni,  Family  of  the,  53. 
Baglioni,  Rodolfo,   1 40  n.    1. 
Balneo,   G.    F.   de,   Count,    134 

n.  2. 


461 


462 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


Barbaro  (Venetian  envoy),  241. 

Barga,  da  (physician),  433. 

Baronino  da  Casale,  Bartolo- 
meo  (architect),  8  n.  4,  341. 

Baronius,  Cesare  (the  future 
Cardinal),    177. 

Barreto,  Nunez,  S.  J.  (Patriarch 
of  Abyssinia),  313. 

Basso,  Girolamo,  Cardinal,  420. 

Beccadelli,  Lodovico  (nuncio), 
211,  328. 

Belisarius,  392. 

Bellarmine,  Francis,  S.  J.  (the 
future  Cardinal),  177. 

Bel  lay,  Eustache  du  (Bishop  of 
Paris),  205,  206,  207. 

Bellay,  Jean  du  (Bishop  of 
Paris),  Cardinal,  6,  19,  25, 
141  n.  2,  152  n.  1,  407. 

Bellay,  Joachim  du,  406. 

Benavente,  Toribio  da  (Moto- 
linia),  Franciscan  mission- 
ary, 3°3,  306. 

Bencio,  Trifone  (secretary),  74. 

Benedict  XII I.,  Pope,  426  n.  1. 

Bernard     (a    Japanese  ,    com- 
panion to   St.    Francis 
Xavier),    323. 

Bernardo  of  Vitcrbo,  Fra,  223. 

Bernini,  Giov.  Lorenzo  (archi- 
tect and  sculptor),   370. 

Bertano,  Pietro  (Bishop  of 
Fano,  nuncio),  Cardinal, 
80,  81,  93,  107,  122  n.  2, 
125,  136,  171,  172,  173, 
452. 

Bessarion,  Cardinal,  342. 

Beuerlin  (protestant  theologian) 
125.  ! 

Bevilacqua,  Family,  of  the,  395. 

Biagio,  Girolamo  (envoy  from 
Bologna),  59  n.  3. 

Billick,  Eberhard  (theologian), 
114. 

Bini,  Family  of  the,  375. 

Biondo,  Flavio  (humanist),  394. 

Blade,   Antonio    (printer),   332, 

383. 
Boccaccio,  Leonardo,  61. 
Bocchi,  Achille,  328  n.  4. 
Bohemia,  Queen  of,  103  n.  t. 
Boleyn     Anne,    245. 
Boniface  VI 1 1.,  Pope,  41 1. 


Bonner,  Edmund  (Bishop  of 
London),  240,  246,  287. 

Borba,  Diego  de,  308  n.  1. 

Borgia,  Francis,  S.  J.  (Duke  of 
Gandia),  177-179,  186,  187, 
209. 

Borromei,  Family  of  the,  343 
n.  1. 

Borromeo,  St.  Charles,  177. 

Borgia,  Lucrezia,  397. 

Boschi,  Fabrizio  (painter),  49 
n.  1,  338. 

Bourbon,  Louis  de,  Cardinal,  6, 
20,  30,  33. 

Bourne  (court  chaplin),  246. 

Bramante,  Donato  (architect), 
337,  365,  366,  370,  371, 
421. 

Brandolini,  Raphael  [LippoJ 
(humanist,  tutor  to  Pope 
Julius  III.))  46,  326. 

Brenz,  Johann  (protestant  theo- 
logian), 125. 

Broet,  Paschasius,  S.  J.  (Pro- 
vincial of  the  Jesuits  in 
France),  205-207. 

Brueghel,  Peter  (painter  and 
engraver),  389. 

Bruslart,  Noel  (procurator-gen- 
eral of  the  French  Parlia- 
ment), 204,  205. 

Bufalini,  Leonardo  (artist),  357, 
363,  37i,  374,  375  n.  2, 
379,  386,  390. 

Bullinger,    Johann   Fleinrich 
(Swiss  reformer),  219,  243. 

Buonanni,  Benedetto  (Floren- 
tine envoy,  conclavist  to 
Card.  Toledo),  21,  22,  130, 
160. 

Burchard,  Johannes  (Master  of 
ceremonies  to  Alexander 
VI.),  384,  401. 

Bucer,  Martin,  O.  P.  (after- 
wards protestant  theolo- 
gian), 239,  242. 

Buzio,  Giovanni  (Minorite),  218. 


Cacci^lupi,  Family  of  the,  381. 
Calandra,  Endimio,  36  n.  2,  43. 
Calandra,  Sabino  (Mantuan  en- 
voy), 29  n.  1,  50  n.  1. 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


4f>3 


Calvi,  Giovanni  da,  O.  S.  F., 
378,  425- 

Calvin,  John,  221,  239,  242,  243, 
270  n.  3,  296  n.  2. 

Camaiani,  Onofrio,  149. 

Camaiani,  Pietro  (Papal  cham- 
berlain), 93,  I35J  J36»  x39- 

Campegio,  Alessandro, Cardinal, 

173- 
Campegio, Giambattista  (Bishop 

of  Majorca),  109. 
Can.ano,  Giulio  (secretary),  74, 

75,  95  n.  1. 
Canisius,  Peter,  S.  J.,  182  n.  2 

200-203. 
Cannani,  G.  (phvsician),  142  n. 

3- 

Cano,  Melchior,  O.  P.,  108. 
Capilnpi,  Camillo,  166  n.  3. 
Capilupi,  Ippolito,  130. 
Capodiferro,  Girolamo  (Datary) 
Cardinal,  6,  10,  21,  30,  41, 

149,  350,  387- 

Capranica,  Family  of  the,  400. 

Capua,     Pietro    Antionio    de 
(Archbishop    of    Otranto), 
171,  223,  224,  449  n.  2. 

Caracciolo,  Galeazzo  (Marquis 
of  Vico,  nephew  of  Card. 
Carafa),  221. 

Carafa,  Gian  Pietro  (Bishop  of 
Chieti,  Archbishop  of 
Naples),  Cardinal  (later 
Pope  Paul  IV.),  6,  12,  16, 
18,  21-27,  3o-33,  57,  63,  70, 
71,  78,  88,  155,  158,  160, 
165,  183,  208,  210,  213, 
216,  217,  220, 222, 338  n.  2, 

397,  412  n.  4,  435- 

Carafa,  Oliviero,  Cardinal,  379, 
396. 

Caravaggio,  Polidoro  da  (paint- 
er), 376,  377- 

Cardelli,  Family  of  the,  351. 

Carew,  263. 

Carissimo,  Pietro  Maria,  29  n.  1. 

Carne,  Sir  Edward  (English 
envoy),  288. 

Carnero,  Melchior,  S.  J.  (Co- 
adjutor Bishop  of  Abys- 
sinia), 313. 

Caro,  Annibale,  221  n.  4. 


Carpi,    Girolamo    da    (painter), 

34i,  353- 

Carpi,  Pio  Rodolfo  da  (Bishop 
of  Faenza  and  Girgenti), 
Cardinal,  6,  10,  16,  17,  25, 
3i,  33,  42,  45  n.  2,  80  n.  3, 
141  n.  2,  151,  168,  217, 
228,  229,  396,  397,  402, 
422. 

Casal,  Caspar  do  (Bishop  of 
Funchal),  290. 

Casas,  Bartolome  de  las,  O.  P. 
(Bishop    of    Chiapa),    304, 

305.. 

Castellesi,     Adriano,     Cardinal, 

3°4- 

Castner,  Kaspar,  S.  J.  (Mission- 
ary), 321  n.  1. 

Castriotto,  Jacopo  Fusti  (archi- 
tect), 354  n.  3- 

Castro,  Alfonso  de,  O.  S.  F., 
281. 

Castro,  Duchess  of  (mother  of 
Ottavio  Farnese),  133. 

Catanei,  Vannozza  de',  383,  384. 

Catharinus,  Ambrosius  (tutor 
to  Julius  IIL  in  Siena), 
46  n.  2. 

Catherine,    Queen    of    Bosnia, 

394- 
Catherine,    Queen    of    England 
(wife  of  Henry  VIII.),  244, 

253,  254- 
Catherine,     Queen     of     France 

(wife  of  Henry  II.),  see  de' 

Medici 
Catherine,    Queen    of    Poland, 

Archduchess     of     Austria, 

236. 
Cavino  (medallist),  49  n.  1. 
Cecchi  (engraver),  48  n.  5. 
Cellini,  Benvenuto,  56  n.  2,  354, 

37o. 

Cenci,  Family  of  the,  385,  401. 

Cervini,     Alessandro     (half- 
brother  to   Marcellus    II.), 
177  n.   1. 

Cervini,  Marcello  (Bishop  of 
Nicastro,  Cardinal,  after- 
wards Pope  Marcellus  II.), 
2  n.  1,  3,  6,  10,  12.  t6,  17, 
20-22,  25,  40,  48,  78,  88, 
[39,  1 .5«>,  160,  [63-165,  -17, 


464 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


219,     220-222,     225,     228, 
229,  327,  334,  436,  450. 
Cesati,  Alessandro,  "  II  Greco  " 
(Master  of  the  Mint),  62  n. 

5,  354- 

Cesi,  Family  of  the,  365,  423. 
Cesi,  Federigo,  Cardinal,  6,  15, 

365- 
Cesi,    Paolo    Emilio,    Cardinal, 

364. 

Chambre,  Philippe  de  la,  Car- 
dinal, 6,  7,  20,  27. 

Charles  V.,  Emperor,  3-5,  10-12. 
18-22,  24  n.  4,  31,  33  n.  1, 
39,  41,  44,  54,  55,  60,  77- 
80,  82-85,  89-95,  97,  ioi, 
107,  in,  114,  120,  124-130, 
^"^g,  i43"I46,  148,  149, 
I5I-I53,  170,  171,  174, 
178,  179,  209, 224-229,  231, 
245,  250,  256-260,  265, 
267,  269,  272,  273,  276, 
278-283,  286,  298,  301, 
353,  356  n.  3,378,408,448. 

Chatillon,  Cardinal,  6,  7,  19. 

Chigi,  Family  of  the,  421. 

Chigi,  Agostino,  389. 

Christian  III.,  King  of  Den- 
mark, 259. 

Christopher,  Duke  of  Wurtem- 
berg,    115,    117,    125. 

Cibo,  Innocenzo,  Cardinal  311.2, 

6,  7,  12,  18,  20,  23,  57,  158, 

435- 
Cicada,    Giambattista    (Bishop 
of  Albenga),  Cardinal,  146, 

165,  173- 
Ciocchi  del  Monte,  see  Monte. 
Claudius  (Negus  of  Abyssinia), 

313  n.  2. 
Clement  VI.,  Pope,  35. 
Clement  VII.,  Pope  7,   11,  47, 

212,    214,    290,    340,    366, 

368,    399,    404,    421,    425, 

44i,  453- 
Clement  XII.,  Pope,  394. 
Clement  XIV.,  Pope,  343  n.  1. 
Cleve,    Hendrik   van    (painter), 

363,  366. 
Cock,  Hieronymus  (painter  and 

chalcographer),    400,    401. 
Coleine,  Cola  (chronicler),  218, 

45i. 


Colini,  G.,  343  n.  1. 

Colonna,  Family  of  the,  396, 
402,  409,  424. 

Colonna,  Ascanio,  9,  53,  346. 

Colonna,  Camillo,  9. 

Colonna,  Giacomo,  Cardinal, 
412. 

Colonna,  Pietro,  Cardinal,  412. 

Colonna,  Prospero,  Cardinal, 
396. 

Colonna,   Vittoria,   395,   397. 

Commendone,  Giovanni  Fran- 
cesco (Bishop  of  Zante), 
Cardinal,  251-253,  259  n.  2, 
270. 

Condivi,  Ascanio,  332,  337. 

Condulmero,  Francesco  (nephew 
of  Eugenius  IV.),  Cardinal, 

383- 

Conti,  Family  of  the,  361,  409. 

Conti,  Sigismondo  de',  336  n.  1. 

Corgna,  Ascanio  della  (com- 
mander of  the  Papal 
guards,  son  of  Francia, 
nephew  of  Julius  III.),  66, 
69,  97  n.  4,  103  n.  1,  133  n. 
2,  148  n.  1. 

Corgna,  Francia  della  (brother- 
in-law  to  Julius  III.,  hus- 
band of  Jacopa  del  Monte), 
46,  69. 

Corgna,  Fulyio  della  (Bishop  of 
Perugia,  brother  of  As- 
canio), Cardinal,  69,  148 
n.  1,  173,  353  n.  1,  450. 

Corgna,  Jacopa  della  (sister  to 
Julius   III.),    46,    69. 

Cornaro,  Andrea  (Archbishop  of 
Spalato),  Cardinal,  6,  41. 

Cornaro,  Luigi,  Cardinal,  174. 

Correa,  293  n.  3. 

Cortese,  Cardinal,  380. 

Cortese,  Ersilia,  see  Monte. 

Cortez,  Fernando,  296^297,  300. 

Cosimo  I.  (Duke  of  Tuscany), 
see  Medici. 

Courtenay,  Edward,  Earl  of 
Devonshire,  259,  260,  261, 
263,  267,  288. 

Coverdale,    Miles,    247. 

Cranmer,  Thomas  (Archbishop 
of  Canterbury),  239,  241- 
243,  247,  274. 


INDFX    OF    NAMES. 


465 


Crawford,  John,  324. 

Crema,  Fra  Battista  da,  212, 
441. 

Crescentms,  Nicholas,  392. 

Crescenzi,  Marcello  (Bishop  of 
Marsico),  Cardinal,  41,  57, 
76,  78,  88,  91,  92,  97,  99, 
100,  103,  104,  108,  in,  115- 
117,  120,  121,  123,  127, 
128,  131, 132  n.  1,  135,  158, 
160,    161,    170,    210,    217, 

327,  435- 
Criminalis,  Antonio,  S.  J.,  308 

n.  1. 
Crispi,  Tiberio,  Cardinal,  6. 
Crivelli,  Gianpietro  (goldsmith), 

377,  378,  425- 

Croft,  263. 

Cueva,  Bartolome  de  la,  Car- 
dinal, 5,  41,  42. 

Cupis,  Domenico  de  (Bishop  of 
Camerino),  Cardinal  6,  7, 
8  n.  3,  12,  16,  17,  20  n.  2, 
21,  23,  25,  27,  28,  30-33, 
42,  57,  63,  78,  88,  146, 
151,  158-160,  167  n.  1, 
2io,  379,  435. 

Cupis,  Francesca  de,  379  n.  2. 

Cyprian,  Alfonso,  311. 

Dandino,  Girolamo  (Bishop  of 
Imola),  Cardinal,  73,  75, 
76,  95,  99,  103  n.  1,  149, 
151,  173,  251-253,  256, 
257,  270. 

Dandolo,  Matteo  (Venetian  en- 
voy), 28,  69. 

Danti,  Vincenzo,  49  n.  1. 

Davidico,  Lorenzo,  331. 

Day  (Bishop  of  Chichester), 
240,  247. 

Delfino,  Zaccaria  (Nuncio),  167 
n.  2,  225,  226. 

Delgadillo,  303  n.  2. 

Delphinus,  J.  A.  (theologian), 
122  n.  2. 

Domonech,  Jeronimo,  S.  J., 
186,  195- 

Dominic    of    Betanzos,    O.     P., 

304- 
Dominico  of  Basana,  219  n.   1. 
Doria,    Girolamo,    Cardinal,    3 

n.  2,  6,  7. 

\ot,.  xiii. 


Dosio,  Giov.  Ant.,  364  n.  2. 

Dragut  (corsair),  143. 

Dryander,  Francis  (Fr.  de  En- 
zinas),  242. 

Dudley,  Guilford  (son  of  the 
Earl  of  Warwick),  24^. 

Duranti,  Durante  de'  (Bishop 
of  Alghero),  Cardinal,  6. 

Dzierzgowski,  Nicolas  (Arch- 
bishop of  Gnesen),  236. 

Edward  VI.  (King  of  England), 

237,  241  n.  4,  242,  243,  247, 

254,  259  n  1,  272,  274,  282. 
Egger,  "Hermann,  358  n.  1,  360 

n.  1. 
Egmont,     Lamoral,     Count    of 

(Imperial  envoy  to  Mary  of 

England),  262. 
Eguia,  d',  S.  J..  186. 
Elizabeth  of  England  (daughter 

of  Henry  VIII. ),  244,  252, 

263,  271  n.  1. 
Emanuel,    Philibert    (Duke    of 

Savoy),  259. 
Erasmus,  329. 

Erasso  (Imperial  envoy),  280. 
Este,    Ercole    II.    d'    (Duke    of 

Ferrara),  30  n.  3,  58,  68  n. 

3,222,417. 
Este,  Ippolito  d',  Cardinal,  6,  8, 

17,  20,  30,  35  n.  1,  39,  40, 

81,  86  n.   2,  96,   145,   150, 

372,  397,  422,  451  n-   I- 
Estouteville,  Cardinal,  378. 
Eugenius  III.,  Pope,  412. 
Eugenius  IV.,  Pope,  368,  383, 

384. 

Fabriano,  Gentile  da  (painter) 

412. 
Fabricius,  G.,  414  n.  2. 
Fagius,      Paul      (Hebraist, 

reformer),  242. 
Fanino  of  Ferrari,  2  1  8,  219  n.  1. 
I' a nneman,  Balthasar  (co-ad ju- 

tor    Bishop   oi    Mayence), 

104. 
Fantuccio,       Federigo      (papal 

en\  oy),  1 .10. 
Farnese,    Family   of   the,    1  j8, 

382. 

sandro,    (  ardinal 

30 


466 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


son  of  Pier  Luigi),  2  n.  1, 
6,  7  n.  1,  15-17,  25,  26,  30, 
3i,  37,  38,  40-42,  44,  73, 
74,  94,  x32,  140.  145  n.  4, 
381,386,387,389,409,451. 

Farnese,  Costanza,  376. 

Farnese,  Margherita  (wife  of 
Ottavio),  399. 

Farnese,  Orazio  (Duke  of  Cas- 
tro, commander  of  the 
Papal  troops),   9,    30  n.  3, 

37,  38,  133,  138. 
Farnese,   Ottavio    (son  of   Pier 
Luigi,     Duke     of     Castro), 

5,  11,  30  n.  3,37,3^53,55, 

59,   92-98,    101,    105,    129, 
130,  132,  136,  138,  152  n.  1, 

155,  399,  409. 
Farnese,  Ranuccio  (Archbishop 
of  Naples),  Cardinal,   6,   7 

n-   1,   37,  38,  40,  132,   404 
n.  3. 

Fascitelli,  Onorato,  328. 

Fauno,  Lucio,  405. 

Fedrio,  Sigismondo,  of  Diruta 
(Franciscan — Conventual) , 
100. 

Ferdinand  of  Aragon  (Arch- 
bishop of  Saragossa),   189. 

Ferdinand  I.  (King  of  the 
Romans),  58,  78,  104,  in, 
120,  164,  172  n.  3,  201-203, 
210,  225,  229,  259. 

Feria,  Count  of  (Spanish  envoy 
in  England),  209. 

Fernandez,    Juan,    S.    J.    (com- 
panion  of   St.    Francis 
Xavier),  376  n.  3,  317. 

Ferrara,  Duke  of,  see  Este. 

Fichard,  Johann  (jurist),  358, 
359,  364-371,  374,  378, 
381,  393,  396,  400,  403, 
406-408,   412,   419. 

Fieschi,  Cardinal,  381. 

Filarete,  Ant.  Franc,  (architect 
and  sculptor),  368. 

Filonardi,  Ennio,  Cardinal ;  3 
n.  2,  6,  17,  18,  19. 

Fiordibello,  Ant.  (Papal  secre- 
tary), 250. 

Firmanus,  Giov.  Franc.  (Papal 
master  of  ceremonies),  2  n. 
i,  29  n.  4,  415  n.  3. 


Firmanus,    Ludovicus    (master 

of  ceremonies),  415  n.  3. 

Fisher,  John  (Bishop of  Roches- 
ter), Cardinal,  249,  251. 

Flach,  George  (suffragan  Bishop 
of  Wurzburg),  103. 

Florimonte,  Galeazzo  (Bishop 
of  Sessa  and  Aquino),    74 

327- 

Fonseca,  Antonio  (Archbishop 
of  Seville),  290. 

Fonseca,  Johannes  (Bishop  of 
Castelammare),  109. 

Fontana,  Prospero,  342,  352. 

Forca  Palena,  Niccolo  di  (her- 
mit),    390. 

Fracastoro,  Girolamo,  328. 

Francis,  The  Dauphin  (Son  of 
Henry  II.),  260. 

Francis  I.  (King  of  France),  80. 

Francis  Xavier,  St.  (S.  J.),  186, 
308-325. 

Frangipani,  Family  of  the,  408, 
409. 

Frederick    of    Brandenburg 

(Archbishop  of  Magdeburg 
and  Halberstadt),  no 

Fregimiha,  F.  (physician),  142 
n.  3. 

Frontinus,  348. 

Fuga  (architect),  412. 

Fugger,  Family  of  the,  371. 

Fusconi,  Franceso  (court-phy- 
sician to  Paul  IIP),  387. 


Gabrielli,  Scipione,  13  n.  3. 
Gaddi,  Giovanni  (banker),  371, 

375- 
Gaddi,  Niccolo,  Cardinal,  3  n. 

2,  6,  7,  15,  18,  41. 
Gaetani,    Family    of    the,    389, 

409. 
Gaetani,  N.,  Cardinal,  150  n.  1. 
Galle,  Theodore  (engraver),  364 

n.  2. 
Gailetti,  Giovan  Battista  (maes- 
tro di  camera),  375. 
Galli,  Family  of  the,  382. 
Garces,  Julian  (Bishop  of  Tlax- 

cala),  303,  305. 
Gardiner,    Stephen    (Bishop    of 

Winchester),  240,  247,  259 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


467 


261-264,         267,         274,         28l, 
284-287. 

Garimberti,  Girolamo  (Bishop 
of  Gallese),  423. 

Gentile,  Giulio,  24  n.  5,  30  n.  1. 

Gerona,  Saturnio  (poet  and 
humanist),  403. 

Ghislieri,  Michele,  Cardinal  (In- 
quisitor-general, Bishop  of 
Sutri,  afterwards  Pope  Pius 
V.),  219,  220,  222,  409. 

Gianettini,  Fulgenzio,  154  n.  2. 

Giliis,  Silvester  de,  139  n.  3. 

Giotto  (painter  and  architect,) 
368. 

Giovenale,  Latino,  387. 

Giovio,  Paolo  (Bishop  of 
Nocera,  historian),    159, 

329. 

Givry,  de,  Cardinal,  3. 

Glogowski,  Peter  (Polish  envoy) 
234,  235. 

Gomez  de  Monte  Mayor,  Eman- 
uel, S.  J.  (Papal  commis- 
sary), 194. 

Gomez  de  Silva,  Ruiz,  209. 

Goncalvez  de  Camera,  Luis, 
S.  J.,  182  n.  2. 

Gonzaga,  Family  of  the,  340. 

Gonzaga,    Aloysius,    176. 

Gonzaga,  Ercole,  Cardinal,  3  n. 
2,  4,  6,  7,  16,  19,  29/37, 
39,  41,  42,  52,  145  n.  4,  166 
n.  3,  174. 

Gonzaga,  Ferrante  (governor  of 
Milan,  brother  to  Card. 
Ercole),  4,  19,  93,  130-132, 
I36,  139. 

Granvelle,  Nicholas  Perrenot  de 
(Imperial  Chancellor),  4, 
84,  209,  252,  278,  280,  283. 

Grassi,  Achille  de'  (Bishop  of 
Montefiascone),  103  n.  1, 
123, 124,  130  n.  4,  143,  146, 

211. 

Gregory  IX.,  Pope,  362  n.  2. 
Gregory  X.,   Pope,    11,   16,    17, 

32,  33- 
Gregory  XIII.,  Pope,  363  n.  2, 

380,  412  n.  4. 
Gregory  XV.,  Pope,  325. 
Gregory  XVI.,  Pope,  343  n.   1. 
Gregorianozi,    Paul    (Hi. -hop   of 


Agram,  2nd  envoy  from 
Ferdinand  I.),  107. 

Gregorini  (architect),  412. 

Grey,  Jane,  Lady,  244,  246, 
259,  263,  266. 

Grey,  Thomas  (brother  to  the 
Duke  of  Suffolk),  266. 

Grimani,  Giovanni  (Patriarch  of 
Venice),  Cardinal,  224,  350. 

Groliero,  Cesare  (secretary  of 
state),  74  n.  3. 

Gropper,  Johannes,  Cardinal, 
114. 

Gualterius  de  Brevibus,  Peter 
Paul  (conclavist  to  Card. 
Maffei),  2  n.  1,  40  n.  2. 

Gualterius,  Sebastian  (conclav- 
ist to  Card.  Aless.  Farnese, 
nuncio),  2  n.    1,    152,   232. 

Guise,  Charles  de,  Cardinal  of 
Lorraine,  6,  19,  20,  22,  25, 
26,  30,  3i,  32,  35,  38-42, 
44,  83  n.  2,  102,  172,  203, 
204,  208,  350,  447. 

Guise,  Louis  de,  Cardinal 
(brother  to  the  Card,  of 
Lorraine),  172,  174,  175. 

Gundisalvo,  F.,  S.  J.,  190  n.  2. 

Guzman,  303  n.  2. 


Hanebault,  d',  Cardinal,  3. 

Hastings,   Edward,   Lord,   283. 

Heath,  Nicholas  (Bishop  of 
Worcester),  240,  247. 

Heemskerck,     Marten     van 

(painter),  357,  359,  36°,  365, 
366,369,370,37511.  2,  381, 
382,  392-395,  399,  4°°, 
402-405,  407,  408,  411, 423. 

Heerbrandt  (protestant  theo- 
logian), 125. 

Henriquez,  Henry,  S.  J.  (mis- 
sionary),  309,   310,   311. 

Henry,  Infante  of  Portugal 
(Grand- 1  ik] uisitor,  brother 
of  John  III.),  Cardinal, 
190,   191. 

Henry  II.  (King  of  France),  3, 
20,  21,  33,  44,  54,  55,  58, 
60,  77^  's<v  83,  85-87,  92- 
98,    [OI,    [02,    [06,    1  I  I,   124, 

120,  [31-140,  [43-]  I.-,.  1  \&- 


468 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


152,    203,    204,    231,    232, 
260,   273,   438,   447. 

Henry  VIII.  (King  of  England), 
238,  244,  282,  284,  287. 

Heredia,  Baldassare  de,  O.P. 
(Archbishop  of  Cagliari), 
105. 

Heusenstamm,  Sebastian  (Arch- 
bishop-Elector of  May- 
ence),   104,   no,   113  n.   1, 
114,  125. 

Hippolytus,  St.,  350. 

Hoffmann,  Johann  (envoy  of 
Joachim  II.  of  Branden- 
burg), no. 

Hollanda,  Francisco  de,  397, 
400. 

Honorius  III.,  Pope,  408. 

Hooper,  John  (chaplain  to 
Edward  VI.  of  England), 
241,  247. 

Horst,  Gisbert  (surgeon),  424 
n.  1. 

Hosius,  Stanislas  (Bishop  of 
Kulm  and  Ermland),  233- 
236. 

Hiilsen,  Christian,  358  n.  1, 
360  n.  1. 

Ignatius  of  Loyola,  St.,  178, 
179,  182-186,  191-196,  199- 
203,  207-209,  223  n.  2,  226- 
231,  308,  310,  324,  325, 
404,   418,   419,   426. 

Ignatius  (Patriarch  of  Antioch), 

313  n-  3- 

Imola,  Pietro  da  (painter),  353. 

Inglesco.  Giuseppe,  24  n.  5, 
29  n.  3. 

Innocent  VIII.,  Pope,  367  n.  4, 
368-370,  420. 

Isenburg,  Johann  von  (Arch- 
bishop-Elector of  Treves), 
103,  104,  no,  113  n.  1,  114, 
124. 

Ivan  the  Terrible,  236  n.  1. 

Jacomello,   Jacopo,   105  n.   1. 
Japan,  Emperor  of,  315-318. 
Joachim  II.    (Elector  of  Bran- 
denburg), 84,  1 09-11 1. 
John  X.,  Pope,  411. 
John  XII..  Pope,  411. 


John  III.  (King  of  Portugal), 
125  n.  2,  190,  208,  293, 
295,  311,  312. 

Jovius,  Paulus  {see  Giovio). 

Juana  (Infanta  of  Spain,  sister 
to  Philip  II.),  179,  209. 

Julius  II.,  Pope,  11,  42,  46,  59, 
no,  155,  363,  366-369, 
371,  388,  389,  42T,  453- 

Julius  III.,  Pope  (Giovan  Maria 
Ciocchi  del  Monte,  Car- 
dinal), 3  n.  2,  6,  17,  20-22, 
25,  38-76,  77-98,  99-105, 
110-124,  127,  129-157,  158- 
179,  180,  183,  186,  189- 
196,  210-237,  248-250,  253, 
256,  257,  267-269,  273- 
279,  281,  282,  288,  307, 
3i3,  3H,  326-339,  357- 
367,  37o,  375,  378  n.  1, 
380-383,  387,  392-395,  402- 
406,  409,  415,  416,  419, 
426. 

Kessel,  Leonhard,  S.  J.,  200. 

Knox,  John,  246  n.  1. 

Koller,  Wolfgang  (agent  of  the 
Elector  Maurice  of  Sax- 
ony), 11 5. 

Labarthe,  Paul  de  (Sieur  de 
Termes,  envoy  of  Henry 
II.  of  France),  95,  96,  101, 
102,  151. 

Laetus,  Pomponius  (humanist), 

396- 
Lafrery,     Antoine     (publisher), 

358,  380. 
Lainez,  James,  S.  J.,  108,  182 

n.  2.  186,  197,  199,  226. 
Laing,   Count    (Imperial  envoy 

to  Mary  of  England),  262. 
Landini,  Silvestro,  S.  J.  (Papal 

commissary),  193  J95- 
Lang,   Matthew    (Prince-bishop 

of    Salzburg),    Cardinal,    7 

n.  1. 
Lanssac    (French   envoy),    140, 

141  n.  2,  152  n.  1. 
Lancilotti,    Nicolas,    308   n.    3, 

3IQ,  3"- 
Lara,  Juan  Manrique  de  (envoy 

of  Charles  V.),  281. 
Lasso,  Diego  (agent  of  I'erdin- 

and  1.),  164"  172  n.  3. 


INDEX   OF   NAMES. 


469 


Latimer,  Hugh  (English  re- 
former), 274. 

Lawrence  (Japanese  lay-broth- 
er, S.  J.),  318. 

Le  Jay,  Claude,  S.  J.,  200,  204. 

Lenoncourt,  Robert  de  (Bishop 
of  Chalons),  Cardinal,  3  n. 
n,  6,  16. 

Leo  IV.,  Pope,  388. 

Leo  X.,  Pope,  4,  7,  47,  62,  213, 
297,  356  n.  1,  366-369, 
376,  377,  399,  401,  402, 
407    n.    1,    409,    421,    425, 

453- 
Leo  XII.,  Pope,  343  n.  1. 
Letarouilly,  343  n.  t. 
Ligorio,    Pirro    (architect),    405 

n.  1,  408  n.  1.,  409. 
Lippi,  Lippo  (painter),  421. 
Lippo,  Raphael  Brandolino,  see 

Brandolino. 
Lippomano,    Luigi    (Bishop    of 

Verona,    nuncio),    91,    99, 

100,  103.  117  n.  4,  236. 
Lohninger,  Mgr.,  378  n.  3. 
Lorenzetto  (painter),  400. 
Lorraine,  John  of,  Cardinal,  6, 

7,  20,  25,  30,  31. 
Lottini,  Giov.  Francesco  (secre- 
tary to  Card.  Asc.  Sforza), 

37  n.  2. 
Louis,    Infante    of    Portugal 

(brother  to  John  III.),  190, 

259. 
Luther,  Martin,   108,   119,  239. 


Madruzzo,  Cristoforo  (Bishop 
of  Trent),  Cardinal,  311.2, 
6,  10,  16,  23,  35,41,42,52, 
95  n.  1,  100,  101  n.  1,  105, 
no,  127,  199  n.  7,  253  n.  3. 

Maffei,  Family  of  the,  423. 

Maffei,  Bernardino  (secretary 
to  Paul  III.),  Cardinal,  2  n. 
1,  5  n.  1,  6,  10,  19,  2i,  25, 
41,  76  n.  2,  159,  163,  165, 
167,  328,  389,  395. 

Maggio,  Giorgio  (Bolognese  re- 
porter), 43  n.  5,   154  n.  2. 

Magnus,  Olaus  (Archbishop  of 
1  psala),  386. 


Malenotti,  Bastiano,  337  n.  3. 

Malopera,  Claudio,  173  n.  3. 

Mancini,  Giulia  (wife  of  Baldo- 
vino  del  Monte),  68. 

Manili,  Lorenzo,  de'  (Laurentius 
Manlius),  390. 

Manrique  de  Lara,  see  Lara. 

Mantua,    Duchess   of,    248. 

Marbach    (protestant  theolo- 
gian),    125. 

Marcillat,  Claude  (painter),  421. 

Marcillat,     William      (painter), 
421. 

Marillac   (French  envoy  to  the 
Imperial  court),   84,   85. 

Mark,  Marshall  de  la,  30  n.  3. 

Marliani,  Bartolomeo,  405,  408 
n.  1. 

Martin  V.,  Pope,  412. 

Martin  of  Valencia  (Franciscan 
missionary),  297. 

Martinellis     (master     of     cere- 
monies), 415  n.  3. 

Martinengo,  Girolamo  (nuncio), 
172  n.  3,  225  n.  1,  226  n.  4. 

447- 
Martio,  Alessandro  (dramatist), 

439- 
Mary    (Queen   of   England, 

daughter  of  Henry  VIII.), 

237,  244-268,  270-281,  282- 

289. 
Mary    (Queen    of   Hungary, 

daughter    of    Charles    V.), 

209. 
Mary  Stuart,  260. 
Mary   Tudor    (sister   to    Henry 

VIII.),   244- 
Masius,  Andreas,  51. 
Mason,  John  (envoy  to  Charles 

V.),  247,  283. 
Massarelli,  Angelo  (secretary  to 

the  Council  of  Trent),  2  n. 

1,  26,  51,  62,  70,  74,  76,99, 

100,   106,   159,   167,  217. 
Massimi,  Family  of  the,  373. 
Massimo,  Pietro,  382. 
Matienzo,  303  n.  2. 
Mattei,  Family  of  the,  388,  389, 

392. 
Maturino    (pupil    <>l    Raphael), 

376,  377- 
Manner    oi     Saxony     (Llector), 


470 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


84,    II4,    119,    122,    123,     120 
128,    22J. 

Maximilian  of  Bohemia,  103  n. 
1. 

Mazzoni,  Guilio  (painter),  387. 

Medici,  Family  of  the,  423. 

Medici,  Bernardo  de'  (Marquis 
of  Marignano,  brother  of 
Card.  Giov.  Angelo),  132, 
146. 

Medici,  Catherine  de'  (Queen  of 
France),  4. 

Medici,  Cosimo  I.  de'  (Duke  of 
Florence  and  Tuscany),  4, 
18,  22,  33,  37  n.  3,  38,  44, 
51  n.  1,58,67,69,  14111.  3, 
144,  152,  153,  159,  170. 
172,    336,    351. 

Medici,  Ferdinando  de',  Car- 
dinal, 401. 

Medici,  Giovanni  de'  (son  of 
Cosimo  I.),    172. 

Medici,  Giovanni  Angelo  de', 
Cardinal  (Archbishop  of 
Ragusa,  later  Pope  Pius 
IV.),  6,  41,  97  n.  4,  130  n. 
3,  132,  158,  159,  163,  329, 
381,  392,  411,  412  n.  4. 

Medici,  Guilio  de',  Cardinal,  see 
Clement    VII. 

Medici,  Lucrezia  de'  (daughter 
of  Cosimo  I.,  wife  to  Fabi- 
ano  del  Monte),  69. 

Medici,  Luigi  de'  (son  of  Cosimo 
I.),    172. 

Melancthon,    Philip,    118,    126. 

Melchior  (Bishop  of  Wiirzburg), 

459- 
Mendieta,  Jeronimo  de,  O.  S.F., 
298  n.  3,  299  n.  2,  301  n.  1, 

303,  3o6- 

Mendoza  (Viceroy  of  Mexico), 
302. 

Mendoza,  Diego  Hurtado  de 
(Imperial  envoy),  4,  5,  9, 
11,  13  n.  5,  21,  29  n.  1,  33, 
37  n.  2,  39,  78,  80,  85,  129, 
130,  133  n.  3,  252. 

Mendoza,  Francisco  de,  Car- 
dinal, 5,  41,  383. 

Mendoza,  Juan  de  (Imperial 
envoy),  256. 

Mentuato,    Camillo    (Bishop   of 


Satriano,  nuncio  to  Poland) 
23  1   n.  6. 

Mercurio,  Gianandrea  (Arch- 
bishop of  Messina),  Car- 
dinal,  174. 

Messichi  (Armenian),  313  n.  3. 

Meudon,  Cardinal,  3  n.  2,  6,  17. 

Michael  Angelo,  56,  332-340, 
352,  37i,  382,  386,  394, 
397,  4io,  420,  421. 

Michele  da  Viterbo,  Fra  Antonio 
di,  368. 

Mignanelli,  Fabio  (Bishop  of 
Lucera),  Cardinal,  145,  146, 
165  n.  1,  173. 

Mocenigo,  Alvise  (Venetian  am- 
bassador in  Rome),  367, 
405- 

Mochi,  Prospero  (Architect), 
376. 

Modesto,  Francesco,  328. 

Modio,  G.  B.,  404  n.  3. 

Modrzewski  (secretary  to  the 
King  of  Poland),  235. 

Molina,  Alonso,  O.  S.  F.,  305. 

Monluc,  Jean  de,  97  n.  4. 

Montague,  Viscount,  284,  288. 

Montalcino,  G.  Buzio  da,  219 
n.  1,  451. 

Monte,  del  [Ciocchi  del  Monte 
Sansovino],  Family  of  the, 

45- 
Monte,  del,  Andrea,  216  n.  7. 
Monte,   del,   Antonio   (uncle  to 

Julius  III.,  Archbishop  of 

Siponto),  Cardinal,  42,  45, 

46,  338,  352,  379- 
Monte,  del,  Baldovino  (brother 

to  Julius  III.,  governor  of 

Spoleto),   46,   67,    73,    153, 

338,343n.  1,351,402,433. 
Monte,   del,   Costanzo    (brother 

to  Julius  III.),  46. 
Monte,  del,   Cristina   (daughter 

of  Baldovino),  68  n.  2. 
Monte,  del,  Cristoforo  (nephew 

to  Julius  III.),  Cardinal,  86 

173- 

Monte,  del,  Ersiha  [Cortese] 
(wife  of  Giov.  Battista), 
163  n.  3,  328. 

Monte,  del,  Fabiano  (natural 
son  of  Baldovino,  married 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


471 


to  Lucrezia  de'  Medici),  69, 
33i,  338n.  2,  343  n.  ii 

Monte,  del,  Fabiano  Ciocchi 
(advocate,  grandfather  to 
Julius  III.),  45,  352. 

Monte,  del,  Giovan  Battista 
(Regent  of  Fermo  and  Nepi, 
son  of  Baldovino),  68,  103 
n.    1,    130,    132,    138,    328, 

33i- 

Monte,   del,    Giovan   Maria 
Ciocchi,  see  Julius  III. 

Monte,  del,  Giulia  [Mancini], 
(wife  of  Baldovino),  68. 

Monte,  del,  Innocenzo  (adopted 
son  of  Baldovino),  Car- 
dinal, 70-75,  163,  327  n.  4. 

Monte,  del,  Orsola  (daughter  of 
Baldovino),  68  n.  2. 

Monte,  del,  Pietro  (governor  of 
the  Castle  of  St.  x\ngelo,  a 
kinsman  of  Julius  III.),  66. 

Monte,  del,  Yincenzo  (Consis- 
torial-advocate,  father  of 
Julius  III.),  46. 

Monte) upo,  Ralfaelo  (sculptor), 
352. 

Monterentio,   Annibale,   216  n. 

4,    436- 

Mont  fort,  Hugo  de  (Imperial 
envoy),    103. 

Montufar,  Alonso  de  (Arch- 
bishop of  Mexico),  299. 

More,  Antonio  (court-painter  to 
Charles  V.),  353. 

More,  Thomas,  Sir,  249,  251. 

Morone,  Giovanni  (Bishop  of 
Modena),  Cardinal,  6,  10, 
15,  16,  25,  31,  78,  88,  131, 
159,  160,  168,  210,  223, 
225,  226,  228,  229,  267- 
269,  274,  277,  278,  327, 
328,  398,  452. 

Motolinia,  set  Benavente. 

Moulin,  Charles  du,  140,  232. 

Miizio,  Girolamo,  326  n.  2. 

Muzzarelli,    Girolamo    (Arch- 
bishop of  Conza,  nuncio  to 
Charles  V.),  142  11.   r,  276, 
278,  280,  283,  449. 

NACHIANTI,  T.,  (author),  331, 
n.  3- 


Nadal,  Jeronimo,  S.  J.,  182, 
184,  186,  197-199,  201, 
222,  n.  3,  226. 

Nardini,    Stefano     (Cardinal), 
380. 

Nausea,  Frederick  (Bishop  of 
Vienna,  envoy  of  Ferdin- 
and I.),  104,  125  n.  2. 

Navagero,  Bernardo  (Venetian 
ambassador),  338  n.  2., 
357  n.  1. 

Navarre te,  Francisco  (Bishop  of 
Badajoz),  13  n.  1,  15  n.  1. 

Negri,  Paolo  Antonio,  212,  213, 

44 T>  443- 

Neri,  Philip,  St.,  57,  380,  418, 
426. 

Nicholas  V.,  Pope,  368,  396. 

Noailles,  Antoine  (French  am- 
bassador in  London),  258, 
261. 

Nobili,  I.odovica  de'  [del  Monte] 
(sister  to  Julius  III.,  wife  of 
Roberto  de'  Nobili),  46,  69. 

Nobili,  Roberto  de'  (brother-in- 
law  to  Julius  III.),  69. 

Nobili,  Roberto  de',  Cardinal, 
(nephew  to  Julius  III.)  69, 
175-177,  328. 

Nobili,   Vincenzo  de',   132. 

Nobrega,  Manoel  da  (Superior  of 
the  Jesuits  in  Brazil),  291- 
294,  296  n.  2. 

Norfolk,  Thomas  Howard,  Duke 
of,  261,  263. 

Normanni,  Family  of  the,  388. 

Northumberland,  see  Warwick. 

Noskowski,      Andreas      IV., 
(Bishop  of  Plozk),  236. 

Nunez,  Melchior,   S.   J.,   307. 

On  esc  a  1  cm,  Paolo,  221  n.  1. 
Olave,   S.   J.,   208. 
Oldecop,  John  (chronicler),  156. 
Olivo,      Pirro      (of      Mantua), 

50  n.  t,  52,  53  n.  2. 
Ormanetto,  Niccolo  (afterwards 

Bishop     of     Padua),     275, 

278,  279. 
Orsi,  Fausta,  213  n.   1. 
Orsini,  Family  of  the,  383. 
Orsini,     Camillo,     5,     53,     132, 

144  n.  4,  147. 


472 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


Oviedo,  Andreas,  S.  J.,  (co- 
adjutor bishop  of  Abys- 
sinia), 313. 


Pacheco,  Pedro  (Bishop  of 
Jaen),  Cardinal,  3,  5,  13, 
25,  32,  33,  4i,  42,  79,  146, 

164,    165,    221    EL.    4. 

Paget,  Lord,  261,  270,  283. 

Pagnani  (conclavist  to  Card. 
Madruzzo),   35. 

Palestrina>  Giov.  Pierluigi  da, 
332,   419. 

Palladius,  Blosius  [Biagio  Pal- 
lai],  Poet  (Bishop  of 
Foligno),   74. 

Pallantieri,  Alessandro,  63  n.  5. 

Pallavicini,  Sforza,  Marchese, 
50  n.  3. 

Pantagato,  Ottavio,  177  n.  1, 
328. 

Panvinio,  Onofrio  (church  his- 
torian), 48,  51. 

Papareschi,  Family  of  the,  388. 

Parpaglia,  Vincenzo  (Benedic- 
tine abbot  of  Maguzzano), 
248,   250,   251,   287. 

Pate,  Richard  (Bishop  of  Wor- 
cester), 284. 

Paul    IT.,    Pope,    369. 

Paul  III.,  Pope,  i,  4,  5,  7  n.  1, 
8,  9,  11,  13  n.  3,  41,  47, 
48,  52,  56,  60  n.  3,  66,  73, 
79,  83,  89,  170,  177,  181, 
186,  189,  196,215,221,233, 
3C5,  3i3,  •  314,  333-335, 
354,  356  n.  1,  357,  363-372, 
375-378,  381,  382,  386, 
387,  394-397,  399,  4^4, 
407,  409,  4J3,  4J5,  4J6, 
419,    425,   432-434,    453- 

Paul  IV.,  Pope,  see  Carafa, 
Gian  Pietro. 

Paul  V.,  Pope,  343  n.  1,  373, 
412. 

Pelargus,  Ambrosius,  O.  P.,  104. 

Pelletier,  S.  J.,  222. 

Pendleton,  271  n.  1. 

Penning,  Henry,  250,  253,  255, 
258,   275. 

Perac.  Etienne  du,  363  n.  2,  405. 

Percello,  Petroleone,  440. 


Pereira  (Portuguese  envoy  to 
China),  319. 

Peruzzi,     Baldassarre     (archi- 
tect), 382,  391,  420. 

Petroni,  Alessandro  (physician), 
404. 

Peter  of  Ghent,  299,  301. 

Peter,   Martvr,  see  Vermigli. 

Phillip  II.,  (King  of  Spain),  58, 
103  n.  1,  169,  179,  189, 
209,     259-268,     270,     277- 

289,  3°3,  353- 
Philips,       Walter       (Dean      of 

Rochester),  274. 
Piccolomini,  Costanza  (Duchess 

of  Amain),  401. 
Pichi,  Family  of  the,  381,  384. 
Pierleone,  Family  of  the,  391. 
Pighino,     Sebast.     (Archbishop 

of   Siponto),   Cardinal,   78, 

80,    81,    83-85,    89-92,    99, 

100,    113    n.    1,    117,    151, 

165,  171,  173,  217  n.  2. 
Pinardi  (engraver),  405  n.  2. 
Pinardo,  Ugo,  374. 
Pinturicchio,    Bernardino 

(painter),    421. 
Piombo,   Sebastiano   del 

(painter),    421. 
Pisani,  Francesco,  Cardinal,  6, 

7,    160. 
Pius  II.,   Pope,   367,  368,   370. 
Pius     IV.,     Pope,    see    Medici, 

G.  A.  de'. 
Pius  V.,  Pope,  see  Ghislieri. 
Pius  VI.,  Pope,  343  n.  1. 
Pius  IX.,  Pope,  343  n.   1. 
Planta,     Thomas     (Bishop     of 

Coire),   217. 
Platina,  Bartol  (humanist),  396. 
Poggiano,  Giulio,  177  n.  1,  328. 
Poggio,     Giovanni    Francesco 

(nuncio),  Cardinal,  173,  1S9 
Poitiers,    Guillaume    de    (agent 

of  Charles  V.),  107. 
Polanco,    Juan  de,    S.    J.,    176, 

182  n.  2,  186,  19T. 
Poland,  King  of,  see  Sigismund. 
Pole,  Margaret  (mother  of  Card. 

Pole),  244. 
Pole,     Reginald,     Cardinal,     6, 

7   n.    1,    10,    12-19,    21-28, 

3o-33,  4i,  48,  57,   7o,   78, 


INDEX   OF   NAMES. 


473 


88,  158-160,  199  n.  7,  210, 
217,  222,  248-261,  267-269, 
272-287,  327,  435. 

Pollajuolo,  Antonio  (sculptor), 
421. 

Pollajuolo,  Pietro  (sculptor), 
368,  421. 

Ponziani,  Family  of  the,  388. 

Porcari,  Family  of  the,  395. 

Porta,  Guglielmo  della,  394. 

Porto,  Antonio  do,  O.  S.  F.,  307. 

Poussin,  Nicholas  (artist),  412 
n.   1. 

Pozzo,  Jacopo  del,  see  Puteo. 

Prat,  Guillaume  du,  (Bishop  of 
Clermont),   203,    204,    208. 

Prato  Tedescho,  Giov.  di  (gold- 
smith), 354  n.  1. 

Primaticcio,  Francesco  (artist), 

352- 
Prospero,  M.  (painter),  48  n.  5. 
Pucci,  Antonio,  Cardinal,  364, 

375- 

Puteo,  Jacopo  [Pozzo],  Cardinal 
(Archbishop  of  Bari),  146, 
151,  165,  173, 217 n.  2. 

Puy,  de,  Cardinal,  217  n.  2,  229. 

Quinones,  Cardinal,  398,  425. 

Rabelais,    Francois,    417. 

Rainerius,  Ant.  Franc,  330. 

Rangoni,  Tommaso  (physician), 
142  n.  3. 

Raphael,  no,  364,  369,  371, 
376,   400,   420,   421. 

Raverta  [Rovere],  Ottaviano, 
221  n.  1. 

Rebiba,   Cardinal,   221   n.   4. 

Renard,  Simon  (Imperial  En- 
voy in  England),  33  n.  1, 
258.  260,  262,  265. 271  n.  1, 
282;    283. 

Renee  (Duchess  of  Ferrara, 
daughter  of  Louis  XII.  of 
France,  wife  of  the  Duke 
Ercole  II.  d'Este),  208,  218, 
222. 

Rcthius,  Johannes  (Burgo- 
master of  Colcgne),  200. 

Riario,  Abbate,  132  n.  3. 

Riario,  Cardinal,  381. 

Ribadeneira,  Pedro  de,  S.  J., 
182,  209. 


Ricchi,  Aug.  (physician),  142 
n.  3. 

Ricci  da  Montepulciario,  Gio- 
vanni (Archbishop  of  Si- 
ponto),  Cardinal,  88  n.  4, 

134,  137  "•  5,  173,  350,  353 

n.  1,  376,  433. 
Ridley,       Nicholas       (Anglican 

Bishop    of    London),    240, 

241,  247,  274. 
Ridolft,     Niccolo     (Bishop     of 

Vicenza,     Archbishop    of 

Florence),    Cardinal,    6,    7, 

10,  20,  21,  25,  30,  31,  33, 

37,  39- 
Rodriguez,  Gonzalo,  S.  J.,  313 

n.   2. 
Rodriguez,   Simon,   S.   J.    (Pro- 
vincial  in    Portugal),    191, 

192,  291   n.   2,  310. 
Romano,    Giulio    (painter    and 

architect),     375,     401. 
Romanus,  Baptista,  S.  J.,  198. 
Rosa  of  Siebenbiirgen,  380. 
Roselh,  Pietro  (architect),  376 

n.  4. 
Rosetto   (abbot,  papal  envoy), 

55,    L39. 
Rossi,  Lodovico  de',  43  n.  5. 
Rot,    M.    (traveller)    365    n.    1, 

374  n.  5. 
Rovere,  Family  of  the,   402. 
Rovere,   Domenico   della,   Car- 
dinal, 364,  376. 
Rovere,  Giulio  della,  Cardinal, 

3  n.  2,  6,  37. 
Rovere,       Guidobaldo       della, 

(Duke  of   CJrbino),  37,  58, 

150,  152,  417. 
Roy,  Thomas  le   [Regis1,   (pre- 

'  late),    381. 
Rubeis,  Giov.   Hieron.   (Bishop 

of      Pavia,      Governor     of 

Rome)  154  n.  2. 
Ruggieri,      Bonifazio      (Envoy 

from  Ferrara).  35  n.  1. 
Ruiz,  Ferrante,  425,  426  n.  1. 
Rustici,  Quinzio  de'  (nephew  of 

Card.  Andrea  della  Valle), 

400. 
Rusutti,      Filippo      (architect), 

412. 
Rutilonus,  Sebastianus,  54  n.  1. 


474 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


SA,     Men     de,      (Governor     of 

Brazil) j   296. 
Sabeo,  Fausto  (poet),  328. 
Sadoleto,  Paolo  (Bishop  of  Car- 

pentras),  74,  327. 
Sahagun,  Bernardino  de,  O.S.F., 

3°°, 3°5- 

Salamanca,  Antonio  (publisher), 

383. 

Salmeron,  Alfonso,  S.  J.,  108, 
200,   222. 

Salviati,  Giovanni  (nephew  to 
Leo  X.,  Bishop  of  Fermo), 
Cardinal,  3  n.  2,  4,  6,  7,  10, 
12,    16,   19-22,   25,   30,   31, 

33,  37>38,40,  42,  170,334, 

364  n.  3,  389. 
Sanchez,  Bautista,  S.  J.,  187. 
Sander,  Johann  (Procurator  of 

the  Anima),  377. 
Sangallo,  Antonio  da  (architect), 

334,  372  n.  3,  373,  386. 
Sangallo,  Francesco  da,  344  n.  1. 
San     Martino,     Thomas     de, 

(Bishop-Elect  of  La  Plata), 

290  n.   2. 
Sansovino,    Andrea    (sculptor), 

420,   421. 
Sansovino,  Jacopo  (painter  and 

architect),    45,    371,    375, 

401,  420,  421. 
Santa  Croce,  Family  of  the,  390. 
Santa  Croce,  Prospero  (nuncio), 

140,  143,  152,  210,  232. 
Santa   Fiora,   the   Cardinal   of, 

see  Sforza,  Guido  Ascanio. 
San  Vitale,  the  Cardinal  of,  see 

Monte,  Giovan  Maria  del, 

and  Julius  III. 
Saraceni,    Giammichele    (Arch- 
bishop   of    Matera),    Car- 
dinal, 173. 
Sardinha,     Pedro     Fernandez 

(Bishop  of  Bahia),  293. 
Sarpi,  72  n.    1. 
Sassi,  Family  of  the,  382,  423. 
Sauli,  Girolamo  (Archbishop  of 

Bari),    53. 
Savelli,  Family  of  the,  361,  362, 

391- 

Savelli,  Jacopo,  Cardinal,  6,  41, 

147  n.  4. 
Savoy,  Duke  of,  see  Emanuel. 


Sbarra,  Manno  (artist),  354. 

Schauenberg,  Adolf  von  (Arch- 
bishop-Elector of  Cologne), 
104,  no,  113  n.   1,   114. 

Schonberg,  Nicholas  von,  Car- 
dinal, 365. 

Scorel,  Jan  van,  (painter),  357. 

Seguier,   205. 

Seripando,  Girolamo  (General  of 
the  Augustinian  Hermits), 
Cardinal,   169  n.  7,  215. 

Sermoneta,  Cardinal,  6,  41,  151. 

Serra,  Albertus,  372  n.   3. 

Serristori,  Averardo  (agent  of 
Cosimo  de'  Medici),  4,  22, 
153,    160,    170,    171,    172, 

175- 

Serristori,  Bartol.  (Archbishop 
of  Trani),  142  n.  3,  449  n.  2. 

Sfondrato,  Francesco  (Bishop  of 
Sarno,    Archbishop   of 
Amain),  Cardinal,  6,  10,  12, 

17,  25,  31,  33,  57,  78,  158, 

210,    435,    457. 
Sforza,  Guido  Ascanio,  of  Santa 

Fiora   (Bishop  of   Parma), 

Cardinal,  6,  10,  22,  33,  37- 

40,  328,  375,  379,  420. 
Sigismund  Augustus  II.   (King 

of  Poland),  79,  233-236. 
Siliceo,    Juan     (Archbishop    of 

Toledo),  Cardinal,  187  n.  7, 

188,  189. 
Silvester  II.,  Pop^,  411. 
Silva,    Miguel    de     (Bishop    of 

Viseu),  Cardinal,  6,  18,  23, 

33,  4T- 

Simoncelli,  Girolamo,  Cardinal, 

175 
Sipierre,  Philippe  de  (agent  of 

Henry  II.),  94. 
Sirleto,     Guglielmo     (custodian 

of    the    Vatican    Librarv), 

328. 
Sisto  da  Siena  (Minorite),  220. 
Sixtus  IV.,  Pope,  t,  8,  369,  372, 

374,383,386,394,402,411, 

420,  424. 
Sixtus  V.,  Pope,  363  n.  2,  364, 

370,    401,    412. 
Sleidan,  Johann,  115. 
Soderini,  Family  of  the,  402. 
Soderini,   Cardinal,   364. 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


475 


Soil     (Protestant     theologian), 

125- 

Somerset,  Edward,  Duke  of 
(the  Protector  for  Edward 
VI.  of  England),  237,  238, 
239,  245. 

Soranzo  (Venetian  envoy),  246 
n.  1. 

Soranzo,  Vettore  (Bishop  of 
Bergamo),  217,  223. 

Spani,  Prospero  (sculptor),  345 
n.    1. 

Spatafore,  Hannibal  (Basilian) 
327   n.    6,    445. 

Stefaneschi,  Family  of  the,  388. 

Stephen     (Patriarch     of    Ar- 
menia), 313  n.  3. 

Stella,  Tommaso,  O.  P.,  4T6. 

Strada,  J.  (author),  331  n.  3. 

Straet,   Jan  van  der   (painter), 

353- 

Strassen,  Christoph  von  der 
(Envoy  of  Joachim  II.  of 
Brandenburg),  109,  no. 

Strozza,  Ludovico,  53  n.  4. 

Strozzi,  Piero  (Commander  in 
Siena),    151,    153. 

St  a  art,  Mary,  see  Mary  Stuart. 

Suffolk,  Charles  Brandon,  Duke 
of,  263,  265,  266. 

Tagliavia,  Pietro  (Archbishop 
of  Palermo),  Cardinal,  171, 

175. 
larano,    Paulus    de     (commis- 
sary), 156  n.  3. 
Teodori,    Giov.     (heretic),    451 

n.  2. 
Termes,     the     Lord      of,      see 

Labarthe. 
Teufel,       Johannes       [Angelo] 

(innkeeper),    384. 
Thirl  by   (Bishop  of   Ely),   240, 

284, 288. 
Thomas,  William,  266. 
Throckmorton,     Michael,     250 

n.  5. 
Titio,  C,  173  n.  5. 
Titian  (painter),  48  n.  5. 
Toledo,   Eleanora  de    (Duchess 

of   Tuscany),  196  n.  2,  208. 
Toledo,    Francisco    de    (Envoy 

from  Charles  V.),  100,  114. 


Toledo,  Garcia  de  (son  of  the 
Viceroy  of  Naples),  147. 

Toledo,  Juan  Alvarez  de,  Car- 
dinal, 5,  10,  12,  17-19,  25, 
27,  4i,  43,  80  n.  3,  88,  141 
n.  2,  147,  148,  151,  213, 
216,  217,  228,  229,  379. 

Toledo,  Pedro  de  (Viceroy  of 
Naples,  brother  to  the 
Cardinal),  10,  34,  55,  60 
n-  4,  77,  78,  M5-I47,  208. 

Tolomei,  Claudio  (Sienese  En- 
voy to  France),  247  n.  2. 

Torquemada,  Juan  de,  O.  S.  F. 
(historian),  306. 

Torquemada,  Juan  de,  Car- 
dinal, 415. 

Torre,  Michele  della  (nuncio), 
81,  85. 

Torres,  Cosmo  de  (companion  of 
St.  Francis  Xavier),  186, 
192,  316. 

Tournon,  F.  de.,  Cardinal,  6,  7, 
19,  25,  81,  86  n.  3,  88,  96, 
106,    i37-!39- 

Tremellius,  Eman.  (Professor  at. 
Heidelberg,  reformer),  242. 

Trivulzio,  Antonio  (nuncio), 
Cardinal,  81-83,  85,  102. 

Truchsess  von  Waldburg,  Otto 
(Bishop  of  Augsburg),  Car- 
dinal, 3  n.  2,  6,  23,  25,  33, 
41,  104  n.  2,  225,  227,  229, 
256. 

Tunstall.  C.  (Bishop  of  Dur- 
ham), 240,  246. 

Turci   (prelate),   381. 

Tuscany,  Duchess  of,  see  Toledo. 

UCHANSKI,  J.  (Bishop  of  Chelm) 

235  n.  2. 
Udine,   Giovanni   da    (painter), 

353<  376,  377- 
Uric,  Claude  d'  (French  envoy 

in    Rome),    8,    14,    16,    18, 

19,  33,  34,  58,  86. 
Utissenich,  George  (Croat  Paul- 

ist),  Cardinal,  172  n.  3. 

V  \<-  \.  Family  of  the,  37". 
Vaga,  l  *erino  del  (painter),  371, 
376. 


476 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


Valdcs,  Juan  (humanist,  secre- 
tary to  Charles  V.),  222. 

Valencia,  Martin  of,  see  Martin. 

Valentini,  D.  (phvsician),  142 
n.  3. 

Valignani,  Alexander,  S.  J., 
321. 

Valla,    Laur.    (humanist),    329. 

Valle,  Family  of  the,  365,  384, 

399,  423- 
Valle,   Andrea   della,   Cardinal, 

399,    4°°- 
Vannius  (Protestant  theologian) 

125- 

Vanuzzi,  Francesco  (almoner 
to  Julius  III.),  156  n.  3. 

Vargas,  F.  de  (Imperial  Secre- 
sary),  121  n.  1,  122. 

Vasari,  G.  (painter  and  histor- 
ian), 48  n.  5,  334,  336,  340, 

34i,  352,   353,   37°- 

Vega,  Jo.  de  (Viceroy  of  Sicily) 
87  n.  1. 

Velasco  (Viceroy  of  Mexico), 
302. 

Vendome,  Cardinal,  6,  19. 

Venice,  The  Doge  of,  72  n.  2, 
364  n.  4. 

Verallo,  Girolamo  (nuncio),  Car- 
dinal, 6,  10,  21,  88  n.  2, 
135,  136,  146,  165,  217. 

Vergerio,  Pietro  Paolo  (Bishop 
of  Capo  d'Istria,  nuncio, 
apostate),  87  n.  3,  102,  219. 

Vermigli,  Peter  Martyr,  239, 
242,  243. 

Vettori,     Pier     [P.     Victorius], 
(Florentine     Envoy),     58 
n.  4. 

Vignola  (architect),  335  n.  1, 
335  n.  1,  34°-342,  348,  35*, 
352. 

Villegaignon,  Durand  de  (apos- 
tate), 296  n.  2. 


Vimercato,  Francesco.  257,  270. 
Vimercato,  G.  A.,  150  n.  1. 
Viola,    S.    J..    (Superior   of  the 

Jesuits  in  Paris),  204. 
Vitale,  Gian.  (poet),  332  n.  4. 
Vitelli,  Alessandro  (Commander 

of  the  Papal  Troops),  132. 
Vitellis,  Paolo  de,  94  n.  1. 
Volterra,  Daniele  da  (painter), 

353,   387- 

Voysey,     John     (Bishop     of 
Exeter),  247. 

Warwick,  John,  Earl  of  (Duke 
of  Northumberland,  Pro- 
tector of  England),  237, 
240,  244-246,  287. 


Welser    (banker),    371. 

Widmannstadt  (Imperial  Chan- 
cellor), 199. 

Wurtemburg,    Duke    of,    see 
Christopher. 

Wyatt,  Thomas,  Sir,  263-266, 
277,  287.      , 

Yoschischige,  Otomo  (Daimio 
of  Bungo,  Japan),  318. 

Yoschitava,  Ouchi  (Daimio  of 
Namaguchi,  Japan),  317. 

Zebrzydowski,      Andreas 

(Bishop  of  Cracow),  236. 
Zorzi,   Girolamo,   385. 
Zuccaro,    Fed.     (painter),    385 

n.  2. 
Zuccaro,  Taddeo  (painter),  173 

n.  3,34!,  342,  345,  352,353- 
Zumarraga,    Juan    (Bishop    of 

Mexico),   297-300,   303. 
Zwichem,    Wyt    van    [Viglius], 

(Bishop  of  Ghent),  209. 
Zwingli,  Ulrich,  239. 


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